:: Urban Question in Namibia :: NUST Library Special Collections

Edited by lngolf Diener and Olivier Graefe ...

Edited by lngolf Diener and Olivier Graefe

I051,;t;

Edited by IngolfDiener and Olivier Graefe

Contemporary
Namibia

THEFffiSTLANDMARKSOFA
POST-APARTHEID SOCIETY

Gamsberg Macmillan Publishers I IFRA

C Compilacions: lngolf Dtener & Olivier Graefe, 200 I
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Contents

List of maps, tables and charts ... .. .. .. .................... .... .. .. ... .. ...... ..... .. .. ... 3
List of acronyms and abbreviations.. ..................... .. .. .. ........... ...... .. .... 4
Acknowledgements ............................................... .. .. ............. .. .... ... ... ... 7
Foreword . .......... ........................................................ ............................ 9
Maps 1-5 ................................................................................. .... .... 10-14
Chronological o\\·en·iew ......................................... ............................. IS

I Introduction .... ....................................................... ..................... 19
In golf Diener and Olivier Graefe

2 Environment: hat'lih constraints, political flexibility ....... ......... JS
Mary Seely

3 The State, accumulation and regulation: for a political
economy ofNamibia .... .. ...... .............................. ......................... S3
Alain Dubresson and Olivier Graefe

-' To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal
order .................................... .. .................................................. 75
Manfred 0 Hin2

S Public administration : constraints and challenges .................. 93
Henning Melber

6 Education in Namibia ..... ........ ................................................ . Ill
Hans-Volker Gretschel

7 The UniveJ'liity of Namibia ..... ... .................................... .......... 129
Brian Harlech-Jones

8 Political culture and ch il soc iety: on the state of the
amibian state...... . ................................................... . . 147

Reinhan KoBler and llennmg Melber

2 3

9 The detainee issue: an unresolved test case for SW APO,
the churches and civil society ................................................ 161
Christo Lombard

10 The changing status of women in Namibia and its
impact on violence against women ................ . .... 185 List of maps, tables and charts
Debie LeBeau

11 Culture: which culture? .......................................................... 207
Werner Hi IIebrecht

.\\lAP 1: NAMI!liA WITHIN SOUTHERN AFRICA ................................... 10

.\\lAP 2: NAMIBIA SUPERIMPOSED ON EUROPE ........................................ II

.\\lAP 3: THE REGIONS OF NAMIBIA ON THE EVE OF INDEPENDENCE ... 12

.\\lAP 4: THE REGIONS OF INDEPENDENT NAMIBIA WITH THE

12 On culture in independent Namibia ..................................... 223
Andre du Pisani

OLD ETHNIC HOMELANDS SUPERIMPOSED ............................... 13
.\\lAP 5: NAMIBIA'S POPULATION DENSITY IN 1991 ................................. 14
:\\lAP 6: THE ADMINISTRATIVE REGIONS FOR EDUCATION IN

NAMIBIA.. . ........................................................... 112
.I!AP 7: THE ETHNIC RESIDENTIAL DIVISIONS OF KATUTURA

13 Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity without
constraint of the majority ....................................................... 231
Ingolf Diener

IN 1960 .. . .............................. 234
.\\lAP 8. THE PARTITIONING OF RACIAL POPULATION GROUPS

IN WINDHOEK IN 1990 ...................................................................... 290
14 The land question in Namibia ................................................. 259

Wolfgang Werner
.\\lAP 9: TilE PARTIT!ON!NG OF WINDHOEK'S POPULATION IN 1985 ... 296

15 Decentralisation put to the test: the case of Oshakati-
e
0
c
1
onomic capital o~former Ovamboland ............................... 273
tvter Graefe and Elisabeth Peyroux

.\\lAP 10 TilE PARTITIONING OF WINDHOEK'S POPULATION IN 1995 ... 297

JABLE /" EVOLUTION OF GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AND GROSS

16 Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the

JIEraldubatlhchpange of a post-apartheid town ............................... 287
tsa e eyroux

NATIONAL INCOME. 1990-1996 ........................................................ 55
TABLE 2 FINAL USES OF GOODS AND SERVICES (GDP AT MARKET

PRICES). .. . .. .. . ... .. .. . . . . ... .. . . .. . .............. 56
/ABU. 3: GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT BY INDUSTRY (BASIC PRICE) .... 59
/ABLE 4: REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE VALUE ADDED IN 1993 (%.

17 ~~~:~;:~~on and civil society in Namibia ....................... . 307
EXCLUDING WALVIS BAY).. . ................ 67

TABLE 5 LOCATION OF FINAL DEMAND AND VALUE ADDED
( 1993. MILLION N$). . .. . ................................................... 70

18 HowtobeaN 'b"
ofth . amt Jan and a democrat: on the question

e proJect of nationhood after a arth "d
lngolf Diener P et ························· 327

/ABLE 6 PUBLIC SECTOR DEVELOPMENT. 1991 TO 1996: STAFFING
ACCORDING TO MINISTRIES (FUNDED POSTS) ........................... 97

f./BLE 7 PUBLIC SECTOR 1996/97: SUMMARY OF STAFFING
ACCORDING TO VOTES ......................................................... 101

f.iBLE 8· NUMBER OF STUDENTS ENROLLED AT UNAM IN 1989 ........... 131
TABLE 9 PERCENTAGES AND AREAS OF NAMIBIA AND COMMERCIAL

FARMLANDS WITHIN V ARlO US RAINFALL BELTS .................... 269 19 Conclusion
Olivier Gra~f~········· ····················· · ··· ······· ········ ··· ······· .................. 355

Bibliography .....

:=::~~ :·"·""""·""""""""""m
CHARTS J-11 THE STATE: ACCUMULATION AND REGULAT!ON ....... 57-58

Introduction
lngolf Diener and Olivier Graefe

METHODOLOGICAL OVERVIEW

If you want to know what a town looks like, you have to go around it and
see it from all sides. As you move along, and fly over it by plane or satellite,
its aspects change continuously. But of course, circling around above- and
where possible below- will not suffice: you will also have to criss-cross
around inside, taking a look from vantage points as well as from dead ends.
Each aspect is as true as any of the others, but none in itself could be said to
depict what the town truly looks like.

So what is it to 'know' a town- always the same town- beyond the
gamut of its individual aspects which one cannot embrace all at once? One
might say that in the end, one knows one's way around through its multi-
faceted sameness and the inhabitants' daily lives.

Any inhabitant of a town will profess to 'know' their town better than
any newcomer or foreign traveller knows it. But this superior knowledge
is also a handicap: the inhabitant's personal insight is limited to the pers-
pective offered by his or her daily walk. which allows for little time and
opportunity to go out of one's usual path. The foreign visitor, however, has
the leisure and curiosity to walk around. without in any way being prescribed
to by daily routine, and can ask for information from various people. These
people might take the visitor along their personal routes. After a while the
visitor will have seen many more aspects than each of his or her various
guides has seen. Sooner or later the visitor returns home, relates all the
different aspects to others and writes a book about the town. When the book
lands up in the hands of the townsfolk themselves at some later stage, they
are able to see how others see them. They may recognise themselves to a
greater or lesser extent in the portrayal.

The 'town' we investigated, i.e. the object of the present publication,
is Namibia as a polis.' Since virtually all books on Namibia were written

1 Greek for 'city'.

20 Contemporary Namibia

b f< . Y orelgn researchers and reporters. we wanted to reverse the usual relation
betw~en the mformers and the informed. Our role was therefore not just the
class1c one of asking c1'rcu t b f . . . · mspec mem ers o the Nam1b1an pol1t' to take
u~ alo~g on the ~espective paths they know best: we also wanted to. provoke
t em mto mappmg it all out in the form of a public presentation which we
would combme w1th our 0 1 · d · .
F h

. wn ana ys1s an ms1ght, and deliver to a !(,reign
rene -speakmg pub!' w·1r . · . IC. I mg as they were, our gu1des through Namibian

soc1etv nevertheles · · t d h d d . 5 1_nsls e t at first and foremost, their efforts must be
regar e as an mput mto our own discussion

It so happened that a E r h 1 . . . . envisaged~
1

n . ng IS - anguage ed1t1on. wl11eh we initially
written in ;r ~ur~ y pragmatic reasons since most contributions wotlld be
editionsensu:~.~~n a~y;ay, turned out to be an imperative. Thus tandem
dynamics f . e In rench (pubhshed first) and this one in English. The

o our unusual approach h d . we gladly as d· . pus e us mto a catalysing role which
sume encouragmg N ·b· · ami mns to debate among themselves.

ISSUES ADDRESSED IN THIS BOOK

The struggle against apartheid which . .
ensued from a social order th ' gamed Immense worldwide support
Aparthe'd d' at was classifi d · ' . 1 1S8ppeared from Namibi . e as a cnme against humanity.
This prompted the question as t ~ m 1990 and from South Africa in 1994
or towards what orientation theo ~ ;re the a~tonomy obtained would lead:
yTeh~.ofNamibian independence ~~-apart_held era was poised. After eight

1s ISsue was d · " was t1me to st · k .
f h

. nected first and f< n e an mterim balance.
o w om thmk th th . oremost toN 'b·
we Want to mak at elr ~untry has reached a :ml lans themselves, many
It might enable~ ac~s~1ble to everyone, is a r:~rshed. Th1~ book, which
distance Perh ~nublans to step back and t k pt to self-mtcrrogation.
neighbo~ring aps It will also enable other Ati~o at their daily life from a

or nearby c . ncans e ·
drawn-out decot . . ountnes who contrib ' spec1ally those from

. omsallon of N · . Uted toward t · ·
republic's first steps F'

1
am1b1a, to take 1 s ermmatmg the

general public inte~;: ~y, researchers, develo arne ose look _at the young
democracy which in m Africa will learn pbo ent professionals and the

N .b. many respect · a ut the un rt . . am1 Ia joined th s IS unique ce a miles of a
20 March 199 e rest of free (' . · 0. She must fi I.e. politically · d
authoritarian regimes the 'dace the heritage of cl m ependent) Africa on
apartheid, was based~ thai eo logy of which ti ose to a century of very
separate..__ t of rae· t· ' rom Germ , """'lotxnent. was adv Ia mequatity. " A _an colonialism to
.or the deve~ OCated by 'ts Parthe1d' the d .
(Meill ofeachoflhe 1 PfOponents th, octrmeof

assoux 1988: 8). communities "M-rd~ e only guarantee
-...u lngt . a 0 lis OWn means

Introduction 21

The roots of this ideology are to be found in the European 19th Century
(Darwinism, allegedly scientific theories on race and all the other justifica-
tions that accompanied European colonial expansion over the world, and
more particularly in Africa), and also, going right back to the 17th Century,
in the gradual formation of a specific identity among the Europeans who
settled in South Africa's Cape Colony. Their identity was deeply marked by
Calvinist ethics witt. Calvinism's doctrine of predestination, which gave
birth to the idea that they were a chosen people who became marked by a

constant comp:ex of being beleaguered.
The end of just over a century of colonialism coincided with the end

of apartheid. The founding act of the democratic Namibian State was the free
and fair election for a Constituent Assembly held in November 1989, by
universal suffrage, with a voter participation of 95% and in accordance
with the conditions of the United Nations (UN) Security Council's revised
Resolution 435. The implementation of Resolution 435 was the outcome of
a painful decolonisation process that was constantly drawn out against the
background of a 22-year armed struggle for national liberation, which had
become entangled in a sub-continental war in which South Africa, Angola,
and Cuba had come to direct blows and the USA and USSR, with their
respective networks of regional allies, had become indirectly involved.

Namibia's colonial history began with the Berlin Conference of 1884/
85. Germany cleared huge parts of the fanner Territory of South West Africa
from its inhabitants, crushed the uprising of the Herero and Nama people
by a war of deliberate annihilation, and institutionalised a migrant labour
system against the setting of spatial and social segregation. In 1915 a South
African military force invaded a ready-made settler colony: 60% of its sur-
face area had been earmarked for capitalist agriculture; a booming mining
sector (including copper and diamonds) existed; and a population which,
though sparse- even today there are only about 1,5 million inhabitants

2
-

had been placed in 'reserves' or so-called 'homelands' to have them serve

as a migrant part-time labour force.
In !920, after having entered South West Africa as an occupation

force, South Africa was vested with tutelary power by a League of Nations
mandate. Here was one of those territories 'inhabited by peoples not yet able
to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modem world,
[in which] there should be applied the principle that the well-being and
development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation'.' Inspired
by General Smuts, Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa at the time,
this C-type mandate enabled Pretoria to administer the territory as an integral
part of the Union of South Africa. There were nonetheless several attempts

2 On a territory the size of France and Great Britain together.
3 Covenant of the League of Nations. Article 22.

22 Contemporary .\\"anubw

at annexation South A fi · 1. -sub;e t d . I ncaa so relined the legal arsenal kti h' tile tiemnns
J c e nort 1ern Namtbta be t -r · · - . · ' · and pe' t d I . ,J rans onnmg chJcftamcics into docile tools

r.ec e t le mtgrant labo . . . of the c ., )' ur S) stem "illch '""adapted to the needs
apt a 1st sector.

Having rid itself of international .· .· . the Leag fN · supef\\JSJon 0\\\\111~ to the decline of
ue 0 at1ons, South Africa fi . ·d '

system which the UN b . re usc to adhere to the trusteeship
su stttuted for the ~ 1 year the Nat· 1 p onner mane ate svstcm. In I 948 the

ton a arty won the e lee( · . . · . ·
ceased to submit report

1 1
Jon °11 Its apartheid platform. Pretoria

lapsed with the dissoluts o lflel UN and pretended that the mandate had
. Jon o t Je League ofN ( .
mdeed. By engagiJlg 11 UN . a Jons .. A cunnllli! strataQem le 111 endless 'bbl · ' ' the mandate Pretoria w

1 1
. quJ mg O\\cr the exact nature of

' as a e1sure to ext d 1 · . the system had already b en apart 1e1d to 1ts colom. where
. . een prefigured 10 · . 1 · . mtssJonary Heinrich V dd . quJte a arge extent. As former

th e er pomted out w'tJ 1· · . e Senate of the Unim fS
1

. . 1 1 sat IS act Jon m his speech to
I

10 out Afnca m 1956 ·s
on Y country in the world where a a . '. outh West Africa is the
fifty years.'' Caught u · p rtheJd has ex1sted and asserted itself for

d P
111 a proc~dural maze r, re uced to the ritual of re . . . or over 20 years. the UN was

Apartheid i .. grettmg and enJOII1Jng.
1 1 . n Nam1b1a was a copy oft! S . 0 ocal Circumstances Th . . le outh Afncan scheme adapted
land' d · e terntonal partiti b . an the 'non-white h 1 °11 etween the 'wh1te home-res . orne ands' (o 'B ' pecttvely, compared with 87'/ r antustans ) was 6 I% and 39%
The sam h . . /O and 13% · . _
23

, . e c aractensttcs could be, d . respectively 111 South A !rica.
native re , . "oun m Namibia· ( ) · .

d
. serves mto 10 'ho 1 d , · a consolidation ofthe eportatJon f h me an s . {b) th . .

'whit h o t e population livin '. e nJc cleansmg- with the
e omeland'· (c) th . g outside the 'reserves' r 1. tative and 1 ' e Imposition 0 . - "Or a uture ater leg· 1 · n certam " B 1 . -with lim·11 d IS alive councils and ti an ustans of consul-e powers f If. ' mally of 1 · 1 · chiefs in th , ~ se ·government' (d)th eg1s at1ve assemblies

e a.oresa1d . ' e prepond · .. ancestral land 1 counctls and assembl' erance ot tradJtJonal enure as th tes and th · of a 'white hom I e source of such ch· ~ ; e ma mtcnancc of
So

e and' that 1e,s pow . .
uth Africa as 'fifth ~ould some day h er, and (e) the v1sion

435, Which had :et
1
u :rovmce' ·Owing to U~ 0S~: to be incorporated into

parallelism came 1 p pre~tsely scheduled sc unty Council Resolution with R 0 an end m 1978 enano of d 1 · esolution 435 for fe ·Sure enough p . eco Oilisation. this
West Africa People's Or ar .tha~ a free election~ retona refused to comply
~hat had launched its an:::;;'sahon (S.W APO), th~uld be won by the South
bBa;:tustantsation' contin :truggle m 1966 But nattonal hberation front

N
'am" .bo~ four fictitiously ~ned unabated in So~th A' ::hereas the process of

' ta down epende t "flea- w'th discr' . an altemative n states _ Pret . 1 the forceps
"minatory daily life and route towards a n ona preferred to lead
" On one territorially und~~;:P:rtheid order: a less

2& Ma~ 19S6 !Scheer I""- e state. For I 0 years
"'!: IS3).

-·~,~--~~----

Introduction 23

there were ethnic elections and interim governments. A multiracial summit
functioning by consensus- and thus subject to the veto of the white group
-oversaw 10 ethnic 'homeland' governments which handled the day-to-
day management of inequalities in the key areas of education, health and
social funds. Pretoria also brought into being 'modern elites' by means of
encouraging social advancement on merit rather than ethnic origin. These
efforts were directed at engineering an anti-SWAPO social base capable of
assuming independence outside the framework of Resolution 435. and
perhaps even of winning an election. However, there remained too many
ambiguities for such efforts to be convincing. Supplementing its political
strategy with attempts at quashing SWAPO by military means, South Africa
carried the war into southern Angola. She destabilised all the neighbouring
countries suspected of helping the ANC, by way of aiding and abetting or
even launching armed rebel movements. Galloping militarisation inside
Namibia alienated the very colonised who were to be won over. The I 980s
marked a decade of torment, rife with intimidation, exaction and torture,
perpetrated in particular by Koevoet,5 a unit of terror specialists that was
integrated into the South West African Police in 1985.

The western powers set out the scope ofNamibia's Constitution-to-be
in the UN document S/15287 of 1217/82. It stated that the Constitution had
to be adopted by a two-thirds majority of a Constituent Assembly, and that
it was to lay down the separation of powers, contain a bill of fundamental
rights, rule out expropriation without compensation and provide for a
(racially and ethnically) balanced public service structure. Proportional
representation was retained as the election mode, and the UN guaranteed
the impartiality of the election. On 0-day, SW APO, which was recognised
as the 'authentic representative of the Namibian people' in I 973, and as
'sole and authentic representative' in 1976, would become just one of several
parties. French Foreign Minister Claude Cheysson declared on 12 October
1982 that 'everything is ready for independence, and I can only blame those
who use this pretext', namely the presence of Cuban troops in Angola, to
postpone its implementation.

Indeed, the new argument put forth by Pretoria in order to gain time,
which had been suggested by US President Reagan as early as 198 I, linked
the agreement to go ahead with Resolution 435 to the withdrawal of the
Cuban troops from Angola. Pretoria simply had to invade southern Angola
to make sure that the Cubans would stay. Having scored important points
at the regional level in the form of the Nkomati and Lusaka Accords of
1964- Mozambique and Angola undertook to conduct anti-ANC and anti-
SWAPO policing in exchange for South Africa's promise (which was never
kept) to quit her policy of destabilisation - Pretoria raised the stakes by

~ Literally ·crowbar'.

24 Contemporary Namibia

claiming a preponderant role for UNIT A leader Jonas Savimbi in the Luanda
Government.

In fact, the deal regarding Resolution 435 (as revised) was struck only
in 1988 as part of a package including Cuban and South African withdrawal
from Angola. Pretoria was staggering at that time under the combined effect
of township revolts, economic sanctions- applied against apartheid, not for
illegally co Ionising Namibia- and a costly war being fought far away with-
out good prospects. After the severe military failure at Cuito Cuanavale in
Angola due to Cuban forces which had nearly doubled in size and which
had moved rapidly to the Namibian border, Pretoria was eager to recover
its stake. Meanwhile Washington, Pretoria's faithful ally during the period
of 'constructive engagement' in the 1980s, urged South Africa to accept
the proposals because it wanted to come to terms with the USSR under
Gorbachev, and especially to halt the military zero-sum game being played
on a global scale, at an astronomical cost. War-worn Angola had a glimpse
of peace, while Cuba, weary of the burdensome Angolan expedition, sought
an honourable way out. The result was the Geneva Protocol of 8 August
1988, followed by the protocols of Brazzaville (13 December 1988) and
New York (22 December 1988), and finally the Angola-Cuba and South
Africa-Angola-Cuba Treaties which had been negotiated under the auspices
of the USA and USSR. The green light for the revised 435 scenario was set
for I April 1989.

Resolution 435 was indeed a compromise, even in its original form.
The authority implementing the transition to independence was no longer
the UN, as had been stipulated by Security Council Resolution 385. Rather,
the process was implemented 'under the supervision of the UN' and the
South African Administrator-General, with his bureaucratic m~chinery,
found himself re-legitimated, if only because he was seeing to the abolition
of~is own post." The future of Walvis Bay, Namibia's only deep-sea port
whtch was annexed by Pretoria in 1977, remained unsettled until 1994.

The first Namibian electorate gave an absolute majority (57,4%) to
SWAP? and ~ent the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA)- a grouping
of ethmc parttes sponsored by Pretoria and its networks- into opposition
~8,6%). <?~t of some 50 political parties in a population of 1,5 million, I 0

et the mtmmal representativeness criterion and stood for election. Seven
oft.he~ secured at least one seat. The main issue at stake was the two-thirds
;aJonr_y nec:ssary for adopting the Constitution. SW APO although the big
av~unte, fatled to achieve this. Since the m~or democ;atic principles-

Parttcularly the separation f .
privat . 0 powers, Party pluralism and the guarantee of
bee ~ ~:perty agat~st expropriation without compensation - had already

n 81 down durmg the diplomatic dealings of the early 1980s, the
6

cr. l'riiZ (1991: 181 ff) and Cliffe et al. ( 1994).

Introduction 25

Constituent Assembly, obliged to honour the trans-party consensus, brought
forth unanimously and on schedule a Namibian Constitution that was praised
as a model (Ansprenger 1991 ).

The apartheid heritage is a heavy burden. There is a good roads and
communications infrastructure, but it is lopsided, covering only the former
'police zone' (reserved for whites), with some military extensions, as it had
been conceived for a coloniai economy highly dependent on South Africa.
Behind the apparent duality of a well-performing 'modern' sector and a
'traditional subsistence' sector lies the articulation between the capitalist
mode of production coverhg the former 'police zone' and the lineage mode
of production confined to the former 'homelands': the latter mode continues
feeding the former with a migrant labour force that is cheap since the cost of
its reproduction is borne by the 'homeland' societies (Diener 1986: 121 fl).

Namibia's natural resources, notably diamonds and other minerals,
fish products and agriculture, put the country on an economic footing that
compares favourably with other African countries. With a per capita GDP
ofUS$1 610 (N$4 592) for 1992,7 Namibia is in the leading group of sub-
Saharan African countries, just behind Gabon, Botswana, Mauritius and
South Africa (World Bank 1994: 176). But these statistics mask enormous
internal disparities: whereas the whites, who represent barely 5% of the
entire population, had their grip on 70% of the GDP, while 55% of the
population shared only 3% of it (CSO 1995: 5), and these proportions have
hardly changed since, despite some blacks having moved to the top of the
ladder. The whites in the capitalist sector enjoy an average annual income
of US$16 500 (N$4 7 058), whereas the blacks in the same sector have to
make do with US$750 (N$2 139), and those in the so-called 'subsistence'
sector- the majority ofNamibians- earn just US$85 (N$242) per annum
(World Bank 1995: 2) and are thus as poor as the average Mozambican or
Ethiopian. Nearly a third of Namibia's population lives below the absolute
poverty line- set at N$1 060 for Ombalantu in the north. N$1 238 for
Gibeon in the south and N$1 204 for Katutura, the black township of the
country's capital, Windhoek (ibid.: 162).

Transforming such a situation is by no means easy. The stigmas of a
century of segregation are present not only in the spatial and social organi-
sation, but also in the intimacy of people's hearts and minds. Yet, doing away
with them sooner rather than later is precisely what 'post-apartheid' means.
How is that to be accomplished? The democratic state which was imposed
from outside during lengthy negotiations between the protagonists (Weiland
1996) provides society with a useful mould which is all the more promising
because the former colonial power, South Africa, decided to become demo-
cratic on its own. Namibia can count on strong trump cards which make her

7 1n 19921hc: exchange rate was USSI=NS2 8S2 (World Bank 199S. Table 19).

26 Contemporary .\\amif.ld

the envy of other African countries. hut she is ne\\ertheless encumbered with
a double-edged past. as masterti1ll) c.xpounded b) Lcys and Saul ( 1995).

MODEL DEMOCRACY OR TENDENCY TOWARDS A ONE-PARTY
REGIME?

The Namibian democracy functions to the satisfaction of all observers who
do not hesitate to take it as a model t'l'r the rest of Africa. The Government
was formed on the basis of clear election results accepted hy all. the opposi-
tion makes its voice heard. the press docs not take orders from the Govern-
ment but continues to take up many critical issues (t'l'r example the ques-
tionable purchase procedures of Mercedes-Benz cars for some diplomatic
missions, the purchase of the presidential jet, the cowboy-like behaviour of
the presidential motorcade and cases of corruption). Parliamentary debates
are lively yet respectful of the debater's person. An Ombudsperson helps
citizens to defend themselves against the arrogance of civil servants. An in-
dependent Auditor-General scrutinises the management practices of minis-
tries and other administrative bodies, and regularly publishes a report. In
short, the game of 'checks and balances' works. The tensions and contradic-
tions in Namibian society are laid open. The 'homelands' were removed by
a new territorial division into 13 multi-ethnic regions, and new municipal
structures with elected councillors were created. The regional and local
elections ofNovember 1992 confirmed the tendency towards trans-ethnic
constituencies of the two major parties. As for SWAPO. it was able to im-
prove its relatively fragile position in the centre of the southern regions of the
country while maintaining its overwhelming majority among the mainly
Owambo electorate in the north. The position of the DTA. however. is not as
cl~ar-cu.t: it remains very weak in the Ow ambo regions of the north and is
Still hes1tant to take the plunge of presenting itself as one multi-ethnic party.
Other reforms were promised, particularly land reform, which is a nightmare
for around 4 000 capitalist farmers (by now including a few hundred black
far~ers), most of whom breed stock, but still a dream of the poor who
~~~ t~at independe~ce would solve their land problems. Circumspectly,

0 mdeed mtensJVely consulted all interested parties ( 1991) but in-
stead of initiati · · · '

ng any lllCISIVe structural change, it preferred to temper the
pressure from the peopl b · · d

d . .b . e Y consentmg to lightly controlled but minimal ian re 1stn ullon As th ·
general el f · . e party 111 power, SW APO carried the presidential and
l·n the .dec

10
nhs 111 December 1994 while boosting its score of votes again

1111 -sout · Pres'd t N ·
favour and· p · r 1 en UJoma was re-elected with a 75% vote in his
gives~ 3 m~~ ~aadeqment SWAPO.achieved.a three-quarters majority, which

uate margm to modify the Constitution as it pleases.

lntrodudion 27

In the name of ·national reconciliatiOil.- a policy promoted to the
rank of state doctrine- the first Government was enlarged to include non-
S W APO ministers. with whites hand I ing the key portfolios of finance and
agriculture. It settled down to leading the way out of apartheid with prudent
pragmatism. Indeed necessary following a I 00 years of settler colonmhsm.
· natwnal reconc i I iation · is a form of h istonc comprom1se wh 1ch makes
SWAPO walk a tightrope. In order too persuade the whites. whose know-
how in keeping the wheels of the economy turning is indispensable (a fact
in line with apartheid education). SWAPO ·played the game· by mamtam-
ing their economic privileges and pretensions and leaving untouched the
socio-economic hierarchy which had been created under apartheid. while
simultaneously co-opting many more non-whites to the upper rungs. espe-
ciallv those of the Government. The thus recomposed elite. happy in the
coc~on of its comfort. speaks of economic realism and tends to advocate a
new type of redistribution from the fruits of development to come rather than
from the current product. that is. from the opening of new mining sites and
from the anticipated sub-continental economic boom once Angola finds
peace and commences with reconstruction. In contradistinction from South
Africa. ·national reconciliation' in Namibia is an alloy of a dual unspoken
truth rather than being the upshot of creative catharsis: the whites never
took the first step of asking for forgiveness for apartheid, nor did SW APO
for the killings and torture inflicted by its security people in exile. In fact,
in 1990 former SWAPO security boss ·Jesus· Hawala was promoted to
head the armv.

The population appreciates the hard-won freedoms: One can circulate
without being assaulted by police and demonstrate one s frustration With-
out fear of imprisonment. Yet frustration runs high because the 'exploited
and oppressed masses·- for whom SWAPO had spoken until the eve of
the 1989 electoral campaign inver: socialist language- wonder when the
economic fruits of independence will be delivered. Turned down in the
formal sector of the economy (private and public enterprises and pubhc
administration) where there are no vacancies (and unemployment stands at
around 40%), finding it increasingly difficult to survive off the land in the
so-called ·communal areas· (formerly ·Bantustans'), crammed into rapidly
growing squatter camps around urban centres and particularly around the
capital. Windhoek. these ·masses· are feehng that nat10nal reconcllmtwn
is a device designed to deceive them. and th1s 1s apparent not only among
the poor. Having to adhere firmly to the principle of the rule of Ia": means
that all statutory law laid down before independence must remam m force
unless expressly modified in pursuance of regular procedures. This implies.
among other things, that all administrative staffing has been mamtamed to
the detriment of many SW APO activists and combatants. and others who
need employment and whose hope of upward mobility has been thwarted.

28 Contemporary .?\\,'amibia

This is a first indicator of the tensions that the ne" ·model' democracy has
to cope with.

Furthermore, there are signs of rising discontent among SWAPO's
social base. For instance, the Namibian National Students' Organisation
(NANSO), an unshakeable supporter up to independence. disaffiliated itself
from the party in 1991, while the National Union of Namibian Workers
(NUNW) wonders whether it should follow suit. When the Government,
eager to bait foreign investors into the new Walvis Bay 'free trade zone',
wanted to excise from the labour code the workers' right to strike in that
zone, the Council of Churches in Namibia (CCN). another indefectible
supporter ofSW APO, protested publicly against the party for the first time.

There is ample material for an opposition to thrive on. And yet the
principal opposition party, the DTA, is unable to exploit this potential. The
DTA has always been a defender of the existing hierarchy (for example it
fought in Parliament for maintaining the white town clerks as heads of
municipal administrations irrespective of the election results). Insofar as the
SWAPO Government came closer to its positions, the DTA could no longer
offer an alternative policy and continues to suffer from the stigma of its
former collaboration with the colonial regime, not to mention that a number
of former SWAPO opponents, such as the white mayors of Keetmanshoop
and Tsumeb, opted to rally behind the party once it assumed power. These
~re so~e ~fthe factors which help explain why the DTA is flagging. When
It w~ ~nvtted to participate in an August 1993 broadcast of 'Talk of the
Natton -a Tuesday night national TV programme with a panel of guest
speakers, a very active floor and live caller participation- on the topic of
the state of the opposition, the DTA did not even show up. No opposition to
the left of S~ APO is taking shape at the time of writing. Is this weakness
of the ~pposttton not also due to the policy of the foreign powers which had
recogmsed SW APO as the ' 1 d h · 'b' ' so e an aut enttc' representative ofNamt ta s
people, thereby condem · h . . · h nmg any ot er emergmg political force? Thts IS
pe;. apsl ~: the party in power, which still benefits from its image as
~a 10~b~ 1 d rator, conti~ues to gain at the polls. There is a danger that the

amt tan emocracy w1J1 bed · d f
Position link d t h . rame

0 substance due to the Jack of an op·
e o t e soctal forces h · · · d Th . w ose asp1rat10ns are runn mg agroun .

many fa~: aaredmbdeded many difficulties ahead for reformers who face the
n ur ens of a system h' h h · · · · d social mould on li . w tc ad tmposed tts tdeologtcal an

past where reprod ou.r ge~erattons ofNamibians. It is hard to escape from a
were about. The ~eccmgtth: same was aiJ that political and social programmes

en tstory of' dec 1 " · h subtly an intended ch o omsat10n' has taught us just ow
ange can take place · · · h t Jean-Fran~is Bayan 1J , " m contmutty and bring about w a

High hopes are c~ ~conservatiVe modernization' (Bayart 1989: !57).
which an African re~e:al ~~~South Africa and. Namibia, seen as sites fro01

come about. Wtll they avoid 'maldevelop· l
)

Introduction 29

ment' 0 That was the question posed by African intellectuals at a symposium
at the University of Paris VIII. Namibia's decolonisation, which is 30 years
late compared with that of nearly all other African countries, presents an
opportunity for the country. It can avoid following in the footsteps of many
others which, having attained their independence, saw a relatively short
period of democracy before foundering in authoritarianism, oligarchy or
even dictatorship, to the point of state implosion. Will the new democracy,
which has a performing economy at its base, be able to avoid the pitfalls
which snared so many other African countries" If like causes produce like
results. what about the bundle of causes strung together by four decades of
apartheid, with a century of settler colonialism before that? While European
democracies originated out of extreme socio-economic disparities, imposing
democratic institutions was not sufficient to establish democracy in many
independent African countries. Democracy cannot be reduced to institutions
and procedures alone; the sole guarantees for a durable democratic life are
spaces for learning autonomy and civic courage.

How can one gently transform a logic of discrimination and exclusion
into a logic of integration and building citizenship" Having proceeded by
pitting cultures against one another, the apartheid legacy is a huge obstacle
in developing a multicultural nation. Tackling this obstacle will at the same
time be the cause and effect of laying democratic foundations. The latter
will in turn depend on the coming into existence of actors representing
social interests, so that the pursuit of particular interests and the affirmation
of the common good can enter and remain in a state of balance (Touraine
1994: 94). The decisive question for the future good functioning of the
Namibian democracy is that of its social foundations and the manner in
which social interests are structured and represented. Although it is not too
difficult to identifY social interests in the post-apartheid era, identifYing the
structures and connections which link them to the State is a different matter.
Has free and democratic Namibia, as the model student of democratisation
in Africa, kept to her course?

STRUCTURE OF THIS BOOK

Several fields of observation which may provide some answers are presented
here, and they help to complete existing analyses in the field of political
science (Cliffe et al. 1994; the chapters by Leys, Tapscott and Dobell in
Leys & Saul 1995; Simon 1996; Weiland 1996). Since it was impossible
to cover all the topics which could have been as revealing on post-apartheid
development, we chose the sectors which have given rise to much debate
and controversy because they embody sensitive social issues.

30 Contemporary .\\'amibiu

Putting into synoptic perspective the discourse and proclaimed inten-
tions of the Government on the one hand. and actual findings on the other,
will allow the gaps between them to be measured. A critical analysis taking
heed of nuances will seek to account for these gaps and trace their intended
as well as unexpected consequences. That is why we insisted on Namibians
contributing wherever possible. Of the numerous difficulties encountered
in p~eparing our book, finding black Namibian authors capable of writing
a cnttcal presentation starting from their field of involvement was not the
least. There are not many to start with. and most of them are very occupied
by the obligations of their training or profession, almost always in the public
seJVtce. Thts poses the delicate choice of being either a judge or an involved
party. I~ the end: our repeated prompting came to naught. The effects of
aparthetd educatton are thus reflected by the list of contributors. Out ofl6
authors, six Namibians participated along with four non-Namibians (German
and US nationals) with permanent residence in Namibia. Five Europeans
and a South African complete the collective work.

. The chapters, often descriptive, share the detailed knowledge of critical
mmd~ who did _not hesitate to express their views publicly and in writing.
Even tf some wtll regret that a particular idea or criticism was not developed
further, '!'e should not forget that it is difficult to be object and subject at
once. It IS up to the reader to judge whether the contributors are sufficiently
dtstant from their object and whether they avoided being too uncritical.
. The chapters follow in a logical succession but each chapter stands on
tts own The first tw h · '
f

. · o c apters outlme the ecological and legal frameworks
o soctal evolution Th 1 · 1 b · b . · e eco ogtca ases upon whtch both rural and ur an
soct_ety depend are extremely fragile. Mary Seely shows that awareness of
envtronmental canst · t · · d
t rams ts growmg and that government policy ten s awards a more holi f 1 · .
and d . . . s IC approac 1, desptte the persistence of old percepttons

and O
a ~~~ntstrattve inertia. As for Namibia's economy Alain Dubresson

IVIer Graefe hi hi" h h "' ' mak . g tg t t e euorts undertaken since independence to
e tt evolve from a col · 1 . . liberal d" . oma type, Wtth stnct state control towards a more

tspensatJon espe · 11 b ' .
and ope · ? cta Y Y means of promoting regional integration

nmg up to mter f 1 ·11
successfully d ~a 10n_a markets. Whether or not the reforms WI
between the ;e uce the mhented inequalities is not clear. The disparities
themselves a~: t;;d bottom of the urban hierarchy do indeed reproduce
to justice, 1~ politic:~ap ~~y even widen. Manfred Hinz discusses access
law reforms realised ~artt~tpatton and to welfare, and evaluates the range of
fi smce mdepende Th 1 . . . . · rameworks impo

1
nee. e egtslattve and admmtstrattve

d·m se a s ow rhyth f< 1 · 1 lcult to apply on an ~ or aw reform, which is in any event ;
. Regarding adminis~q~~l basts th~oughout the country. :~
m the IIJlJlroach adopted bra :n, Henmng Melber highlights the ambiguity ;

y e Government, which perceived growth of the '

Introduction 31

public service as the only means of changing its structure while maintaining
the former personnel. This growth has certainly benefited the Ministries of
Education and Culture, Health and Social Services, and Agriculture, Water
and Rural Development, whose key roles in addressing the inherited in-
equalities cannot be overemphasised. It is not clear. however, whether the
inflation of the state machinery will be quite as beneficial for the poorest
people, especially if one takes into account that inside the state machinery
there is a tendency to assimilate public service and self-service.

The strategic education sector has seen far-reaching changes. Volker
Gretschel reviews the efforts undertaken to put the ambitions of the Con-
stitution into practice, namely free and compulsory primary education for
all, and points out the obstacles to success. Will these efforts produce the
expected results, and are they sufficient to overcome the inequalities from
which primarily the populations in the former 'homelands' suffer?

The University ofNamibia (UNAM), discussed by Brian Harlech-
Jones, strikingly demonstrates the difficulties in bringing about a mutation
of institutions inherited from the colonial regime. His institutional analysis
retraces the bumpy road followed to create, from this neo-apartheid-type
instrument, a significant tool of the new paradigm of national unification.
He also reveals the tendencies toward governmental authoritarianism and
rejection of any debate and criticism. Finally he brings to I ight the impor-
tance of the press as an essential mechanism for monitoring power. Reinhard
Kossler and Henning Melber also present the press as a true pillar of
Namibian democracy in their chapter on the state of political culture and
civil society. They unveil a somewhat worrying reality- in particular the
Government's repeated anempts to smother cases of corruption which are
multiplying behind the apparently smooth functioning of the democratic
state institutions. The case of former detainees held by SWAPO in its exile
camps is still another revelation of the state of democracy in Namibia, as
presented by Christo Lombard. The manner in which the repressed past is
addressed will be a test of the direction of future public life, which is now
at the crossroads of increasing authoritarianism and the consolidation of
democratic structures. The former SWAPO detainees broke down the 'wall
of silence' which had surrounded them, by constituting themselves into a
structured social movement from which platform they press for a 'truth and
reconciliation' process. The debates around this idea are about to recast the
political landscape as a whole. The churches, as both actors and institutions
at stake in this struggle, are trying to redefine their role as the voice of the
voiceless. How should they respond, against the traditional backdrop of
their unshakeable alliance with SWAPO, to the evangelical demand for
truth vis-a-vis the arrogance of secular power and to the task of conciliation?
How will SWAPO stand this trial, which calls into question its conception

32 Contemporary Samibia

of national reconciliation? The destruction of the traditional family under
ap.artheid has profoundly altered the status of women. Placed under a bride·
pnce system, and having to cope with mounting responsibilities due to the
absence of men (migrant labour. imprisonment. exile and war) within the
framework of rampant misery and the erstwhile ferocious repression in the
north, women find themselves in an ambiguous role which is difficult to
perform practically as well as psychologically. Courted by SWAPO, which
tramed combatants among them and promised them full citizenship in an
mdepend t N ·b· . en ami Ia, women do not want to return to their previous status
as mmors. The precedents of other ex-colonies in Africa (notably Algeria)
arouse sceptiCism, but the outstandingly democratic Namibian Constitution
rOVIdes women With a favourable framework. and breakthroughs in neW
egislatiOn have produced unexpected results, as Debie LeBeau reveals.
However will this be as ffi · d.· . . . ' . u ICient con Ilion for their emanc1pat1on?

Culture IS the topic of two complementary approaches. In the first part
of these, Werner Hillebrecht surveys culture's various facets continuities
and discontinuities alike Wh 1 h · . . ' . · a are t e mgred1ents ofth1s evolving culture?

b
Are the Pieces of the mosaic being recomposed? Then, the complex interplay
etween Euro- and Afro N ·b· 1

d . . - ami Ian e ements prompt~ the question of the ecolomsation of the m · d h · h . .
d m , w IC Andre du P1sani discusses in the second an more theoretical part 11· ti · N . . 'ca mg or a culture of critical debate still absent 111 am1bm As to th th

I If D
. · . e ra er vague cultural determinant of 'ethnic' groups,

ngo 1ener pomts o t th t h · · · . of II . u a t IS IS a coloma! creation and it froze a process
co ect1ve (self-)idenffi 1· · . . . ' col · 1 "

1 Ica IOns wh1ch distmguished themselves in pre·
oma times by a remark bl 1 · " . . fluid b a e P astiCity m time and space alike. Formerly

' ut arrested and sh d b 1 " " colonised II . . ~p.e Y co on1sat10n, and reappropriated by the
' co ec!Ive Identities t d · · I and partisan 1 1

. . 0 ay are Instrumental in mobilising partia
. oya ties m the sera bl t .
Jealously controlled b th m e o access scant resources wh1ch are

Land ti Y e Central Government- to prevent ethmc1sm.
re orm, the topic t t d b about the 1·1m rea e Y Wolfgang Werner reveals much orous econom · r f '

market econom IC po Icy o the Government, which defends the
Y out of concern ab 1 b.l. small farmers ofth ti ou sta ' Ity. Weak representation of the

~ e ormer 'hom 1 d , h · "armers and the G e an s , t e mfluence of commercial sector
f . ovemment's r ·1 d 1 . 0 mequalities in .

1
Iml e eeway all account for the continuation

1 0 agncu tural prod f Th · 8 shakati where d . uc IOn. e land question is also an Issue
" ecentrah f h and Elisabeth p . sa Ion, t e topic presented by Olivier Graefe

1 r eyroux, 1s at · . a lon, the sharing of an Impasse. Rather unclear in the new legis·
is in Practice far from :~er between the central, regional and local levels
kati for example, it resu:~gd c~nceded by the Central Government. In Osha·
peoH pie looked for other me 111 a lack of faith in the Local Government as

ence th Loca eans to put th · e I Governm
1

fi elr case to the Central Government.
en mds ·r If· 1 se m an uncomfortable situation:

Introduction 33

rejected by the population and abandoned by the Central Government. it is
doomed to inefficiency. which in turn fuels an attitude of non-cooperation.
Furthermore, neither the municipal nor the regional levels are taken advan-
tage of to inculcate the values of citizenship in residents' daily activities. In
Katutura. the black township of Windhoek. which is crammed to capacity,
certain residents are moving out. or finding themselves forced to move out.
in order to build their own (makeshift) houses elsewhere. Urban growth,
analysed by Elisabeth Peyroux who examines the so-called 'informal'
settlements at the northern and north-westem fringes of Katutura, is not yet
really out of the rut of pre-independence logic. Will the post-apartheid
changes make it possible to satisfY the needs of the poorest sections of urban
society" Chris Tapscott analyses social and political processes. and how the
socio-economic pyramid created in the apartheid era has changed. In this
regard his pape1 synthesises numerous aspects brought out in the preceding
chapters. It also points to factors \\\\hie h. by their combined effect. push
independent Namibia to the precipice that African countries have already
fallen from. In the final chapter Ingolf Diener develops some complementary
aspects and brings to the surface latent questions about the project of the
post-apartheid nation. Olivier Graefe concludes the book with a short
summary.

The established order of the colonial period is well known to all the
authors and is put forth clearly, even if certain points call for more in-depth
research. since the manipulations during that period have so blurred goals,
effects and causes. The period since independence, however, seems to be
more difficult to understand. The outlines of the future social and political
power relations emerge only as dotted lines. This pertains to the ·ongoing
liberation process·. as Christo Lombard tenns it in his presentation. The need
to compromise. felt in all areas. masks often antagonistic social aspirations
and covers up ongoing arbitrations. This is where we see the interest of our
book. which presents reasoned insights into the still-malleable complexity
of Namibia and tries to bring some rigour and clarity to the blur of the
ongoing transition period in which actors and institutions are still trying to
establish themselves.

Environment: harsh constraints,
political flexibility

Mary Seely

BEFORE INDEPENDENCE

A major characteristic ofNamibia in the decades prior to its independence
in 1990 was the implementation of a development trajectory which ignored
most of the environmental realities. Namibia is the driest country south of
the Sahel. Historically, settlements were established where there was water
available. The majority ofNamibia's sedentary population lived along the
perennial rivers in the north-east, or in the areas with higher rainfall where
dry land crop farming is possible in at least some years and groundwater or
seasonal surface flow could be tapped. In the remainder ofNamibia, small
settlements developed where groundwater was easily accessible, usually
from riverine aquifers or natural springs, and people and their livestock
moved to areas where rainfall provided grazing and surface water.

During the colonial period the technical ability to obtain groundwater
from deeper sources and to dam the ephemeral rivers was put to use (Stem
& Lau 1990). Towns such as Windhoek were encouraged to grow, first by
developing the local groundwater supply and then, when this proved insuf-
ficient, by way of dams and pipes from distant ephemeral rivers. The State
subsidised the supply of water to urban consumers and to rural consumers

in the communal areas.
Ephemeral river catchments represent a good example of the lack of

a holistic approach to environmental issues in the past, which still prevails.
To supply water as demanded by the growing population of Windhoek, two
large dams were constructed in the Swakop River, namely the Von Bach
Dam near Okahandja and the Swakoppoort Dam further downstream. As
a result, agriculture practised in the river bed at Otjimbingwe downstream
was no longer possible (Lau & Reiner 1993), and many of the ana trees'

1 Faidherbia albida.

36 Contemporary Namibia

whic~ had previously h~lped to support the wildlife populations of the
Namtb-Naukluft Park Wtth thetr nutritious pods died. Most of the western
ephemeral nvers have their headwaters in privately owned farmlands flow
through communal farm· d · . ' Sk

1
mg areas an end m conservation areas such as the

N
e keltoftn Cpoast Park along the country's northern coast and the Namib·

au u ark along the central N ·b 0 d
1

amt esert coast. The planning and

t
etvel opmhent of these rivers has taken place without consideration of the

o a catc ment and how upst ffi
1

h ream users a eel those further downstream.

OfN
ntb.e pas_t, development of the communal areas where the maiority

amt mns live e · 11 · " mu
1

f specm Y tgnored environmental constraints. The com·
na areas o the north and north f N · .

Kavango and C . . -east 0 amtbta (former Owamboland,
dense These ar apr~vt) ar~ areas where populations are naturally relatively
rivers .provide ;ast a:e 1 el best rainfall in the country and several perennial

a er "Or a arge proportio f th 1 south and western
1

n ° e peop e. However, in the
land) the aridity ocfothmmun~ areas (such as former Namaland and Damara-
. ' e envtronment hind d d 1 lifestyle. ere eve opment of a sedentary

Under colonial rule and · r.
natural population distributio:'" orced by th_e Odendaal Plan of 1964, this
were expected to lives d t ptttern was dtsrupted. In the south, people
where previously they: :~h'"!' r'ves confined within circumscribed areas
distances. In all the c n etlr tvestock had followed the rains over great

ommuna areas ofN ·b· h . was forced to make a 1. . ti . amt ta, t e growing populatiOn
I. · tvmg rom a stattc 0 d ,. · · · a tmtted area To su r ec mmg resource base wtthm

and piped w~ter supppopli:speople and their livestock, boreholes, ground dams
1., 1 were established Th · 11es!Y e for people and livestock . . · . ts encouraged a sedentary
grazm~, woody vegetation and o;h Wllhm whtch the limited and variable
result m many areas has b

1
er resources were not in balance. The

bas d. een a oss of prod t' . f
e an tmpoverishment of th uc tv tty o the natural resource

Prior to independenc ~ people dependent thereon.
me t d e envtronmentall · 1 · · n e , and that which w . egts alton m Namibia was frag-
Wat A as m place was ,

er ct, Soil Conservation Act n~t en,orced. Laws such as the
Nature Conservation Ordt' ' Mountam Catchment Areas Act and
for ap r · nance were en 1 d

. ~ tcat10n in South Afric a ac e as from the 1950s, primarily
wt_th ~title alteration. In genera~ nd~~ey were made applicable to Namibia
pnonty to environmental prot t~' ta's legal system has never given high

lmmediat I . ec ton.
the r e y pnor to independence ·

P ocess of environmental · ' Interest began to be generated in
generally considered . tmpact assessment (EIA) H 't as
the de 1 m most sectors t b · owever, 1 w Profe v~ opment Deeded. Also short! o e a_ luxury and an impediment to
Evalu~1.00a~ Association of Nam~=fore tndependence, the Engineering
Namib~o;h. nit of the University ofCaarranged with the Environmental

tch was open to interested pe !?wn to hold a short course in
P3rttctpants. Before independence, j

Environment: harsh constraints, political flexibility 37

one large-scale EIA was carried out in-house by the Department of Water
Atfairs on their aquifer enhanced-recharge project known as the Omdel
Dam, located near Henties Bay in the lower Omaruru River.

Prior to independence. networks of game parks and reserves were the
mainstay of the Department of Nature Conservation and Tourism. Nearly
all of this department's resources and manpower were directed towards
developing, protecting, controlling and studying these parks and reserves,
and even tourism was considered by many staff members as a necessary
evil. People living around the parks and reserves, or from whom these lands
were taken, were not considered in the development of them or in terms of
the benefits to be directly derived. Within the park system itself, Namibia's
only national park, the Etosha National Park, was considered to be the most
important since it harboured the large and dangerous animals that attract
tourists and were most interesting to study.

Legislation enacted in the late 1960s enabled farmers on commercial
farms to harvest game and use it for trophy hunting as well as photographic
and other non-consumptive purposes. This development led to a network of
hunting and game-farming ventures on commercial farms that supports the
tourism industry today. Commercial farmers could also group together to
create conservancies which enabled them to take shared advantage of
species that ranged over wide areas, such as kudu. A result of this enabling
legislation was an increase in the numbers of non-threatening game species
on commercial farms, so that today the majority of all game in Namibia is
located there.

In the communal farming areas people were expected to live with all
types of wildlife while deriving no direct benefits. in many communal areas
the consumable game species have been eliminated, and along with them
the dangerous species. In other areas (formerly Western Damaraland and
the Kaokoveld) less well populated, hunting concessions were established
to encourage foreign hunters seeking trophy animals. The intended focus
throughout was on conserving the wildlife in its natural habitat.

DEVELOPMENTS SINCE INDEPENDENCE

Much of the overall environmental planning and development continued on
the same trajectory, although some new initiatives were pursued. For
example, no plans were developed, nor are they being considered today, to
match the availability of natural resources, particularly water and man-
power, with centres of growth. Still today there is little awareness of the
limitations placed on human development by the environment, and the
expectation remains that technology will overcome these limitations. On

40 Contemporary Namibia

number of ephemeral rivers that flow in years of good rain originate in the
central h1ghlal\\ds ofNamibia. Most of these rivers !low v.estwards into the
Atlantic Ocean, and those centrally located (for example the Kuiseb Swakop
and Omaruru Rivers) have been developed to support urban development
The ephe I F' h R' · · mera IS 1ver flowmg southward is captured in the Hardap
Dam: ~hiCh supphes water for irrigation and for the town of Mariental
Namibia IS apparently among the few countries in the world which bas~
extensive urban development o th .
G d

. n e water supply from ephemeral rivers
roun water IS present b t . h . .

Otherwl·s .t . 1
u 111 s ort supply, particularly in the arid west or

e1 1ssaty asinth c 1 · · '
comprising the Om~sati Os~ uveal Basm of former Owamboland (now
of the Oshikoto Region). ana and Ohangwena Regions, as well as a part

Perceptions of aridity and drought

Although Namibia is naturall arid . .
perception that bett · y ' people hvmg here tend to have the

er ram can be expected As
drought comes as a surp . ~ h. h · a consequence, each year of
h nse "or w 1c appropriat 1 . . ave not been done d e P annmg and preparation

' an government 'dr ght I' f ·
expected to solve the probl fi ou re 1e. to the rural people is
derives from fhe folio . ef:m or another year. Th1s perception probably

wmg actors· Befor · d d
books in use in Namibia h d th . · . . e 111 epen ence all school text-
E a e1r ongms in oth · . urope as did them . er countnes often even m

' agazmes and other writt . '
were exposed. Many N .b. en matenals to which people
tud . am1 1ans spent (and still d) fh . s Ymg in countries w'th h' h . spen e1r formative years

I . . .
1 1g er ramfall 0 th h popu at10n 1s mcreasing and 't. . · n e ot er hand, the rural

wifh their livestock or fi d I IS more difficult for people to move around
I m unused reservo · f rura areas. Drought wh. h . . . Irs o natural resources in the

variation in rainfall ~ 1bc' IS a r.eadlly Identified problem related to natural
' om mes wnh mcreas d 1 · resources for every person d d e popu at10n to provide fewer

their livelihood. Early in 19;~;~ en~ ~n natural resources and the land for
Development armounced fhat d e Mlmster of Agriculture, Water and Rural
alternative measures tak t brought subsidies would be reconsidered and

. en o elp peopl 1 agamst low productivity associated . he P an and safeguard themselves
Wit low ramfall years.

Population growth and
poverty

The population of Namibl·a . .
annu h' IS growmg at ·
20 m, w lch will result in a do bl' an estimated rate of 3 2% per

Years. As aridity limits the avu 'lmbgl of fhe population in little m~re fhan
groWfh m fh a1 a e natu 1 eans at twice as many pe

1
. ra resources, this population

0P e will hav t h e o s are fhe same or a

Environment: harsh constraints, political flexibility 41

declining amount of natural resources in the near future. As more people
expect and attempt to make a living from the limited and variable resource
base in Namibia. overuse and degradation of these resources is inevitable.
The lack of alternative livelihoods for rural Namibians exacerbates this
situation.

Constitutional rights to live anywhere in Namibia

A basic tenet of Namibia's Constitution is that of guaranteeing people the
right to live anywhere in the country except in the Sperrgebiet and nature
reserves. With the weakening of the traditional authorities in many regions of
the country and the lack of regional structures to replace such authorities,
people see it as their right to move with their livestock to better grazing or
to take the opportunity to fence off some of the limited available grazing
for their own exclusive use. Although the option to settle anywhere has not
been widely taken up, it is seen, together with the rapid and illegal fencing
off of large parts of communal grazing, as a reason for rural people who
depend on communally accessible natural resources not to use them on a
more sustainable basis and neither to invest in long-term development or
conservation of natural resources such as water and grazing. This is a good
example of a policy with laudable objectives having an unforeseen effect
on Namibia's arid environment.

Donor involvement and interest in the environment

Namibia's independence coincided with increasing interest in environ-
mental issues on a global scale. This has meant that most donor-funded
projects relate at least peripherally to sustainable use of the environment,
and many focus on the environment in their project design. In assessing
donor projects, Namibia's National Planning Commission (NPC) includes
a question forcing consideration of potential environmental impacts that
may result. A number of donor-funded projects focus specifically on the
environment, for example the Sustainable Animal and Range Development
Project of the Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Rural Development, and
a review of environmental legislation and the funding of environmental
profiles within the Ministry of Environment and Tourism (MET).

42 Contemporary Namibia

Limited manpower

A drawback in the development of the environmental sector is the distinct
lack of trained human resources. Few Namibians studied tor environmental
degrees before independence and only a few are currently doing so at post-
~raduate level. G~ography an~ Biology are increasingly popular subjects
m the Arts and Sc.tence Faculties respectively at the University of Namibia
(~~M) ". an~ It ts. expected that the current situation will improve. One
pos~ttve stgn m thts regard is the growth of the UNAM Environmental
S~tety as students come to recognise that 'environment' refers not only to
btrds and other wildlife, but also incorporates people and their sustainable
development.

MAJOR NEW DIRECTIONS

Environmental profiles

On the one hand, the plants d . 1 . . prior to independe Th. a~ amma s ofNamtbta were fairly well known
distribution ofspe ~ce. d tsh now ledge focused on the identification and

ctes an t e behaviour d 1
organisms- valuable know led . . an :co ogy of selecte~ groups of
other hand this know! d ge 111 ttselfand 111 support oftounsm. On the
ml\\ior misslng part was ~h g: was 0 .nly a part of the overall picture, and a
environmentallandsca e mtegratton of people and their activities into the

pe.
One of the first integrated overvie f . . .

the book titled Oshanas· S
1

. . ws 0 people m thetr envtronment was
. C · us ammgpeop/e env· d m entra/ Owambo N, 'b. (M · Ironment and evelopment
Dese ' ami Ia arsh & See I 1992) 2

rt Research Foundation ofN 'b· Y , produced by the
from the environmental asse amt ~a (DRFN), an NGO. The book flowed
Oshakati Canal, which supplissment o the planned upgrade of the Ogongo-
Oshakati-Ongwediva-Onda es water tram the Kunene River to the populous
Ohangwena and Oshikoto ~gw~ nexus and much of the Oshana,
paraiJ 1 · eg10ns. The canal d h h · · e to I! cross over and part' II bl an t e tghway runnmg
shallow, ephemeral water c ta Y ~ck the flow of water in numerous
Ang I h' ourses whtch hav th . 0 an tghlands and term· . e eu headwaters in the

Around the same f mate 111 the Etosha Pan.
I t' tme as that book was bl'
ns ttute for Socio-Econom· R pu tshed, the former Namibian o· · · tc esearch (NISER
tvtston of the Multi-Disciplina R ; now the Social Sciences

---;-:-=-:~----:__ry~ esearch Centre at UNAM) brought out
2

An b 'd a " ged version by Pallett w t
as ranslated into Oshiwambo in 1994.

Environment: harsh constraints, political Oexibility 43

several books examining how rural Namibians living in communal areas
make a living from the environment and cope with its variable productivity
(Naeraa et al. 1993; Fuller & Turner 1995). More recently, profiles of the
western catchments (Jacobson et al. 1995) and the Sperrgebiet of south-
western Namibia (Pallett 1995) have been published. These publications
have been consulted extensively by developers and donors in shaping their
respective programmes, and they have been incorporated into curricula by
UNAM lecturers and school-level educators.

The DEA is currently working on an environmental profile of the
Caprivi area, which is meant to be an interactive database in support of all
development and conservation in the associated regions. This is envisaged
to be the first in a series of profiles which will encompass all of Namibia
in due course.

Economics of the environment

Globally people are recognising the importance of valuing the environment
in economic and financial terms. It is usually when people can judge the
importance of sustainable development through its effect on their financial
position that they give serious attention to the appropriate use of natural
resources. In 1994 an assessment was made of the impact of desertification
in Namibia (Quan et al. 1994), which showed that the equivalent of about
N$1 00 million is lost annually to communal farmers in northern Namibia
from land degradation, and a similar amount to commercial farmers from
bush encroachment. The DEA is fostering this attempt to value the environ-
ment by hiring advisors and Namibian graduates to do further analyses of
this type (see, for example, Barnes & De Jager 1995).

Water is the single most important factor with the potential to limit
development in Namibia, yet Namibians in all walks of life waste water all
the time. This is thought to relate at least partly to the fact that water has
always been regarded as a free commodity which originates in rainfall and
that it is available to all as a natural right. The Department of Water Affairs
(part of which is now NamWater, the state-owned but commercially run bulk
water-supply entity) and the Municipality of Windhoek are addressing this
problem in the capital city by instituting a policy of demand management.
Previously the Department of Water Affairs sought to supply as much water
as needed by the various sectors in Namibia at a lower cost than the cost of
provision. Today, by way of an awareness-raising process coupled with
tariff increases, the Department of Water Affairs, NamWater and the Wind-
hoek Municipality are attempting to reduce water use and also to bring the
price of water to the consumer in line with the cost of its provision.

44 Contemporary Namibia

Similarly, in the rural communal areas water has been supplied free
of charge. This has included the provision of hand. wind or diesel pumps,
and in most instances the diesel to run the pumps. All repair services have
been provided free of charge. Today the Directorate of Rural Water Supply
is developing a procedure for instituting cost recovery over a number of
years. This is coupled with the transfer of responsibility for water supply
to the rural consumers themselves. Cross-subsidisation 1 will take place on
a regional basis, with people themselves deciding the level of service they
want .and can afford. It is expected that this approach will contribute to more
sustamable use of this limited resource.

~ther renewable natural resources have yet to be fully valued on a
financml and economic basis.lnfonnation on wildlife and tourism is bringing
awareness of their contribution to the fore. A similar approach should be
adopted for all natural resources to ensure their sustainable usc.

Environmental assessments

During the post-independen · d h .
. ce peno t e DEA comptled an Environmental

Assessment Pohcy (MET 1995) h · h
Althou h not le all . . ~ tc . has been approved by the Cabinet.
,. ~ ~ Y bmdmg, th1s pohcy serves as a guideline. The word
1m pact was dehberately om 'tt d fi . .

me tal I e rom Its t1tle to help ensure that environ-n assessments are perceived .
rather than as a h as a tool to gu1de sustainable development

means to t wart the d 1 . . . Almost all the · eve opment needed 111 Nam1b1a.
envtronmental as · . . .

independence have be d . sessments m Nam1b1a conducted smce
today, is mainly backe~~ ~~or-dn~en .. This development, which continues
being assessed Early as y e pohtl.cs 111 the country of origin of the project

· sessments smce · d d . .
the Roads Master Plan and the

0
111 epen. ence addressed, mter aha,

the Trans-Kalahari and Trans C gon~o-.Oshakatl Canal m fonner Owambo,
Master Plan. These ass - apnv1 Htghways and the Central Area Water

. essments have fa · . . . .
questiOn addressed in the r-rangmg 1mphcat10ns. The mam
Owarn assessment of the t · . . bo was how to contrib t d w~ major projects 111 former
not making a serious ne t' u e. to evelopment m this neglected area while
b h ga 1ve 1m pact on th 1 . Y t e ephemeral wetlands t e eco og1cal services provided

. ys ems of the h w· .
was straightforward th fli . as anas. h1le the highway plan

. " e e 1cacy ofusm ·
1
"

water m the relevant re · . . g a Pipe me or a canal to provide
. g1ons IS shll b · d'

construction of the Ogongo-Oshak . emg 1scussed several years after
Highway is non-controversial . ~11 C~nal commenced. The Trans-Kalahari
runs through a proclaimed m amlbia, but the Trans-Caprivi Highway
the d fu . game reserve 1 n . .

onors ndmgthelatterhighwa hav. recog~1hon ofthis situation,
y e also prov1ded funds for planning

J Pro . .
&ressove lariffication wh · h

" oc amounts to lar e
g consumers subsidising small ones.

Environment: harsh constraints, political flexibility 45

development in the several game parks in the area, and the MET will shift
the boundaries of several reserves to accommodate ongoing developments.
The Central Area Water Master Plan addressed provision of water to central
Namibia, including the coast. Most environmentally controversial is the plan
to take water rrom the Okavango River to supply Windhoek. This assessment
has been extended to investigate the implications of sea-water desalination
to supply the major growth points ofSwakopmund and Walvis Bay.

Only the large multinational mining companies have initiated indepen-
dent environmental assessments, a development stimulated by awareness
and regulation within the international mining community. Although several
private environmental consulting companies have sprung up in Namibia to
provide the necessary expertise, the services of foreign-based companies
are still needed to fulfil demand.

Currently the most prominent environmental assessment being carried
out in Namibia parallels the feasibility study of the Epupa Hydropower
Scheme on the Kunene River. Swedish consultants lead the team, which
has a number ofNamibian participants and is guided by a Joint Technical
Committee with members rrom Namibia and Angola. A representative of the
International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources
(IUCN) is overseeing the entire process. But there is a certain amount of
doubt as to the validity of the feasibility study and concomitant assessment,
as highly placed government officials have already gone on record as saying
that the project will go ahead, apparently for political if not economic or
environmental reasons.

Although environmental assessments are carried out on a number of
projects in Namibia, the Government's overall response to them is tepid.
Some departments, or individuals therein, regard these assessments as a
necessary evil, the recommendations of which can be ignored or deliberately
misinterpreted. But all these assessments are at the very least contributing
to the transparency of the development process in Namibia and they continue
to highlight the necessity of inter-sectoral planning and coordination for
sustainability.

Land-use planning

Since independence Namibia has recognised the importance of developing
an overall land-use planning capacity. The Directorate of Lands m the Mmls-
try of Lands, Resettlement and Rehabilitation has carried out a six-~onth
training programme in land-use planning for suitable candidates m th1s and
other ministries. Currently such planning is mainly limited to planningthe
use of resettlement farms within the commercial farming area. Appropnate
implementation of planning on a broader scale awaits the guideline>to be

: !

46 Comemporary Namibia

provided by the Land Policy and the Communal Land Bill. An encouraging
development has been the Cabinet's approval of the Land Use and Envi-
ronment Board. Placed within the NPC, this body has the potential to
coordinate rural and urban planning. The relevant line ministries are holding
back to see how well it will operate- thus ensuring its ineffectiveness at
least in the immediate future.

Community-based natural resource management

This programme is a major focus of attention for the DEA It has its basis
in the community game guard programmes of two NGOs .working in the
Kunene Region- Integrated Rural Development and Nature Conservation
~d the Save the Rhino Trust, both established prior to independence- and
111 . bl' h a ~ampslte esta ts ed near Twyfelfontein in former Damaraland by a
creattve entrepreneur of the local community. The community-based natural
resource ma~agement programme is based on the premise that people will
only use avatlable natural resources wisely and in a sustainable fashion if
they ~ave~ long-term stake in the benefits to be derived from them. Before
ahn~ st~ce_ ll1dependence, the natural resources from which people derive
t etr hvehhoods in com 1 h
I th

. muna areas ave belonged to the State. Neverthe-
ess, e DEA has ptoneered · h · h ways 111 w tc local communities in communal
areas can benefit from th f 'ldl'fi . e use o WI 1 e and the tourism potential of these
areas. A maJor thrust of the DEA " ffi
of potential b fit s e arts has been to investigate the range
would d ene 1 ~(Barnes 1995) and the structures that the communities

nee to put 111 place to realise them
Taking the example of z· b b , ·

h . . tm a we s Campfire Programme the DEA as 111vest1gated the use of · . '
confer benefits from wildlif~oanservanctes 111 communal areas that would
the animals on a day-to-da b ~d the landscape on the people hvmg wtth
and Parliament has J hasts. !he ~ohcy was approved by the Cabinet

Wh'l . passe t e legtslatiOn (MET 1995)
t e exclustve benefits fi 'ldl' ·

communities forming co ro~ WI tfe and tourism can be realised by
. nservanc tes there · . ·

netghbouring people wish. ' ts no power of excluston agamst
vegetation, water or the 1~n~ to u~; the natural_ resources- grazing, woody
depend in the conservan n ttse -upon whtch the wildlife and tourism
A cy area for other pu · . . . pparently the Ministry ofL d rposes, 111cludmg agnculture.
ts considering incorporati an s, ~:settle~ent and Rehabilitation (MLRR)
Land Policy which would n~:n a l-t~clu~tve conservancy approach in its

a ress thts dtscrepancy.

Environment· harsh wnstraints. politicallkxibility 47

Environmental policy and legislation

The Namibian Environmental Legislative Review Programme is a three-
year donor-funded programme addressing the serious need for a coherent
and comprehensive environmental legal framework. Being carried out by
the MET and the Office of the Attorney-General, it will guide the process
of law reform relating to renewable and non-renewable natural resources.
The current legislation is mainly of South African origin, although several
new pieces of legislation- inter alia, the Foreign Investment Act, No. 96
of 1990: Petroleum (Exploration and Production) Act, No.3 of 1991; Sea
Fisheries Act. No. 29 of 1992; Minerals (Prospecting and Mining) Act, No.
33 of 1992: and Agriculture (Commercial) Land Reform Act. No. 6 of
1995- have environmental implications and components. Depending on
their interpretation, all of these statutes could contribute to the sustainable
development and use of the environment.

Namibia's legal system, however, gives low priority to environmental
protection and sustainable use of natural resources. Enforcement agencies
do not receive adequate support to carry out their responsibilities in this
respect and are often not aware of the relevant legislation. At the same time,
fines relating to the environment are often minimal and do not result in
rectifYing any damage done.

The Legal Assistance Centre- in its capacity as a public-interest law
centre- is addressing the need for in-depth environmentally relevant legal
knowledge and is involved in raising awareness. Again, inter-sectoral co-
ordination and planning is essential for the development of an appropriate
legal framework and its enforcement in the interests of the sustainable
development of Namibia for all Namibians, present and future.

Environmental edncation

Environmental education in Namibia has been given a relatively high profile
and is supported by the Ministry of Education and Culture (MBEC) as well
as the MET and several donors. After the MBEC adopted the IGCSE school
system', Natural Economy was introduced in senior secondary schools, this
subject supporting an integrated approach to the environment. The Namibia
Nature Foundation is currently implementing the development of a basic
text and its introduction into the curriculum. The MBEC's Life Science
Project also supports environmental education through its focus on in-service
upgrading of Life Science teachers in secondary schools.

" Cf. the chapter by Gretschel in this volume.

48 Contemporary Namibia

Also in the formal edu t"
broadly applicable i th E ca wn sector on the secondary level, but more
involvesthedevel, s e fnvJro~each proJect of the DRFN. This project

opment o a senes of boo teachers which a b d . . resource ks for secondary school
' re ase on ex1stmg · information (Du T .t & S . environmental research findings and

water and populat·01 d ghuazzm 1995 ). Major resources address energy
' "on an teN ·b· · ' books on how to· am" Jan environment, supported by several

mcorporate a eros · 1 · . centred approach · th h s-curncu ar, act1V1ty-based and learner-
Ill e sc ools The · 1 smaller resources we t d . · se matena s and several supporting

educational regions ;~ este 111 25 .pilot schools in the country's seven
training colleges ·,·n Ke t~rogramme IS now being instituted in four teacher

- a 1ma Mulilo 0 d. . In non-formal ed t" h ' ngwe IVa, Rundu and W mdhoek.
d

. uca Jon t e MET h bl. e ucat1on centres n
1

as esta "shed two environmental
h

, arne y at Namut · · h
t e Waterberg Plateau p k B 0111 10 t e Etosha National Park and in
of groups from the nearb ar · oth centres encourage group visits, especially
and Oshikoto in the no~ co~n;;nal areas ofOshana, Omusati, Ohangwena

These initiatives a dan tjozondJupa and Omaheke in the east.
through the Namibia En .a number of smaller activities are coordinated
takes an active role. n nvJro~mental Education Network (NEEN) which

. m promotmg e · ' networkmg in the SADC . nv"ronmental education in Namibia and
also accommodates the :::~~·hsupported by the Rossing Foundation which

eadquarters.

International
conventions and Namib' ' "a s response

Having p 11· · a IClpated in the R. C
ment, Namibia went on t 10 onference on Environment and Develop-
convent" o actively resp d . "ons elaborated . . . on to and s1gn two of the three
Conve f on or mi!Jated · R · N . ~ Jon and the Biodiversi 10 . Jo, namely the Desertification
ch:~"b"a. ~ an arid country w~ ~~nven!Jon. It is generally felt that while

~· "t."s.contributing little to reseno~sly affected by global climatic
arnJbJa's response to th s· p . para!Jons for this change.

a country st d e Jod"versity c . . ..
resear u. Y documenting the k . o~vent1on has been to m11late
th

1
ch reqUired to fill in the nown biOdiversity and identifYing the

e ead in th · fti gaps and manit h · The s IS e ort, witR a full-ti or c ange. The DEA is takmg
contri~at~· Museum, which resorts u ~e cohnsultant coordinating the inputs.

Thu "on to t?is study. n er t e MBEC, is also making a major
e Desertlfi f

ship betw "ca "on Convention is b ·
MET deen the Ministry of Ag .

1
emg addressed through a partner-

an DRFN F I ncu ture Wat d
national w ks · 0 lowing a countryw"d er an Rural Development,
communal or d hop was held in 1994 wh ~ ~ awareness-raising campaign, a
NGOs and ~~e co~mercial farming areaslc brought together farmers [rom

pnvate sector At that 'ksgovernment officials at all levels,
· War hop · a national programme was \\

Environment: harsh constraints. political flexibility 49

designed that addressed a variety of national needs: awareness, education
and training, research, planning, policy-making and the empowerment of
natural resource users at all levels (Wolters 1994). Together with Mali,
Namibia is considered to have a dynamic programme that is contributing
to the Urgent Action for Africa demanded by the African countries in Rio
in 1992. Namibia's Parliament intended ratifYing both the Biodiversity and
Desertification Conventions during the course of 1996.

Tourism

Tourism has been a major growth industry in Namibia since independence.
Most of the tourism development has been based on wildlife and landscape,
although several gambling establishments have opened under the control
of the MET. A number oflocally based and foreign operators have developed
and refined tourist packages of various sorts, ranging from bus tours, to fly-
in photographic safaris, to exclusive hunting safaris. The major towns all
have information bureaux and several booking agencies service speciality
products such as guest farms and lodges. Numerous rental agencies for 4x4
and camping vehicles have also been established, mostly in Windhoek.

Although most tourism in Namibia is dependent on wildlife and land-
scape, few of the tourist establishments promote conservation of natural
resources such as water or energy. Even hotels constructed during the past
few years encourage rather than discourage profligate water consumption.
Some of the smaller guest farms and wilderness camps have addressed
environmentally sustainable natural resource consumption (Muensterer &
Otto 1995), although often as much for economic as for environmental gains.

Well established in Namibia is the small-scale guest accommodation
provided on private livestock or game farms in the commercial farming areas.
These represent an additional and stabilising source of income for the private
farmer attempting to make a living in Namibia's variable environment. In
a somewhat parallel development, several individuals in the communal areas
have established campsites. Often termed 'community-based', in many
instances they represent the efforts of a single local entrepreneur who then
hires community members to run the campsite, thus spreading the income.
Also in communal areas are small-scale commercial developments run on
a 'Permission to Occupy' basis (granted by the MLRR) or 'Concession'
(granted by the MET). In granting the latter, the MET negotiates with the
developer on behalf of the surrounding community for benefits to be shared.
All these different types of developments are seen as approaches that help
to conserve the wildlife and landscape as a base for Namibia's tourism.

r
I

50 Contemporary Namibia

CURRENT CONSTRAINTS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES

The concepts of 'environment' and 'sustainable use of natural resources'
are not clearly understood in Namibia. Many still believe that ·environment'
is synonymous with 'preserving wildlife'. While local environmentalists
are focusing on the sustainable use of natural resources for the benefit of
all Namibians both present and future, international environmentalists are
applying their attitudes and approaches to the Namibian situation as well.
A case in point is the harvesting of seals on the Namibian coast. This process
was recommended by Namibian marine scientists, whereas international
animal-rights activists protested the move. The outcome has been various
Namibian ministers condemning 'pesky environmentalists" across the board
and dismissing recommendations for the sustainable use of other renewable
natural resources. This controversy is intermingled with conflicts between
Na~ibia as ~ developing country wishing to use its resources and inter-
national environmentalists from developed countries wishing to protect the
country's resources from development. The controversy is also intermingled
~ith lin~ering distrust between black and white citizens of Namibia and
mternattonal environmentalists.

In a similar vein, some decision-makers consider the environment to
be a luxu_ry and do not recognise the potential income to be derived from
the sustamable use of natural resources including tourism Due to their
poverty and/or desire to improv tl · 1· ' 1.h · .. . . e tetr tve 1 oods, many Namtbtans see any
restramt m the exploitation of t 1 . . h . na ura resources as a luxury maccesstble to 1

e ordt_nary rural farmer and even to some salaried weekend farmers. This
pe.~ceptton IS exac~rb~ted by the lack of understanding of Namibia as an
an country Wtth hmtled, variable rainfall

During a recent survey f b · .
N "b" . . 0 a num er of secondary school teachers 111

amt ta, 11 was dtscovered th 1 l"tt d
1 t. a

1 er an tree-planting to combat defores-
a ton are regarded as the tw .

country t d S . 0 most pressmg environmental issues in the 0 ay. ustamable use of n t 1 . . . h
integrity ofth

1
. aura resources or mamtammg I e

peopl d de natura en~tronment and the ecological services upon which e epen were not htgh on th I" t If . . h
schools ·1 · 11 . e ts · envtronment is considered m t e ' 1 ts usua Y etther relegated t th s· · h
a litter cle f h 0 e 10logy class or equated wtl

an-up o t e schools grounds.
Sustamable use of natur 1

that assures their av .1 bT a resources means using resources in a manner
in particular feel th att tah I ttyh to future generations. Many rural Namibians,

' a ey ave suffered lo 1 d
have the right to use t . ng years under colonial ru e an
individual best advan:a eihgrazmg and other natural resources to their
sustainable use of natura~e. us on many fronts, recommendations for the
f resources are conside d t be · · n o the pre-independence co trol b h re o stmply an extensto

of fanners. n Y t e Government to the specific detriment tl

Environment. harsh l:"omtratnts. politil:al llc\\ihilil) 51

On the other hand. all in the public and private sectors recognise the
need for education, training and capacity-building in support of the sus-
tainable use ofNamibia"s natural resources. More Namibians are studying
environmental management and other essential professions. and general
awareness of the environmental basis ofNamibia"s economy i' increasing
slowly but continually. Major advances are occurring, such as the drive for
cost recovery in the provision of water. the attention being given to a
population policy and the need for land-usc planning_ with the focus on
developing an appropriate policy in support of the sustainable use of
natural resources. Namibians across a broad front- journalists. ecologists,
land-usc planners, lawyers, etc.- are applying themselves to environmental
concerns. It is expected that the next five years of independence will register
substantial gains in the country's drive toward establishing a trajectory for
sustainable development.

The State, accumulation and
regulation: for a political

economy of Namibia

Alain Dubresson and Olivier Graefe

At independence the Namibian Government inherited a state-controlled and
protectionist economy of the colonial type. The whole Namibian socio-spatial
system functioned like an outpost (the 'fifth province') of South African
capitalism, except for a few enclaves controlled by British capital (Rossing
Uranium Ltd), and organised by and for the mining sector. The farms in the
commercial area, which supplied maize, meat and milk to the white urban
population, benefited from subsidies and protected markets which ensured
the regulation of the commercial relations between the towns and the rural
areas ofthe former 'police zone', interlinked by an efficient road and rail
network. The towns were both the instruments of the military/mining control
and the tools of the state-controlled market economy. They included 28% of
the total population in the 1991 Population and Housing Census, but supplied
over 66% of the GNP in 1990 without the mining sites, and 77% if these
sites are included.' The towns were at the core of colonial domination, which
was based on the exploitation and police control of African labour.

The new state power was thus faced with two major problems: On the
one hand, it was essential to enlarge and change the base of accumulation
which was concentrated in primary production, particularly on mining, which
was already declining. On the other hand, it was necessary to focus on nation-
building, to transform the spatial organisation inherited from the apartheid
regime and characterised by profound socio-economic inequalities between
the former 'police zone' and former 'homelands'. New bases of accumu-
lation, new forms of regulation and a different geo-economy had to be set
up to achieve the aims of social justice and spatial redistribution in the name
of which SWAPO had fought and forged its legitimacy. A change in the

1 Not including the diamond sites.

fl
1.

54 Contemporary .\\'amibia

inherited patterns demands time and cannot emerge in a single deeade. and
it is undoubtedly too early to evaluate the policies which ha\\e been imple-
mented. However, it is possible to compare the discourse with state practices
and to consider the meaning of ongoing developments: ho\\\\ can the choices
made, which combine openness, liberalisation and the assertion of the role
of the State, set the Namibian economy on the path to diversification: do they
enhance a reduction in the inequalities inherited: and who benefits from the
regulations being set up?

THE RELATIVELY POOR PERFORMANCES OF A BASE FOR
ACCUMULATION WHICH IS STILL SUBJECT TO PRIMARY
PRODUCTION

'The relatively poor performance of the economy' (Bank of Namibia
1997)

A moderate overall economic growth

Since accession to political ind d h . , . epen ence, t e dynam1cs of the countrv s
economy m terms of growth in GOP h . · , are c aractensed by a relatively poor
per.ormance- below the forec t d ffi · . ass an o ICial expectations being +5% per
annum accordmg to the Transitio 1 N . 1 ' First Natio 1 0 1 na at1ona Development Plan and the na eve opment Plan (NDP 1) d . .
irregularity in result fi -an espec1ally by cons1dcrable
(N$) terms ( 1990) s romho~e year to the next. In constant Namibia Dollar
+4 2% per annum' growt etween 1990 and 1996 has been estimated at

' on average (CSO 1997) H .
in 1996 was the same as in 1992 ·. owever, the GDP per cap1ta
economic trajectory of. d (N$5 007 Ill constant N$ terms) and the

" 111 ependent Namibia · · wh1ch growth indicator . r remams errat1c, no matter
Th IS app 1ed (Table 1 ).

. e poor performance and irre 1 · .
mformal activities and illeg 1 t d' gu anty of ec?nom1c growth (apart !rom
period' are in fact part of a ~~a mg) recorded 111 the so-called 'transition
inherited in 1990 Th an °. er trend which the Namibian Government
d'ffi · e access1on to indepe d .
I 1cult economic context . h n ence 111 fact took place in a

characterised the 1980s ('W ~~t B what amounted to a recession having
GOP had only risen by 1 cy. or ank

1995): between 1980 and 1989 the
by 2,1% per annum. Since ~=r an~um and the per capita GOP had fallen
more sustained, but it remain;." effince. economic growth has been a little
arrears e · 11 111su 1c1ent to m k . ' spec1a y as the population h . a e up the accumulated
capna GOP at a constant N$5 007

( as Increased rapidly. In 1996 the per
current N$8 452) was still below the

The State. accumulation and regulation: for a political economy ofNamihi<J 55

1981 level (constant N$5 903 and current N$6 098), and the per capita real
gross national income (RGNI) at a constant N$5 131 (current N$8 430)
was equal to 86.9% of the 1981 level. These averages concealed considerable
inequalities in distribution within Namibian society.

TABLE 1: EVOLUTION OF GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT AND GROSS
NATIONAL INCOME, 1990-1996

1990 1991

GDP MN$ currents 6 409 7 074

GDP MN$ constants 6 409 6 675

Annual 0/o change 0,0 +5,7

GDP per capitaN$ 4 689 5 017
current

GDP per capitaN$ 4 689 4 805
constant

Annual %change -3,0 +2,5

GNDI MN$ currents 7 153 8 100

GNI MN$ constants 6 507 6 883

Annual %change +1,3 +5,8

RGNI per capitaN$ 4 760 5 206
currents

RGNI per capitaN$ 4 760 4 882
constant

Annual %change -I ,8 +2,5

GOP: Gross Domestic Product:!
GNDI: Gross National Disposal Income
GNI: Gross National Income
RGNI: Real Gross National Income
MN$: Million Namibia Dollars

1992

8 284

7 274

+7.4

5 701

5 006

+4,2

9 298

6 914

+0,4

5 734

4 758

-2,5

Sourte: National Accounts /981-1996 (NPC 1997).

1993 1994 1995 1996

8 860 10 985 12 262 13 886

7 128 7 600 7 988 8 226

-2.0 +6,6 +5,1 +3,0

5 910 7 105 7 692 8 452

4 755 4 916 5 011 5 007

-5,0 +3.4 +1,9 -0, I

9 861 12 002 13 703 15 435

6 698 7 695 7 714 8 430

-3, I +14,9 +0,2 +9,3

6 054 7 259 7 964 8 706

4 468 4 977 4 839 5 131

-6, I + 11.4 -2.8 +6,0

2 GOP is the measure of the total value added in all resident-producing units. G~DI
is the measure of the income available to the nation for final consumption and gross savmg ..
GNI is the measure of the income earned, whether domestically or abroad. by lhe faclors ol
production owned by residents.

56 Contemporary Namibia

A high level of consumption and a low investment rate

If growth was inadequate, so was investment. In 1996 the gross fixed capital
formation- N$1 772 million in constant 1990 N$- was scarcely higher
than in 1981 (N$1 639 million), and for I 0 years, between 1983 and 1993,
the annual amount of investment in constant N$ was always lower than in
1981. A spectacular decline in investment therefore characterised the 1980s:
whereas in 1981 investment represented 26,8% of G DP at constant 1990
prices (22, 7% of GDP at current prices), this ratio fell to 16,6% in 1989
(15,5% ofGDP at current prices). Since 1993 the threshold of20% ofGDP
at constant prices has again been crossed (21 ,5% in 1996), but the annual
rhythm of growth in investment, whether public or private, remains highly
irregular. The question of investment is all the more crucial given that the
Namibian economy has long been characterised by a high rate of consump-
tion which contrasts with a low rate of investment (Table 2).

TABLE 2: FINAL USES OF GOODS AND SERVICES (GDP AT MARKET
PRICES)

I985-89 1990-94
Private consumption exp.

53,3% 52,8%
Government consumption exp.

30,4% 34,1%
Gross fixed capital formation

15,2% 20,7%
Changes in inventories

-1,1% 1,3%
Gross domestic expenditure

97,7% 108,9%
Exports of goods and services

61,0% 55,8%
Import of goods and services

-59,6% -64,7%
Soarer: Aal"ona/ Accoums 1981-1996 (NPC 1997).

Moreover, since 1995 consum f h ..
ment, which in no way t "b P Ion as been nsmg faster than invest-
base which is already ve con n _utes to the reinforcement of a productive
from 12,9% in 1994 to 7ry0~:s~ncted, and the ratio of savings to GNDI fell

. " ' 0 m 1996- 'fa 1 h . for sustamable economic d 1 , r ower t an the level required eve opment (Bank of Namibia 1997).

The State, accumulation and regulation: for a political economy of Namibia

1. GllP annual gnmth
o, ftumtant priH· from 19901

2. GDJ" annual ~ruwth jlt'r inhabitant
(constant price frum 199111

4. Annual growth uf national disposal.
income per inhabitant (constant price

3. Annual growth of national disposal
"'o income (constant price from 1990) cn,-..:::::..::::::_::::__c__:..._ _____ l c11·;...· ___:_''"=:m_:I:._9'10::.___1 ---------

wt------

5. Annual growth of gross formation or

",. _ _""::"::d_:_<a:'p:::H=ai ________
1 WT

" ud~din~ minin~ ,....., .. reb

E,3 includin~ minin~ ,..,..arch

'"~~-----t~-

' I

58 Contemporary ,\\iamibia

6. Comp~itiun of GllP, 1990-96

-'"+---

]SI'J,'\\ ]'!'.16

lt-rtl"<) "'"!"'

8. E~·ulution of domestic demand,
1990-96 lNSl

lill r---------
'"'

., ~-;;;;-;;:;---c-_j
·ooo 'ltrl' '""" '99J 'O!J.< 1995 1996
- Pti""t"uw
- l'ublk odntini"tralion
·""""· (;«>110 fDrtllJOtloQ offl"rd UpilM]

10. Public expenses as percentage or G()P
19911-% '

"' 1--- 1- 1---

7. Strurtun: uf tkm;uul a~ pt·rn·ntact· o(
(;l)p_ \\1,1~1-llt>

-- - -

-- f- - f--

lr.

-
11'111 ]'>"!] ]'"'·' ''"' '"'''

" l'mah·u"· E::::J !'od"l<> ·"'"""''"·'""" '·'''"''""'·"'""

9. (;ro~~ rornmliun of lht·d rapii;JI, p,!tJU.IJto
ldislrihutinn ht'l\\\\t't'll flllhlk ""mlpri1alt'
seftnn

m"y-------------

)l)

'"
I'I'J() I'I<J] 1'1'12 1'!'1\\

" Puhlk

I he \\!.ill' .. IL"\\.'lllllUI.ll!Oil and f<,.'gulalitlll' fur a rolili!.:al L'COflOin) ofNamihia 59

A restricted economic hasc, dependent on primary production and
vulnerable In the nnlutinn nf the terms of trade

If we confine nursei\\L'\\ simply to thi.? c\\·olution of the major sector~ since
! 990. a prot{nmd change in the national c:cnnomic base seems to be taking
place. The prim;m activ itie,. 11hich represented one third of GOP at inde-
pendence·. account fln no nH>re than 28% of the value added in 1996. and
services ila\\c become distinct!) preponderant (Table 3).

TABLE 3: GROSS DOMESTIC PROUUCT BY INDUSTRY (BASIC PRICE)

lndustr) 1981 1990 1996

I 2 I 2 I 2

Primary industry 4S,6°·o 43.1% 33,5% 33,5% 28.3% 33,2%
(mining) (24.1 °'o) (25,6%) (19.3%) (19,3%) (15.1%) (19,3%)

Secondat)' industt) 16,3°-~ 17.2% 17.4% 17.4% 17.2% 15,8%

Tertiary industry 35,1~1o 39.7% 49.1% 49,1% 54,5% 51,0%

All industries 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0%

I: currcm prices
2: constant prit.:cs (N$ 1990)

Sourrc: .\\"utwna/ ..Iecount.\\· /98/-IIJW/ (NPC 1997)

However, a careful examination of the real content of the changes
recorded reveals that a heavy dependence on primary products continues to
characterise the Namibian economy. On the one hand, strengthening of the
manufacturing structure has been negligible. and its perfonnance is primarily
due to the processing of fish products, where the v~lue added rose by 50% in
constant N$ between 1990 and 1995 as compared with I, I% for the rest of
the industrial tinllS. Even if the figur~s for industry are encouraging (9-1 0%
of the annual growth in current N$ and 4% in constant N$), the manufac-
turing base remains very restricted. On the other hand, the growth recorded
111 tertiary activities is due to the expansion in governmental serv1ces lmked
to the creation of a new administration (26,1% of the total GDP: 47,8% of
the tertiary GDP), as well as to the effects induced by the rise m toun~m
(I 00 000 visitors in 1989 and 398 000 in 1995) in the hotels, financial
services, transport and communications sectors, but which do not appear
in the national accounts (12% of foreign income, according to the Bank of
Namibia).

60 Contemporary Namibia

Diversification is therefore only apparent. While we do not precisely
know the real consequences of the rise in tourism. the replacement of the
declining mining sector is far from being assured, and the strength of eco-
nomic growth remains dependent on the rate of investment and the results
recorded in mining and fishing, which have considerable knock-on effects
on services. The relative boom of 1991 and 1992 was thus the outcome of
investment in diamond mining in Elizabeth Bay1 and of the rise in deep-sea
fishing and the processing offish' after the extension of the exclusive fishing
zone (to 200 nautical miles). Inversely, the general growth rate slows down
as soon as the min!ng investment stagnates or when the fishing results are
affe~te~ by reduct10ns.m the Total Allowable Catches (lAC) of the main
spectes. For example, 111 1996 the value added by the fish-processing plants
fell by 43% because of insufficient supplies.

Furthe~ore, as a result of its function as a colonial outpost. imposed
by South Afnca for 70 years, the Namibian econom is wide

0
en. In 1996

the total value of exports and · rt f y · p
. tmpo so goods and servtces represented

respecttvely 49,3% and 57 8% of the GOP Th t f
1

d
is also a · d' r fh ' · e s ructure o externa tra e

. n
111

tea '?n ° eavy dependence on primary products. Until 1991
~~:::~;~::~~~~~~:~~ a~counted for ~v~r 52% of the value of exports
their relative weight . 986: and aga111 Ill 1989). Although declining,

rema111s constderable· 48 9"' · 1996 · h d. d accounting for 34%). If we add th ·. " ~~ 111 (wtt tamon s
the textile and leather · d t . e sale of hve ammals, animal products for
products from fishing :e ~s ne~~karakul pelts and skins) and unprocessed
products which are p;ocess=~ ~~%of exports. If we include the primary
82%, which does not leave m o~a Y (meat. and fish), the percentage is over
with mineral and animal ra uc s~ace for 111dustrial products not associated
h w matenals and for · . .

t ere fore, the share of minerals h ' . servtces. S111ce mdependence,
exported (excluding service ) th as dechned from 64% to 58% of goods
risen from 12% to 21"1< a dst,h e share offish and fishing products has

od
0

' n e share of a · 1 pr ucts varies between IS"!. d
2

mma s, meat and other animal
of goods still remains depend" ant 2%. Overall, however, the exportation
v · f en onafewp ·
aganes o world prices of mine 1 nmary products. Subject to the Beers Ce tral Sel · ra s and diamond d . n hng Organisat' s, an somehmes to the De

goods (57% of the value of' ton quota policies for importing manufactured
of goods and services in 19~~)poNrted ~~.s, and 45% of the value of imports

' arntbta ts very 1 . ---;,::;::::::-:-------- vu nerable to the evolutton
N$12Sby South w

" N$180 . . est Africa's Consotid .
c,..ion of new ;~:n for a fish-processing plan~~~L~~amond Mines (COM).
biUCSt fishing reserv and the Ut>grading of existing pi emz by Pescanova of Spain; the
South Africa (9()() " on SOUth-wcstem Africa, esr ants'" Walvis Bay. Namibia has the

'The defi . ~tons), Angola (600 000 1 ''"") led at 1,2 million tons- bigger than "--· mnoonofthcTAC. "··-" ons and Mozamb· -,....,.on the extent ofu . IS UG>OU on the annual . tque (430 000 tons).
p-wclhng and tempera! ~v~luatton of the reserves. which

ure varoatoons · h 1" t e Benguela current.

The State. accumulation and regulation: for a political economy of Namibia 61

of the terms of trade. These have been unfavourable since the beginning of
the 1980s and have not improved since then, with the result that the deficit
in the balance of trade has increased: it rose from -N$665 million in 1990
to -N$1 192 million in 1996, with the relative excess in the balance of pay-
ments (N$98 million) being mainly due to transfers from the Southern
African Customs Union (SACU).

An economy highly integrated with South Africa

Because of the size and structure of a productive base moulded by South
African capitalism, but also because of numerous disadvantages (a restricted
national market, limiting industrial investment, high salaries compared with
productivity, distribution costs), Namibia is dependent on external trade.
Nearly a decade after gaining its independence from South Africa, Namibia
remains a captive market- a commercial, economic and financial outpost of
South Africa.

South Africa's weight in foreign trade is still considerable. Although
trading statistics which take neither infonnal trading nor the illegal trade with
Angola into account are often not very clear, but all the available data show
that approximately 90% of goods officially imported are produced in South
Africa or transit through South Africa. On the other hand, according to the
Business Guide to Namibia, only 16% of exports (25-27% according to the
NDPl) go to the powerful neighbour which is still the second market for
exports, the United Kingdom being the first.

The South African influence is not only measured in its trading hege-
mony, but also in the degree of control that South African companies have
over the Namibian economy. In 1992, 40% ofNamibia's GOP was generated
by companies which had their head office in South Africa (NEPRU 1992).
According to NDP I, 'National Accounts are not sufficiently reliable to give
a clear picture of private investment in Namibia,' and though it remains
difficult to know the exact composition of the social capital of the firms
operating in Namibia, those which are wholly or partly South Afncan are
the strong values on the Namibia Stock Exchange, founded in October 1992.
They are ubiquitous in the key sectors of mining, fishing and services.
Three out of five commercial banks life insurance and pension funds" are
also still under the control of South A'frican capital. This close integration has
the major consequence of placing Namibia in a special position of a~
exporter of capital to South Africa. The flow of domestic saving towards thts
country rose to 10% of the GOP in 1994 (NPC 1996), and the total amount

6
Still regulated by the Pension Funds Act of 1956.

-r-,,,

62 Contemporary A'amibia

of stock invested outside Namibia \\\\as estimated at N$1 0 bi II ion. or the
value of an annual GDP.

_The most symbolic and most restrictive link is still monetan. The
creat1on of the Namibia Dollar in September 1993 did not rdievc Nm;1ibia's
econ~~y of its close relationship with the South African Rand. Since 1991
Nam1b1a has been a member f tl c · . . o 1e ammon Monctan' Area. an area of
free c1rcu lat1on of currency 1 · 1 · : . . w Hc 1 IS completely dommatcd bv the rand.
Wlthfixedpanty(N$1~Rl)th 1 . " . " . e wo currenc1cs have the same mtcrnat10nal
exchange rate and the Nam·b· G . . . I 1an overnment, wh 1ch has I itt lc power over
the Interest rates 1s sub;ect 1 tl fl . . ~ " ' o 1e uctuat1ons of the rand inflationary
pressure "rom South Afri d h . ·
A~. h' h . ca an t e opt10ns of the Reserve Bank of South "nca w 1c we1gh on the val f h
t . . ue o t e exchange reserves. In these circum-s ances 1! IS extremely difficult 1 and to plan sp ·fi II . 0 apply an autonomous monetary policy, CCI lca y to mcreas . . .

channel it towa d · e savmg m relat1on to consumption and
r smvestmenttod· -~. h . .

However, althou h the lver_s1"J t e national production capacity.
fundamentally theN g .b. productive structure may not have changed

" am1 1an Gave 1 game: by deregulat.ln th , rnment las changed the rules of the
g e "armer colo · 1 .

open-door policy to red th ma economy, and by adoptmg an
uce e South Afi · · fl ·

to encourage growth by ado tin t . ncan m uence, 1! has attempted
by seeking rapid integraf p g he pnnc1ples of a market economy and

IOn at regional and global level.

CAN THE STATE PROM
ARE THE MEANS FOR ROETE A MARKET ECONOMY? WHAT

GULATION?

To end the state-controlled I .
econom th co onlal econom d y, e Namibian autho ·t· h Y an to encourage an open
'reform· n 1es ave _mg complex' (Jaglin 1998) encouraged the emergence of a
pthrotect"onist rules to set up the co dand have put an end to the numerous

e world n 1t1ons for k · a mar et economy open to

Refonning the b .
pu he sphere w'th

Privatis" . I out state disengagement
lng Without losing control

The reforming com 1 .
l'eappropriations f ~x Implemented in an int ·
if 1101 imJIOSed b 0 t e P&ckage of mana ematlonal context of various

y, the World Bank, Whic:~~=t te_chniques suggested by,
'Souih Afi· - Y hnks productivity socio-

nc:a, Swazitlllld. '
lesotho lind NamibiL

The State. accumulation and regulation: for a political economy of Namibia 63

economic efficiency and good governance. is in the first instance based on
the principle of privatisation. The Namibian State inherited from the South
African-administrated economy the total or partial control of 13 public and
parastatal firms which are vital for the functioning of the national economy
(wholesale production and distribution of electricity and water, postal
services and telecommunications, road and rail transport, management of the
port infrastructures- to mention only the most important functions) and
nine public financial institutions. The process of privatisation is based not
so much on the total withdrawal of public authorities and the sale of their
net assets to private entrepreneurs, as it is on 'commercialisation', which
entails transforming a ministerial department into a private firm with public
capital, introducing market principles in sectors previously dominated by
public bureaucracies, and in so doing, attracting both national and foreign
private finance. In 1997 the majority of public service operators. including
Namibia Post and Telecom Holdings Ltd., NamPower and NamWater,
worked on this basis. Only two of the 13 former parastatal companies still
depend on subsidies from the State Revenue Fund.

The search for a new division of management between public powers
and private operators does not necessarily imply abandoning all forms of
regulation, since the current reforms propose the externalisation and centrali-
sation of the regulation functions for all the commercialised public services
by entrusting them to an independent commission whose powers, fixed by
law, would extend to the protection of consumers, the supervision of tariffs
and the control of the efficiency of service firms which have a monopoly
(Jaglin 1998). In addition to this search for a new type of regulation, the
State asserts its role in mining and fishing activities. In 1994 the Namibian
Government therefore negotiated with De Beers for the acquisition of 50%
of the social capital of Consolidated Diamond Mines, which became Namdeb
Diamond Corporation (Pty) Ltd. and which produced about I million carats
per annum between 1993 and 1996. The State has been the origin of the
boom in the deep-sea fishing sphere, by means of a series of fiscal measures
and with a policy of permits and quotas granted in relation to the degree of
Namibianisation of the fleet and the crews. along with the obligation to
process locally: the number of companies registered rose from 44 in 1988
to roughly 200 in 1995; the active fleet rose to 277 boats in 1994. 176 of
which fly the Namibian flag; and all of the 40 deep-sea freezer tra\\\\lers are

controlled by national capital.

Decentralising by controlling

Launched after two years of independence upon the adoption by the National
Assembly of the Regional Councils Act, No. 22 of 1992. and the Local
Authorities Act, No. 23 of 1992, decentralisation reforms have been pre-

64 Contemporary Namibia

sented as powerful tools for the reduction of inequalities and for building the
Namibian nation. By means of these reforms the Government has assigned
multiple aims to the new urban local authorities: instruments for democratic
change and for a new form of urban management. they are also intended to
give rise to and possibly encourage economic progress at local and regional
level. promote the spread of growth throughout the national territory and
trigger changes in the social and spatial distribution of income.

The Jaws governing decentralisation and the 1992 regional and local
government elections were preceded by a restructuring of the country into
13 regions and the creation of new urban entities. The regions and urban
areas were delimited on the basis of demographic, socio-economic and ad-
ministrative criteria, breaking with the former territorial organisation and
contribu~ing to the aim ofhomogenising the national territory. On the other
hand, thts was not the case for the status assigned to the urban areas. These
"':er~ divided_ into two groups, which bear no relation to their demographic
stze a~d whtch are based on each entity's specific capacity to ensure the
financmg of tts _budget. The first group consists of 16 municipalities which
are all sttuated m the former 'police zone' and d"tvt"d d · 1 1 1 · . . . . . e tn o wo ca egones:
level 1 mumc1pailtles (Wmdhoek Walvis Bay9 and s k d) 1 · h . ' wa opmun . w 11c
have a sound financtal basis and a greater degree f

1
· 1 1 . . . o au onomy. parttcu ar y

regardmg the negottatton of loans and the It· f
1 se mg o t 1e property taxes rate); and level 2 municipalitie 10 wh· h

and totally depe d 1 h s, . tc are more financially vulnerable n en on t e supervtsory Minist f R . I
Government and Housin (MRLG . ?' o egtonal and Loca
Level 2 municipa/iti · g 1 d H)

111 the exerctse of these two powers.
es tnc u es 12 towns wh· h . . .

balance their budgets with . tc are not m a postlton to
local government does n otut conshtderable state transfers, and in which the

oowntelandand"th c .
considerable income from th 1 f ts ere1ore depnved of the esaeo land and p . are located in the former 'h 1 d , . roperty taxes. Stx of these
six are located south ofthe~me anRs 111 ~he north, 11 while the remaining

IOrmer ed Lme.t2

'Rundu. which probably h
municiPally K ·b· as over 50 000 inh b" .

<i W~J~is :~ lb, had 3 067 inhabitants in 19;1 ~tants ts a town. whereas the smallest
IO Gobab· y was made a level I munici t

Omaru Is, Glllotfontein, Karasburg. K pa tty by Declaration 16 of 1994
ru. OtaVI o1;iw anb1b, Keetman h . · .
" Katima. M ',. arongo. Ouljo. Tsumeb and U ak s oop. Manental. OkahandJa.
12 u olo. Ondangwa, 0 . s os. Okakarara, D..__.__, ngwed1va, 0

and Arandis (a fo ·-ouoom, Khorixas (fonner 'h puwo, ?"hakati and Rundu.
nner workers' town for the Ross?lllet 1"?d towns), Henties Bay. Lilderitz

ng mone).

The State, accumulation and regulation: tbr a political economy of Namibia 65

Towards liberalism on regional and world markets

The gradual dismantling of protectionism

In addition to the numerous fiscal measures of a liberal nature, publicised
by the Investment Centre in the Ministry of Trade and Industry (MTI) and
aimed at attracting national and foreign private investment for the stimulation
of economic growth, 11 the Export Processing Zones (EPZs) were set up in
1995. The EPZ status, which is particularly favourable to private capital
(special incentives, no customs or import duties on imported inputs, no
corporate tax, exclusion of strikes and Jock-outs), can be granted to any
district (see the case of the Walvis Bay EPZ) or firm, no matter where it is
situated in the country, as long as its production is wholly or mainly for
export purposes. This move to liberalism is accompanied by a partial lifting
of the exchange control regulations implemented at the level of the Common
Monetary Area (CMA) and applied by the Bank of Namibia in conjunction
with the Reserve Bank of South Africa. Since September 1996 the transfer
of profits and dividends made by an approved commercial bank on behalf
of the foreign companies which are in joint ventures and which have invested
or wish to invest in Namibia has been authorised without the preliminary
control of the Bank of Namibia. Companies whose capital is wholly foreign
can borrow locally with more flexible conditions applied, and the redeploy-
ment of investment capital in the CMA is authorised unconditionally.

From the search for regional integration to opening up to the world

The desire to be rid of the former administrative strictures is characterised by
rapid membership of the regional institutions in southern Africa and by ~n
active policy of reinforcing trans-regional road links. In 1990 Namtbta
officially became a SACU member, having previously been a de fa~to
member, and joined the then Southern African Development Consultatt_ve
Community (SADCC; now Southern African Development Co~mumty
(SADC)). After signing with the Preferential Trade Area (PTA) 111 1993,
the country became the 19th member of the Common Market for Eastern
and Southern Africa (COMESA), which today includes 21 states. 1 ~ the

. . . "th z· mbabwe lnstttuttonal same year Namtbta stgned a trade agreement wt 1 ·
i t · · . · cerning infrastructures n egratton ts reinforced by pubhc strategtes con

" "b. . I tment/ncentives, p.4; MTI
See MTI Investment Centre (1995), Namt ta s nves and Ex orters. p.5;

Investment Centre ( 1995), Special Incentives for Manufacturers R bl" p fNamibia.
Coopers & Lybrand ( 1995), Doing Business in Namibia. P·25'. and v:~~~ ~mendment
Foreign Investment Ac~ No. 27 of 1990. as amended by the Foreign In
Act, No. 24 of 1993. p.l8.

66 Contemporary Namibia

enabling the intensification of regional exchanges. The Trans-Caprivi High-
way will link Namibia to northern Botswana, Angola, Zambia and Zim-
babwe; the Trans-Kalahari Highway, which will reduce the road distance
betwe~n ~indhoek and Johannesburg by over 400 km, is almost complete.
The a1m IS clear: to pick up part of the export traffic from the land-locked
states for the profit of Walvis Bay by adopting the 'corridors policy' which
South Africa applies at the moment.

However, intensifYing regional integration is not a sufficient guarantee
of gr?~th. On the one hand, the workings of SACU have drawbacks for
Namibia (NEPRU 1992): the internal reallocation of resources (Common
Revenue Pool) is positive ~ th . . .
. or e country, but the protective tantf system
IS very complex a~d is a hindrance to the Namibian industrial firms which
cannot compete w1th South Afi · fi . '

b 'd' db ncan 1rms smce the latter are protected and
~~~~~h Y the S~uth African Government. On the other hand, while the

.
1
arter pro.vldes for the creation of a common market South Africa,

a reg1ona econom1c giant with a 1 . ' whose GOP · 44 8 . . popu at1on 28 times that ofNamibia's and IS " t1mes h1gher is carry· · .
tection of its indust · d . ' mg out 1ts own policy for the pro-
restructuring and ones .an gives preference to its imperatives of internal
European Union w:?m~ 1? Europe (a preferential agreement with the
the encouragement otgn.

111

1
1997). South Africa's hegemony is such that

. reg1ona economic int t' . .
m fact already implemented

1
h . egra 1on - wh 1ch 1ts firms have

the case of the Maputo corrid::. elr advantage- is not a priority except in

Wh1le awaiting the results f h . .
in 1994, Namibia has 1 1 °

1 e renegohahons ofSACU which began
E 0 urn to the world 1 1 '

urorc:an Union which su lies 5 0 " a arge and p~rticularly to the
the Asla-Caribbean-Pacifi~~ACP OV. of~~~ development a1d. A member of
GATT since 1992 the ) countnes smce 1990 and of the former

" country ben fit fi
systems in the Lome Conve 1. e

1 s rom the STAB EX and SYSMIN
of fresh fi h n I on and has total! fi

IS and wool for exam 1 ) Y ree entry rights (in respect
depending on the origin of the ~s~) pa~ly &e: entry rights (for canned fish,
fresh and frozen beef) on theE 'or IS subject to quotas (with respect to
paling more and more stronglur?pean.market. European firms are partici-
Among the latt Y 111 ma.Jor econ · . . .. er are the increase · om1c proJects m Nam1bm.
are particularly Prominent, and th

111
deep-sea fishing, in which the Spanish

(the Kudu gas fi Ids e exploitation of ffi h
4 trill' . IC ), of which the reserv 0 " s ore methane deposits

f the 1011 cub~e feet- making Nam 'b. es are eshmated at between 2 and
~ins ~ion: No~egian, Dutch ~~~a::~;tially the biggest gas exporter
inclusion :lfled . 1~ t~e Namibian ofifsho lean companies work the four
OfOJierate. Nanubaa rn the sphere ofmult~ ~rea and contribute to the

u... . ...'" Plltnershthe " ip with South Afri "nafitaonals Which compete with
S

.... ...._, d___ can 1rrns.
)Stem of,___ _ _,.,..__ ofGA Tr the d'

" ....... ..,K:C, new international trade "smantling of the General
rules and the implementation

!'he State. accumulation and regulation: for a political economy of Namibia 67

of a single European currency force the Namibian Government to speed up
liberalisation in trade and to play the globalisation card while endeavouring
to make the most of its specific assets. Globalisation tends to involve a
disregard for the territory of the nation state as a relevant economic entity
and intensifies inequalities between territories which gain and those which
lose. Within the same state, investors seeking financial rewards employ a
process of sorting. and a pattern of disarticulation threatens the productive
structures as well as the spatial organisation.

TOWARDS THE BREAK-UP OF NAMIBIA AND A PSEUDO
'ARCHIPELAGO ECONOMY'?"

The official state policy provides for controlling investment by redeploying
it throughout the country to restore the balance of distribution of production
and reduce the regional inequalities inherited from apartheid (Table 4).

TABLE 4: REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE VALUE ADDED IN 1993
(%,EXCLUDING WALVIS BAY)

Windhoek Coast South/ North
Centre

Subsistence agriculture 0 - 20 80

Commercial agriculture 0 - 93 0

Fishing 0 100 0 0

Diamond mining 8 - 92 0

Other mining industries 8 - 92 0

Fishing industry 0 100 0 0

Other manufacturing industries 51 14 28 7

Electricity, water 96 I I I

Construction 56 6 II 28

Trade 56 12 15 17

14 l'h · · 1 orking betwt:cn poles. e arch1pelago economy (Veliz 1996) functiOns on ne w . .
By 'pseudo archipelago economy' we mean neighbouring territorial configur~uons ":h~ch
function in isolation from the surrounding national territory. Thus the two m~an Namibian
P<>les. Windhoek and Walvis Bay, might develop networking which is more mlense -.and
even un· · . . · h h w1'1h 1he rest ofNrumbJa. 1que - With fore1gn countnes. rather than w1th eac ot er or

\\.
I
j

:~
\\1

l
I
l

68 Contemporary Namibia

Hotels 40 20 37 3
Transport 94 2 4 0
Communications 94 2 4 0
Financial activities 82 6 6 5
Recorded self-employment 60 20 10 10
Social economy 68 9 10 12
Government activities 75 5 10 10
TOTAL 47 14 31 8

Soun:t: Moputola 1996.

This publicly expressed · · . . db mtenhon ts based on the 'poles of growth'
constttute y the EPZs and th . .
business in nine d" tr" ts ts h ~ mdustnal estates for small and medium
financed by the Sttastetc d, . t e. mfrastructure of which is subsidised and

an ts atmed at r 1 · . outside Windhoek th ta . s tmu atmg regtonal development
' e s te capttal and the dominant economic pole.

'We must compete': the race fo -
urban centres r mvestment and the inequality between

The actions undertaken in favour of th
Government is resolutely pi . h e EPZ demonstrate that the Namibian

I · aymgt ecardof · I"· · proc amatton of the Export p . regtona tsmg mvestment. The
. . rocessmg z0 A posttton of Walvis Bay A . nes ct of 1995 reinforced the

fi h. · · genume econo · b . IS mg mdustry was recorded th . mtc oom linked to the deep-sea
fi · ere m 1995 and 199 · re~ enterpnse zone is a success Th 6, and the new industnal
maJor project of intemationalisat: e deep-water port is at the centre of a
gates to the ~ean for southern A~~~ftraffic a_imed at making it one of the
Maput~ comdor, this project is based Competmg on a small scale with the
t? 4 mtlhon tonnes per annum and th o~ the extension of the port's capacity
hnks e remforceme t f · . · n o raptd transcontmental

However, at the .
are investin · w· same ttme, powerful nat" 1 ·
.,..,.. 1 ..... g

10 tndhoek outside th free tona pnvate businesspeople
..- .teu_ '1 m offi bu" . ' e enter · most tee tldmgs which meet h" . pnse zone programme,
an :w:~~~me in the town tgh mte~ational standards, the

~mg businessman. :n~-bemg the achievement of
""

1
e tndhoek Municipality has

R ........ -:..... .. ~~Okalcarara,
Mulilo. Ondangwa, Oljiwarongo, Uutapi.

The State. accumulation and regulation: for a political economy of Namibia 69

launched work on the development of an industrial estate in the south of the
town and facilitates investment in services in the town centre by relaxing the
former urban zoning restrictions. An international complex (comprising
hotels, conference halls, offices and services) has also been programmed,
financed by the Malaysian South-South Corporation (Masscorp), and its
construction is scheduled to begin in 1998. 16

Various simulations of growth demonstrate that the capital is capable
of withstanding competition with Walvis Bay, including in manufacturing,
and that its potential for economic growth justifies considerable urban in-
vestment. The efforts made to conceive a new offer of services (such as the
'business nurseries' type) and to promote the small and medium businesses
likely to disseminate innovations- and perhaps to promote the emergence
of a class of non-white entrepreneurs- demonstrates that those in office in
the Windhoek Municipality are not satisfied with managing the status quo.
For them, this is not the time to wait, nor is it time for a cautious slow-down
in local investment. References to an economic slow-down and 'minimal
growth' are far from being defended by the actors responsible for urban
management, who instead tend to worry about the risk of their town being
marginalised within SADC and about the conditions for competing not only
with Walvis Bay but also with the medium-sized South African towns in
matters of financial and tourist services.

In comparison with the dynamic attitude of the two urban centres at
the 'top' of the urban hierarchy, the other urban centres do not have much
to offer: their productive capacity is minimal and sometimes even gravely
threatened, as in Tsumeb; their local consumption market is limited, and
their services and external relations cannot compete with those of Windhoek
and Walvis Bay. Apart from Okahandja, a remarkable crossroads town but
very close to the capital, all that is really left are the services linked to tourism
(Swakopmund, Mariental, Keetmanshoop) or mining, to mobilise investment
on any scale, because the small local entrepreneurs (Kadhikwa et al. 1996)
are indeed very small-scale.

The state of the statistics available does not enable us to construct
inter-sectoral and inter-regional matrices and carry out a systemic analysis.
All that is known is that a redistribution of income took place in 1993
between the capital and the north of the country where nearly half of the
population is concentrated .

. "According to The Namibian (1817/97), the total amount of the investment is
esttmated at N$200 million.

l
l

I
l

l
'

70 Contemporary Namibia

TABLE 5: LOCATION OF FINAL DEMAND AND VALUE ADDED
(1993, MILLION N$)

Private Public Invest- Total % Value
Consump. Consump. ments demand added

Windhoek I 086 2 219 902 4 207 55 3 304
Coast 278 148 96 522 7 995
South/Centre 692 296 173 I 162 15 2 259
North I 0!3 296 453 I 762 23 618
Total 3 069 2 959 I 625 7 653 100 7 176

Sourtr: Mupotola 1996.

100

If strong and vigorous interrelations are not set up between Windhoek
and Walv1s Bay as well as betw h
the roads linkin' them een t .ese tw? poles and the towns along
With W 1 . B g 'a process of dtslocatton could quickly take over.
Businessa ~::tric~y ;~d the extrovert mi?ing towns, the Windhoek Central
pockets wht'ch ' hofired to the financtal economy of SADC and the urban are con med top ·d· .
markets, a pseudo archi ela

0
e rov 1 mg servtces for the restricted local

set in The mun'tcl'pal't· p dg conomy, not constllutmg a system, could
· ttesan towns t db .

& Graefe 1998) would th crea e Y decentralisation (Dubresson
structuring, local authoriti:sn~::~ have a very weak capacity for regional
of growth and incomes and th . not ~?me effictent tools for the spread
increase even more rapidly . e ;equ~httes between urban centres could
government aid. giVen at Wmdhoek and Walvis Bay monopolise

A major question: the land probl .
the former 'homelands' ,. th em and the Circulation of capital in

0 e north

Crea~ed by the colonial administration .
mer homelands' in the north . out ofnothtng, the towns of the for-

I"· were p ·1 · po tttcal domination. They se d nman Y Instruments for South African
the police rve as labour re ·

. zone, as well as being the h cruttment centres for work on
~towns ~uring the guerrilla w:~~uarters of ethnic administrations,
1'\\o.a._.__ ~lat1ons fleeing the insec 'ty ged by SW APO and safe havens
..,.,,..II and Ondan . un of the r 1 .
Kav gwa m former Ow bol ura areas. In towns ltke
deve~he defence force and th ar;' . and, and Rundu in the former

tofshopsandserv· e ~ onlal administration ensured the
ICes Whtch met the needs of a varied urban

The State. accumulation and regulation: for a political economy ofNamibia 71

and rural population: soldiers with their families, peasants, civil servants and
petty traders.

The end of the liberation war, accompanied by the withdrawal of the
South African troops and the UN Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG)
between 1989 and 1990, changed these economic bases; they were desta-
bilised by the sudden departure of a population with considerable purchasing
power." The hinterland. which was totally rural and extended beyond the
regional and national frontiers, today plays a dominant role in the new
economic momentum taking place within these former 'homelands'. The
enclosure of part of the communal lands by affluent and/or influential urban-
dwellers (Frayne et al. 1993: 36-39) enables the constitution of huge private
land ownership as well as upward mobility from cattle farming to a market
economy. At the same time, the rise of the middle classes (shopkeepers,
teachers, workers and low-grade civil servants) who maintain a rural and
agricultural base (Fuller et al. 1996: 9) stimulates investment. The recent
opening oflarge retail shops in the rural areas or in small places at the lower
end of urban settlements in the regions is evidence ofthis. 18

The circulation of capital in the 'homelands'- encouraged by economic
openings in the towns and the hinterland and initiated by a small mobile
community of big traders from the northern regions- is increasingly visible.
However, exactly what effects this will have at local level and the conse-
quences on endogenous regional economic development cannot be perceived.

With an annual demographic growth rate of over 3%, the former
Kavango and Owamboland, with a combined population of700 000, rank
second- after Windhoek- for the value of private national consumption
(Table 5). According to official bank sources, this population, 90% of which
is rural, has substantial monetary resources but these are very unequally
distributed. Namibia's central bank (the Bank ofNamibia) and that of South
Africa (the South African Reserve Bank) estimate that R350 million was
in circulation in the northern regions before the introduction of the Namibia
Dollar in September 1993 (Brown 1994: 4). A considerable proportion of
these monetary flows come from the distribution by the State of a large sum
tn salaries- as a result of keeping on civil servants inherited from the ethnic
administrations and from the enlargement of the public service- as well as
monetary transfers from migrants, on which many rural inhabitants depend.

Due to the effect of the sustained demand, the growing regional and
local markets are being totally restructured. With the assertion of the middle
classes, supply is becoming diversified, evidence of this being the recent

17 h
. . Approximalely 80 000 men were slationed in Namibia in 1986. of whom I e

lllajon~~ were in the nonh (Dreyer 1994: 161 ).
Okahau, Ombalanlu Uulapi Eenhana in former Owamboland. and Nkurenkuru

BndB .. ' '
agant m former Kavango are good examples.

------

72 Contemporary Namibia

development of the market in consumer goods and the development of the
sale of materials for construction and spare parts for cars. The market, which
to date has been dominated by the First National Development Corporation
and a small number of big local traders, is attracting an increasing number
of foreign firms, most of which are South African. Finally, the Angolan
demand for current consumer goods, which has been rising constantly since
1992, also contributes to the commercial momentum. According to the
customs services in Oshakati, sales of food products increased almost four-
fold between 1993 and 1996, rising from N$6,4 million to N$22. I million
per annum. These sums are only an indication of the real trans-frontier trade.
Some of the big local traders estimate that Angola imports goods to the value
ofN~l 0 mtlhon each week (Brown 1994: 17; personal interview 17/4/96).
The tllegal trade in Angolan and Namibian diamonds and the black market
tn goods stolen in Namibia or South Africa, particularly in cars, is certainly
part of the explanation (Brown 1994: 4).

I I
An ever~increasing amount of capital is therefore in circulation on the

oca and regtonal market H · · . .
19 . " owever, tt ts rarely remvested m the northern

towns. Possessmg a small ec . b . . . d . . . onomtc ase Wtth hmtted technical know-how
an hadmtmstrattve capacities (Kadhikwa et al. 1996: 24) the towns in the
nort are unable to attract th · · 1 . '

I. . ts captta. Ltke some of the symbolic local persona tttes the most prom· 0 in the fo ', I' ment wambo entrepreneurs prefer to invest
ad' ~fi er. po tee zone'' patticularly in Walvis Bay and Windhoek where

tverst tcatton of activities is both 'bl ' .
the fishing, constru f posst e and profitable, particularly m
which results fro ~?"an~ ~roperty sectors. In addition to the accumulation
of the national :b ts ~rammg of trade by the south and the upper echelons
South African companan. terF~rchy, ~e have the export of profits made by

tes. mally m the pre t 1. . the new local autho 't' d . ' sen context of decentra tsatton,
n tes o not m practic h h ·

the commercial momentum. e ave t e means to participate 111

The land ownership question .
In an effort to maintain

1
preoccuptes economic and political actors.

. contro over the f
towns m the former 'ho 1 d , management and development o
which have not been mbde an_ s 'the State retains ownership of town lands

I. . . su tvtded until th 1 .. pa t!tes m their own right M e owns are proclaimed muntct-
in the north ofOngwed· · ~reover, wherever plots exist except for those
on demand by the local':~~ e7 cannot be bought or sold,' but are allocated

The absence of privat:;"ty donee the t._iRLGH has given its approval.
the one hand, it penalises loca~~ ow_nershtp has a dual disadvantage: on
have access to banking credit d trms m search of investment which do not

ue to the lack f d
---;;;::-:------- o a property guarantee, an ,.

For lack of data i fl
baed on discuss . n tgurcs and broken down b . . .
dunna severat lOllS Wilh economic and polit' 1 Y towns and regtons, the analysos IS

Slays between 1993 and 19%. 108 actors, and on personal observation

The State, accumulation and regulation: for a political economy of Namibia 73

on the other hand, it prevents the local authorities from raising land and
property taxes and from disposing of resources from the sale of plots. This
situation deprives them of a considerable financial base, as the example of
Oshakati demonstrates: the real estate value used for tax purposes of the I
400 existing plots is evaluated at N$23 million (Oshakati Town Council
Evaluation Roll 1995). Dependent on a ministry whose lack of budgetary
assets is public knowledge and whose means are limited- given the number
of territorial collectives under its supervision ( 13 regions, 12 towns and I 7
villages), the urban administrations can neither promote economic momen-
tum nor encourage its spread at local level.

Over and above the realisation that the gap is widening between the
upper and lower echelons of the national urban hierarchy, there is the ques-
tion of the role of the former 'homelands' in the national economy. Monetary
circulation in the north means it is no longer merely a reserve of labour.
The dual economic system founded on a spatial dichotomy is disappearing
because the former 'homelands' are today both a base for accumulation and
for the reproduction of the African labour force. What new forms of regula-
tion will emerge from this new economic situation? What roles will local
authorities play in this territorial momentum in the long term? For the time
being, given their limited political means, they are proving unable to provide
a framework for the present commercial momentum and to tum it into an
instrument for redistributing and diffusing wealth.

CONCLUSION: WHAT BASE IS THERE FOR GROWTH, WHAT
IS THE FORM OF REGULATION AND WHAT SOCIAL
PROJECTS ARE THERE?

Since independence we have seen that the base for growth has been enlarged
to include fishing, tourism and the associated services, but no significant
tra~sformation of this base, and particularly in the nature of the g~owth -
whtch remains founded on a rentier economy - can be observed. Gtven the
handicaps inherited from apartheid, the lack of room ~or ma?o.euvre open
to the leaders in 1990 and the long shadow of South Africa, thts ts m no way
surprising. Moreover it is difficult to see on what assets a real diversificatiOn
could be established: and the hopes which are pinned to the exploitation of
the Kudu gas fields confirm that the economic future will remain subordmate
to the divided economy for many years to come. .

The attention ofthis chapter therefore focuses more on state practices
than on the difficulty, if not the impossibility, of transforming t~e productive
base. By setting up a mixed economy, within which the relative_wetght of
the public and parastatal sectors has been increasing constantly smce 1990"
rising to 28% ofGDP in 1996 the Namibian Government has initiated a new
form of regulation. The latte; is based, on the one hand, on the search for 8

74 Contemporary Namibia

maximisation of investment income as a result of a liberal approach. capital
and foreign technical know-how, and also the involvement of the national
white elite, and on the other hand, on institutional engineering enabling the
State to recover a considerable share of this investment income. The funda-
mental question is who gets the most out of this regulation and which line of
approach-: private capitalism, or state capitalism which is theoretically more
redistributive- will gain the upper hand in the long tenn.

It has to be a~m1tted that social polarisation remains high, and that a
process ofeconom1c fragmentation threatens the country. The official rate
ofur~an. unemplo~ment is 25% of the economically active population and
th~ distribut~on of mc~me is a~0ong the most unequal in the world. with the Gm1 coefficient re~chmg 70,1 and 'the I 0% of the households (5,3% of
the popu~at10n) which ha~e the highest adjusted per capita income consume
a~o~t ~4Vo of the total pnvate consumption in households· the other 90%
0

\\ e ouseholds (94,7% of the population) consume ab~ut 56% of the
tbeota ofpnvate consumption in the households' (NPC 1996). The disparities

tween reg1ons are considerabl d . .
h . e an greater than previously thought wh1le -per aps paradoxically_ pubr · . . '

of the ri h t · lc mvestment per cap1ta IS to the advantage
c es reg10ns and towns (NEPRU 1997)

The search for both prod t" ffi · ·
fair social redistribution is uc lve e. ICiency by means of liberalism and
especially for the N .b. a contradiction which is difficult to resolve,
. arm 1an Government h · h h · · d mequalities and build th . . . , _w 1c as to combat mhente
With the regulation w~i~~~~i~nhwhlle creatmg conditions for steady growth.
catchment area for investm _as Implem~nted, the State 1s placed as a
redistribution of this 1· ent mcome, wh1ch IS legitimate as long as the · ncome enables the d · · 1 mequalities. At present the

0
re. uct10n of social and spat~a

surrounding the 'infonnallgr d~ ofth: pubhc service and the laissez fa1re
coincides with a widening an ~ onn' m the fonner northern 'homelands'
labour market. inequalities 1~ap tween supply and demand on the private tran fi . . n mcome are far fr b · s ers Wlthm cultural grou If h om emg compensated for by
~ontext of geo-economic di~~it ey were ~o become more serious in a
mvestment income by the ex 1 . . on and stimulation of the growth of
legitimacy of the Govemrne~t ~:t,~n o~the gas reserves, the question of the

rapidly emerge on the political scene.

,.
The Gini coefficient

panem of perfectJ . - . measures the extent to wh · h · .
of U1COme Y even dJStnbution. Thus a coefli . IC mcome dtstribution differs from a
coeffi ' ~ a COtflicicnt or 100 ,~ __ ___,bes tctent ofO describes a situation of total equality

otiCIIIs "or Sotnh A"'-- . """" one of total · al" . · · The Nanubtan soc , .. n.G, Zimbabwe and the lv C mequ tty. By compar1son, the Gm1
let} IS one of the world's most i:galoastare 58,4, 56,8, and 36,9 respectively

nanan (World Bank 1997).

To achieve freedom and equality:
Namibia's new legal order

Manfred 0 Hinz

THE CONSTITUTION: NAMIBIA'S GRUNDNORM? 1

The Constitution and the 1982 Principles

The drafting of the Constitution of the Republic ofNamibia happened neither
in a social nor legal vacuum: the spirit of liberation and the hope for new
realities were as present as the spirits and realities of the past. The protracted
and complicated negotiations to prepare for the implementation of the
independence Resolution 435 ( 1978) of the Security Council of the United
Nations resulted, inter alia, in a pre-constitutional framework, namely the
Constitutional Principles and Guidelines of 1982.2 The Principles of 1982
were drafted by the Western Contact Group with the intention of binding
the future Namibian constitution-makers3 They were accepted by all relevant
parties, including SWAPO of Namibia, and the newly elected Constituent
Assembly unanimously reaffirmed the Principles'

The Principles contain several prerequisites which the future Constit-
ution of Namibia was expected to implement. Apart from the requirements
related to the doctrine of the rechtsstaat (supremacy of the Constitution,
separation of powers, enforcement of the Constitution by an independent
Judiciary), the Principles call for a Declaration of Fundamental Rights which
~re enforceable by the courts. The Principles list the right to life, personal
liberty and freedom, fieedom of conscience, freedom of expression, freedom

I
Grundnorm = 'basic standard' 2 "

3
C[ Hinz 1988: 73[ . .
W1echers ( 1989/90: 1ft) analyses the legal significance oflhe Pnnc1ples. He holds

lhailhe binding character of the Principles even survived (internationally and nationally)
lhe ad~pllon of the Constitulion. Hinz argues againsl this (1996b).

Constituent Assembly, sd: 15f.

I
l

l
l
l
I

76 Contemporary Namibia

of assembly and association, due process and equality before the law,
protection from arbitrary deprivation of private property without just com-
pensation, and freedom from racial, ethnic, religious or sexual discrimination.
In general the Principles emphasise that the expected declaration of rights
should be consistent with the provisions of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.

5
Last but not least, the Principles require the establishment

of elected councils for local and/or regional administration.

The Declaration of Rights of the Namibian Constitution

Two arrangements in the new Namibian grundnorm deserve attention for
the purpose of this paper. The first concerns the scope of legally enforceable
human rights enshrined in the Constitution: in principle only the first-
generation fundamental rights and freedoms found their places in the directly
b~nding ~ode of rights. The second arrangement relates to the very mecha-
~tsm whtch ~as been built into the Constitution and which regulates the
tmpleme_ntatt~n of the provisions of the Constitution with special regard to
the relattonshtp between it and pre-constitutional law

T~e rights of :reedom listed in the Principles e~clusively are first-
g~n.eratton n~~ts. ~trst-generation rights are the classical liberal rights, i.e.
ctvtl ~nd poht~cal ~tghts," the objective of which is to prevent state powers
from mtervenmg 111 the sphe f · d' 'd .. . . . . reo m lVI uals, but also to secure pohttcal
~;~;;~on 10 th: democratic process. They all found their place in Chapter

0
e on~lltutton, titled 'Fundamental Rights and Freedoms' Article 5

cbelearly provtdes that all rights and freedoms contained in Chap~er 3 shall
respected and upheld by 11 th

agencies 1 Art' 1 25 a ree powers of the State and all its organs and · tc e complements th · · ·
mechanisms bind' h ts provtston by defining enforcement

In look' mg upol n t e powers of the State and its agencies.
mg more c osely at th · h

previous chapter one r e ng ts and freedoms stipulated in the
the exception of~ne n: 1~es ~ha~ all of these rights and freedoms- with
generation rights Th' e . ehy t e nght to education (Article 20)- are first-

. ng t to educaf · · .
generation. Social rights . h 1~n "s. a soctal nght of the second
require the enabling enac: ng f Is whtch, m order to become effective,
~ght to education, this is cle~~t 0 the S~te. In th~ case of the Article 20
ts called upon_ Y spell out 111 sub-arttcle 2 in which the State

'UNGcnmJ
' cr. Shescack ~991~ RDuesolution 217 (Ill) of 10 December 1948
1 II· · " ' prd 1994· 204 · IS l1llponom 10 ""- " "

opply 'CIIically . - ·-the lilndamental 'gh
"

1
"
0

· '*- individuals and the " IS and fteedoms in principle only
"'1Ms of the State.

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 77

... [to] provide reasonable facilities to render effective this right
for every resident within Namibia, by establishing and main-
taining State schools at which primary education will be provided
free of charge.

Other second-generation rights of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights that one may look for in the Constitution are the right to work, the
right to rest and the right to a minimum standard of living (Articles 23, 24
and 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights respectively).

Rights ofthis nature8 can be found in Chapter II, titled 'Principles of
State Policy'. Article 95 identifies 12 areas in which the State is expected to
'actively promote and maintain the welfare of the people' by adopting
specific policies. Health and strength of the workers (Article 95(a)), sound
labour relations (95(c)), access to public facilities and services (95(e)), a
living wage (95(i)), acceptable levels of nutrition and standards of living
(95(j)) and the environment (95(k)) are examples of fields requiring such
policies. To promote and maintain welfare through specific policies is not
a matter of rights, but rather of guiding principles. As Article I 0 I clearly
states, the principles of state policy are not legally enforceable; they are
only there as a guide in making and applying laws to give effect to the
fundamental objectives of the said principles. In the case of enactments
based on these principles, they are allowed to serve as aids in interpreting
the enactments.

In short, the new legal system of Namibia is in principle based on a
constitutional model which focuses on the classical civil and political rights.
Apart from the right to education, all other social (i.e. second-generation)
nghts, not to speak of third-generation rights, have been barred from the
catalogue of legally binding rights. Social rights, in the sense of an intimated
or comparative human rights theory, are under-constitutional matters that
~ay be guided by the principles of state policy, but otherwise left to the
dtscretion of politics!

However, the equality provision under Article I 0 of the Constitution,
rea~ together with Article 23 which provides for measures of affirmative
achon, allows for the translation of certain social interests into the right to
equality. Article I 0(2) explicitly excludes discrimination on the grounds of
sex; race, colour, ethnic origin, religion, creed or social or economic status.
Arttcle 23 adds to this by authorising the lawmaker to enact legislation to
cor~ect the disadvantages created for the majority of the Namibian people.
Antcle 23(3) extends the possibility of affirmative action to women in order

9 Including aspects of third-generation rights, such as the right to environment.
South A See Hin~ 1991192: 686ff. See also De Villiers ( 1994: 599ft). who summarises the

fncan discussion on the constitutional meaning of soc1al and economic rights.

l
\\

,,,

78 Contemporary f\\lamibia

to enable them to play a full, equal and effective role in the politicaL social,
economic and cultural life of the nation. The fact that the authorisation to
enact measures of affirmative action is contained in the chapter of legally
binding fundamental rights and freedoms will certainly have a bearing on
the scope of the right to equality, by way of enriching the right through
interpretation in the spirit of the affirmative action provision. This does not
mean that a person claiming equality will have the right to force the State
to enact a certain measure of affirmative action.

The second constitutional arrangement mentioned above deals with
the relationship between constitutional and pre-constitutional law. Although
it is binding on all state organs and agencies, the Constitution is not self-
executing in the sense that unconstitutional law would be rendered un-
const~tutional by the mere fact of its unconstitutionality. Law that is in
con~1ct Wtlh the Constitution remains in force until repealed or amended
by etthe~ t~e lawmaker or a competent court. The High and Supreme Courts
ofNarmbta are competent to declare law as unconstitutional 10 These rules
apply particularly to pre-constitutional law. Article 140( 1 ) sp~aks of all laws
m force before the date of independence, including statutory law, common
law and customary law.'' The enactment of enforceable fundamental rights
and freedoms, therefore, does not lead to the automatic erasure of pre-
mdependence law that conflicted with the Constitution. Thus the decision
to safeguard legal certainty by · . . . . guaranteemg the contmuous valid tty of pre-
mdependence laws preva·11s 0 th · . . . . . . . ver e conslltutmnal mterest to constttuuon-
ahse the mhented legal order.

It is noteworthy, however, that a substantial amount of democratically
unacceptable laws were 1 d - h

I I. h repea e m I e run-up to the Constitution. Laws rea mg to I e so-called Tran 't' 1 G
1 d be Sltona overnment of National Unity had

a rea y en repealed by the South African Ad . . I . 12
In pursuance ofth . d mm1s rattan.

Council Resolution 435 e(:~ c;rndence packa?e based ~n the UN Security
'discrimin t . . 7 ), the South Afncan Admmtstratton repealed

a ory or restncllve law 1 ·
which might ab 'd . . . s, regu atmns or administrative measures
Namibia.IJ In adrdl 't~e or mh~btt' the objective of free and fair elections in

' ton to thts the c t't · . " ons 'utton Itself repealed some of the

10 A . I noc es 79(2) d SO(
"S.C also Anicl~ of~~ O~lheNamibian Conslilulion.
12 C( Repeat oflhe La e amoboan Constitution.

C 'I p won lhe Natoonal Asse bl .
ounco Rl<lamation. AG 16 or 1989 b m y, lhe Cabmet and the Constitutional

lomaloon, AG 8 of 19119, and doe Go...,; ut also lhe Representative Powers Transfer Proc-
l9ll9., ment of Rehoboth Transfer Proclamation. AG 32 of

cr. FiiSI 111e1 "-- " La Resvicu.c, --- .......,.. w Amendment (Ab r
fl9l9 _.,.filrl'iuposcofFreeand F. Elec. 0 oshmenl of Discriminatory and

o - "" loon) Proclamation, AG 14 and AG 25

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 79

remaining constitutional and second-tier government laws which had become
obsolete with the new Constitution."

Parameters to assess the achievements of the new legal order

The arrangements can indeed be said to be the two parameters which allow
for the assessment of the achievements ofNamibia's new legal system. They
will be the main points of reference for the analysis following, and will lead
into a concluding consideration as to how far the new legal system was
able to overcome deficits of the previous colonial dispensation. The
question of the societal acceptance and acceptability of the Constitution
will guide the reflections. The introductory statement on the constitution-
making process, having operated within an externally set framework, but
also in respect of internal conditions, will be resumed in the concluding
remarks in order to ascertain the Constitution as a viable grundnorm of
Namibia's new legal system.

Shaping the new legal order

It is easy to point to human rights violations in any society. Violations of
human rights are normal in the sense that no government is perfect, and as
long as judicial structures are available to remedy them. Human rights
violations, however, become an issue of special concern when certain vio-
lations of rights grow into a permanent or even structured feature of society
for which the usual statutory remedies, be they national or international, are
unable to bring relief."

Bearing this in mind, the following assessment ofNamibia's new legal
order will concentrate on three areas in order to measure its achievements:
first, access to the legal system, i.e. to justice through courts, as this shows
the actual degree of protection of civil and political rights; secondly, access
10 the political system, as the efficiency of democracy stays or fails With the
degree of Participation in the decision-making process on various levels; and
thirdly, access to welfare.

It is understood that by focusing on these areas, other important aspects
of the democratic society are not specifically highlighted here. Transparency

14
See Anicle 147 oflhe Namibian Constilulion, read with Schedule 8.

"I · d' h e been ab los held thai so far the national and international statutory reme leS av .
N le ~.relieve the cases of unavoidable human rights violations which have occurred.'"
w llllltbta since independence. Therefore the following does nol here take up mailers whtch

ere recorded by the Ombudsman of Namibia in his annual report.

(,
I I

80 Contemporary Namibia

and accountability are political values that are directly related to the rule of
law. Freedom of the media and the independence of the judiciary are
prerequisites for the functioning of any type of democratic culture. These
aspects, however, are seen to be inherently covered by the focus chosen. It
would not make sense to talk about access to the legal system in view of
the need to protect rights and freedoms, if at the same time the system were
unreliable due to its being under the influence of the Government. To talk
about political participation necessarily includes taking note of the state of
accountability, transparency and freedom of the media.

Access to justice

The accessibility of justice through courts depends on various factors: the
numbe~ of ~ourts and their location, the degree of available service, the
profess1onahsm of the legal personnel and the functioning of the institutional
framework in which the courts operate.

Before looking into these matters, one has to consider the structure of
the courts as provided for by law. According to the Constitution, the High
~ourt stand~ at the centre of the court structure, being the only court which
IS sald(~rtlcle 80(2)).to ha~e original jurisdiction upon all civil disputes
and cnmmal pr~secut1ons, mcluding all sorts of constitutional cases. The
Supre;e Court IS the court of appeal for the High Court (Article 79). Special
procrtse. ~res arh e.set out for the appointment oflegal officers to staff the two
cou , 1.e. t e JUdges The appo' 1 d
ffi ted b th . · m ment an removal of judges can only be e ec Y e Pres1dent ofN 'b'

Servl.ce C . . 16 arm Ia on the recommendation of the Judicial ommiSSIOn.
The lowest court level f th · d' .

courts which . 0 . e JU 1c1ary is represented by the lower
" compnse the mag1strat " 11 · " 1 courts" They 'd es courts as well as the trad111ona · are pres1 ed ov b · d' ·

with procedures 'be er Y JU ICial officers appointed in accordance
83(2) of the Con~~:~:n dT~ an A.c1. of Parliament, as stated by Article
courts are notj'udges i th. : presldmg officers of both types of lower

. n e stnct sense Mag· 1 1 . · the Mmistry of Justice 19 while
1

. ·. IS ra es are pubhc servants m

---;;-~--:-----·--- rad1t1onal courts are presided over by
t6 A .
. . nlclcs 82 and 84 of the Namibi . . .

Comm1ss1on Act. No. 18 of 1995 an Constotut1on; see also the Judicial Service n Mag· .
" ...... lstratcs Coun Ac~ No. 32 of 1944 as am d d

' 'IC" mam Piece of rei . " en e .
Chief,_ Head evantlegoslation is th c· ·1 . men. Chiefs' Dc:put' d e lVI and Criminal Jurisdiction-
Africa l'rocloma!ion. R348 of 196~"' an Headmen's Deputies- Territory of South West
'YSiem1~f the ~itional admini~~o~ed. For a full record on the law governing the

Thos IS " point of e~-- I JUSIICC, see HlnZ (19%a: 71 fl). ....., .. __ ;, . -·-u reatmg to the. d d .
fJ . --""IOilllly (and indeed 't h becom '" epen ence of magistrates. It os

:.... =:'~should r:ni.,y ~status e a matter of discussion in the Ministry
Socoay for H111nan Riglus 0996b)~ble to JUdges. In this regard see

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 81

traditional leaders who derive their authority from their appointment to such
office, and in certain cases from the special powers conferred upon them.20

At independence in 1990, I 8 magistrates held court at 12 places in
Namibia." In the whole of the far north only one resident magistrate existed,
i.e. in Katima Mulilo for the Caprivi. Owamboland and Kavango (as they
were then known) were served by magistrates residing somewhere else. At
the end of 1994 the number of magistrates was increased to 42 at 23 places.
Three magistrates' courts with a total of six magistrates were established in
former Owamboland - at Oshakati, Ondangwa and U utapi - and one court
with two magistrates was established in Rundu. In addition to this, court
offices were built in order to allow magistrates to hold periodical courts
outside their places of residence.

The workload of the magistrates' courts developed accordingly. In
1990 only 364 criminal cases were recorded at the Ondangwa Magistrate's
Court (which at the time was the only court office for Owamboland, served
from Tsumeb). The Oshakati and Ondangwa Magistrates' Courts recorded
a combined total of 5 881 cases in 1992, the figure basically remaining at
this level in 1993 and 1994, even after the Uutapi Magistrate's Court opened.
In magistrates' courts generally, the number of maintenance complaints
almost doubled between 1990 and !994- from I 367 in !990 to 2 4 76 in
1994. Regarding the workload in civil matters generally, the records show
that magistrates' courts spent 25 times more time on civil matters in 1994
than in 1990.

The interpretation of the quoted figures may be debatable in detail. In
general it can be assumed that the increase in the number of courts, court
?ffi~es and magistrates substantially contributed to increasing access to
JUSitce. Despite the fact that the crime rate rose since independence, it can
be held that the greater accessibility of the legal system motivated people to
lake their matters to the courts. 22

The increase in the number of legal personnel in the magistrates'
courts and the Office ofthe Prosecutor-General was made possible by the
pre-independence efforts of SW APO and the United Nations Institute for
Namibia (UNJN) in Lusaka. The majority of the appointees since 1990 were
UNIN graduates who received additional training at the Zambian National
Institute for Public Administration. The establishment of the Justice Training

20
his noteworthy, however. that section 4( 1 )(a) ofthe quoted Proclamation R348

ofl%7, on view oftraditionalleaders in some areas ofNamibia. speaks of·orogonal and
exclusive jurisdiction'

21 . .

22 Thos and the data of the following rely on Truter (1994). .
Su This development, of course, has a bearing on the performance of the High and
.,:.reme Courts. The High Court currently has, apart from the Judge Presodent, sox per·
ho ently employed judges; the Supreme Court only has one, the Ch1ef Just1ce, who 15 not,

wever. permanently resident in Namibia.

' '
82 Contemporary Namibia

Centre assisted in familiarising the exile magistrates and prosecutors with
the special conditions of the legal system in Namibia, through the provision
of in-service training courses."

Despite this, the number of court personnel and legal professionals
available- and also of police officers- is not sufficient to enable catching
up with developments since independence24 Up to now, not even one law
firm operates on its own in the far north of the country. Regional offices of
the Legal Assistance Centre, a public-interest law firm based in Windhoek,
at least otTer the services of paralegals at Ongwediva and Rundu.

Two more recent events may help to change the situation in the not
too distant future. The first is the establishment of the Faculty of Law at the
University of Namibia in 1993, and the second is the restructuring of the
legal profession with the enactment of the Legal Practitioners Act, No. 15
of 1995. The Faculty of Law now otTers legal training for a three-year
under-graduate degree ofBaccalaureus Juris (B Juris) and a two-year post·
grad~ate degree ofBaccalaureus Legum (LLB). The first group of B Juris
candtdates completed their studies at the end of 1996.

The Legal Practitioners Act provided for the restructuring of the legal
pr~fession by fusing the Bar and the Side-bar into one professional organi-
sat~on, thereb~ giving attorneys the full right to audience before all courts.
Thths change .wtll also improve the access to courts and justice and contribute
tot e lowermg of costs.2'

As far as t~e institutional framework in which the courts operate is
concerned, two Items need · 1 . .
Oftr d.t. 1 specta attention: the outstanding restructunng a I tona courts and th · .
and cr· · 1 d' e necesstty to reform certain areas of crimmal tmma proce ure law

A survey conducted f~ th M. ·
extent trad·t· 1 r e mtstry of Justice

26 has shown to what
1 ton a courts are · d · . .

stration of justice. The le at an m tspensable part of the overall admmt-
reform was req ·red. g assessment of the survey outlined areas where

Ut m order to ensu th h · . · re at t e tradtttonal courts occupy thetr

"The . . . appointment of the Lusaka d .
rnqurnes.. as well as of commo fli gra uates was an ISsue of nationwide debate and
of the exile trainees The 0 n e arts

10 provide assistance to improve the performance
daf · .ovemments ofSwed

ton. generously supponed th . . en and Gennany. as well as the Ford Foun·
" T · e m·serv1ce effort f h · o gt\\e an example· It 1- . s

0 t e Justice Training Centre.
deln· of · · s estimated that th b kl · ·

-, SIX months or mo- Th 1 e ac og m cases will translate mto a cr here the "· e ack of perso 1 ffi · ~ repon titled 'Legal nne a ects the whole of the legal system:
71l1'16f< system tn State of collapse' (Windhoek Advertiser

The Act -"" n· " ,_ .- se to a debate on the I
. -""· See Joint Cllllllltent ( 199S) and N egal and social framework of the profession
....,. of tnoncy ond oa:ess to j~ . 1;."tbta Law Association ( 1995). Otherwise. the ~Aid Act. No. 98 or 1990). is~~ .'"8 1"!1"1 aid provided by the Government (cf.

li ~ T~p~cott). opo: on ns own (cf., in this volume, Kossler &
ThiS formed the"""""'-' . -.,. " ....,basis ofHinz U996a).

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 83

place within the greater setup of traditional government and rule, but also
to ensure that they become fully accepted as part of the justice system as
provided for by the Constitution. Subsequent to the survey, a draft Customary
Law and Community Courts Act was approved in principle by the Ministry
of Justice and is now awaiting its submission to Parliament. Its eventual
enactment will have an immense impact on the performance of the justice
administration. It will bring the much-needed legal tools to strengthen the
role and functions of traditional courts as the grassroots custodians of justice.

Access to justice has become a special issue in view of problems in
the administration of criminal and criminal procedure law. So far, the greater
part of criminal law in force is (uncodified) common law, and in many res-
pects it does not meet with conditions of the world of today. Rape, domestic
violence and all gender-related crimes are examples of this. Granting of bail,
minimum sentences and more efficient protection of victims of crimes are
procedural issues which have also been put on the agenda. Some are under
inquiry by the Law Reform and Development Commission/' and the
whole range of issues forms part of the terms of reference of the recently
appointed Commission oflnquiry into Legislation for the More Effective
Combating of Crime in Namibia.28

Access to political participation

Peoples' participation in the political system can be looked at from various
sides. The degree of civic awareness is an important factor, and another is
the readiness of the Government to share power with decentralised structures.
The willingness ofNGOs to act- and society's acceptance of their doing so
-is as indispensable as the freedom of expression. In the following, only
the institutional framework of the decentralised execution of power will be
analysed. It will be assessed in view of its functioning, with special regard
to its potential for allowing effective participation in the political system.

Three legislative measures are brought to mind when talking about
the decentralisation of power in Namibia: the Local Authorities Act, No.
23 of I 992; the Regional Councils Act, No. 22 of I 992; and the Traditional
Authorities Act No. 17 of 1995 as provided for by the Constitution (Article
I 02).29 ' '

Although Article I 02 does not explicitly emphasise traditional govern-
ment, it is implicitly acknowledged by making the Council of Traditional

27
Established under the Law Reform and Development Commission Acl, No. 29 of 1991. as amended " .

29 Proclamation 2 of 1996: see also GN 75 of 1996. . .
On the implementation of decentralisation, cf. Graefe & Pe}·rou\\ '" thts volume. ' L g_;

i' I '·]
' '

84 Contemporary Namibia

Leaders part of this Article on regional and local government30 Apart from
this legal argument, recent developments in southern African countries have
shown that strategies of decentralisation have been running into difficulties
because they have not considered the deeply rooted adherence to traditional
government31 Securing traditional good governance has become a political
and administrative challenge. Given the widespread acceptance of traditional
authority, efforts have to be made to assist traditional leaders to meet the
needs of the times.32

Local authorities have been in existence for a long time. There was
nevertheless the need to replace the local authority law in force with the
new Local Authorities Act The Act abolished the legacy of apartheid which
separ~ted the people living in urban settlements along racist lines31 In
addttto~, the areas set aside for the black population as so-called 'self-
govemmg territor!~s· did not have any local government establishment, so
the ~ocal Authortttes Act removed the inherited discriminatory laws and
provt~ed for a uniformly applicable local government structure and the
establtsh~ent of local authorities in the former black territories. The powers
and functtons of local authorities do not differ much from the usual code
of powers and functions assigned to local government
A T?~ first ~~mocratic local (and regional) election was held in 1992.
· specta provtsto~ which so far only applied to this election is noteworthy
~"r;:~~ntex\\~cttonb 6(3) of the Local Authorities Act, a clause addressing

· tve ac 10~' 0 liged all parties which participated in the election to
nommate on thetr resp f r
members t be

1
ec tve tsts (depending on the number of council

0
e ected) a minimum of two to three female candidates. 14

"A· rllcle 102(5) states· 'Th
established in terms of an Act · fP ere shan be a Council of Traditional Leaders to be
and utilization of communal!

0
d arhament 10 order to advise the President on the control

the President for adv"'· · Th' anh and on an such other matters as may be referred to it b1
·-· IS as to be read I h . . " customary law 'in force on th d oget er With Ar11cle 66, which stipulates that

h. h e ate of lndepe d w tc such custorru."" law does . n ence shall remain valid to the extent to A · "- .. _, ... not conflict 'th h' n lnn~n:nt part of custom~n- 1 . . . WI t IS Constitution or any statutory law·. 11 TL- ··-J aw IS trad1t1onal
. 'no best example to illustrate this. . government and leadership.

the Zimbabwean government deeded IS Zimbabwe. After nine years of independence.
( 1~; 281). A further imponant ~-~0 re-tradl!ionalise its customary courts: cf. Hinz

1
There is a lot to do: consultatio:le IS Mo_zambique; see here Lundin ( 1995).

;::'1 <ban&< (without destroying the b S. educational efforts, support to implement struc-
the ~VISion of the Traditional Authsu stance of traditional government) e.g. in view of
I oUOC:IIons ·-· . Olllies Act N 17 f . ' . f . .., dutiCS of tradition 1 h . :

0 · o 1995. wh1ch makes 11 pan o
J>II11CUiar b) --..,· a aut OOiieS to " ·

n The ~ ..... :"ana women to positions of
1

P_ro.mote affirmative action .... 1n
Act iuumu lltuahon o_flocal government beti eadership . See also Hinz ( 1996c). . .
11990~ ,.;balm .....,.S)'mposiwn ptlpers ore the enactment of the Local Authonues

"An "shed by the Friedricf>.Eben-St'ftm the vol~me Local Government in Namibia
~1011 of this c"---- . 1 ung'" Wondhoek

-..: IS contained · H · 'n ubbard & Kavari ( 1993 ).

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 85

A very new avenue for people's participation in the political system
opened with the enactment ofthe Regional Councils Act, the implementation
of which was prepared by the creation of 13 new regions. Departing from
the apartheid-based system of separate development, 35 the Delimitation
Commission drew new boundaries following geographical criteria and not
criteria of race, colour or ethnic origin, as stipulated in the Constitution
(Article I 02).36

The members of a regional council are elected by majority vote in
constituencies into which the regions have been subdivided (one member
per constituency) (Article I 06). Each council has to elect two members
from amongst themselves as members of the National Council (Article
I 08(a))37

The list of powers, duties, functions, rights and obligations of regional
councils, contained in section 28 of the Regional Councils Act, places special
emphasis on the 'planning of the development of the region'. Executive
powers in the real sense, however, are not allocated to regional councils.

The Traditional Authorities Act replaced outdated coloniallaw
38

with
provisions based on principles trying to marry traditional government with
constitutional requirements. The powers, functions and duties of traditional
authorities cover a broad range of tasks. Apart from cultural performances,
traditional authorities have to administer and execute the customary law of
their communities, assist law enforcement agencies, and assist and co-
operate with the organs of central, regional and local government. They
also have to ensure 'that the members of their traditional community use the
natural resources ... on a sustainable basis ... ' (section 10(2Xc)). Application
comprises customary law: administrative, judicial, but also law-ascertaining
and even lawmaking functions. 39 The umbrella concept of all of this is 'to
promote peace and welfare' (section I 0( I)).

Neither the Regional and Local Government Acts nor the Traditional
Authorities Act set out rules of competence to determine interaction and
communication between the regional and local structures on the one hand,
and the traditional on the other. Section 12(2) of the Traditional Authorities
Act states only that 'where the powers of a traditional authority or traditional
lea~er conflict with the powers ofthe organs of the Central Governmen~,
regtonal councils or local authority councils', the powers of the latter prevatl

31
Cf. Representative Authorities Proclamation, AG 8 of 1980, and Rehoboth Self-

Gov~ment Act, No. 56 of 1956. .
. See Report (1991); Totemeyer (1992) and Establishment of the Boundanes of

Reglo~~ and Local Authorities in Namibia Proclamation. No. 6 of 1992. . .
ho Read with Article 69 of the Constitution - the National Council IS the second

use ~ilh the _power to review legislation passed by the National Assembly.
,. In PiJtlcular, the Native Administration Proclamation. No. 15 of 1928, as amended-

cr. D'Engelbronner-Kloff( 1995).

.{ '

j
1

86 Contemporary Namibia

over the first. This is a mere rule of conflict, determining who has the last
word, as the case may be.

In view of the existing state of horizontal separation of power, this rule
of conflict is more important for the relationship between traditional and
local authorities than for the relationship between regional council and
traditional authority. Local authorities possess the full range of powers that
such a body usually commands. This may lead to conflicts, particularly in
urban settlements in which no local authority has existed thus far.

For the time being, the conflict potential in the regions will be rather
limited, as regional councils do not have substantial executive powers. An
interesting test case could be the relationship between regional councils and
traditional authorities over natural resource management and planning, since
both, in accordance with their respective legal status, are competent in that
matter. Empirical evidence on the relationship between the regional and
traditional level shows that, given the political weight of regional councils
and regional governors,'

0
their interaction is governed by a modus vivendi

developed through practical cooperation.'' But future developments may lead
to conflicts because_ neither Act provides rules for possibly overlapping
com_petencu:s. The nght to allocate land is one of the vehemently defended
traditiOnal nghts, wh1ch at the same time appears as a possible domain of
the regional councils in the rural areas."

~~cepting regional, local and traditional government i.e. decentralised
authont1es of elected and trad'f 1 1 . . ' ' 1ona s ructures, as leg1t1mate fo1111s of govern-
ment, one can in principle distinguish between three models to accommodate
the two sets of authority· du 1· ( .
b w . . · a Ism non-regulated or regulated), integration

(thy T aydo~ subordmatmg traditional authority) and harmonisation. Before
e ra 1t1onal Authorities Act d · · d

by non-regulated dualism _was_passe , the Situation was charactense
dualism and d d' ·The Situation has smce changed towards regulated
integra;ion of~~~ ~~~ ~n future practical developments, may lead to either
into a system of~ ra lllon~l level into the state level proper, or improve

armomsation from below b · · · · 1 h · h amount of traditio 1 Y mamtammg a relat1ve y 1g . . na autonomy.
It IS difficult to anticipat h · h .

as there are various tr d e "': lc of the two alternatives will preva1l,
weight as eleeted offi en s. The lmpo~nce of traditional offices may lose
renders the holding 0~~ ry better. Smce the Traditional Authorities Act

ra lllonalleader status incompatible with a political
--~~~~~-.---------

SCCIIOI\\S I. IS. and 19oflheR i . .
)lenon,~flhe COUncil as well as ofthc eg "?"1 Councils Act. The governor is Jhe cha~r·

cr. 'The political and C<On _council s management committee.
~by lhe Centre for Appl~~stal~ability of traditional authorities', a project

See *lion 211( I )(o) of lhe R . :lences ~CASS), Windhoek. ::::lend. Jec Hinz (1996a: Annex egJ"."c Counc1ls Act. On the traditional right to
trees and Jlloms). ure "stomary land law and the implications for

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 87

office at the same time, the latter will certainly become more attractive than
the former43 Another trend is conditioned by the long-awaited amendment
of the Regional Councils Act. At present there is a conceptual gap between
councillors' electoral status and voters' expectations on the one hand, and
the councillors' de facto performance in the day-to-day administration due
to their lack of statutory power on the other.44

A long-smouldering conflict between the two Houses of Parliament-
the National Assembly and the National Counci1,45 recently almost led to a
court case. The conflict is due to several factors. Firstly, the Constitution,
which describes the roles and functions of the two houses, does not define
the status of their mutual relations. The lack of clarity, however, did not come
as a drafting mistake, but rather as a result of the compromise concept of
decentralisation employed by the constitution-makers. In a federal state, the
restriction of the second house to the power of review is compensated for
by the powers the representatives of the individual states enjoy in their
respective states. Such a balancing compensation does not exist in Namibia.
Politically accountable to the regional councils from which they come, the
National Council members see themselves as the true representatives at grass-
roots level. And yet, their relatively influential secondary role at the central
lawmaking level is not evenly matched by equivalents in their home councils.

It can be anticipated that the establishment of the Traditional Leaders'
Council will intensify the problem. Although the functions and duties of
the Traditional Leaders' Council will be restricted to advise the President
of the Republic ofNamibia 'on the control and utilisation of communal land'
~Article I 02{5)), this Council will inevitably become a national forum for
ISSues of traditional government. The fact that the President will be the holder
of the conduit to the agencies of government will not ease the process of
communication nor of participation in decision-making. Constitutionally
Speaking, the advice given by the Traditional Leaders' Council may not be

43
See sections 11(2) and (3) ofthe Act. lbis incompaiibility will affect several persons

who currently hold two offices. Kaptcin H WiJbooi (Witbooi Nama). Paramounl ChiefK
~~0 (Herem). Gaob J Garoeb (Damara) and Kaptein D Luipert (SwaJ1booi) are Members

arhament. H Wotbooi even holds the otlice of Deputy Prime Mon1ster. Thus far It IS
open to debate whether the quoted section of the Traditional Authorities Act will be tested
agaonst the constitutional right to political activity (Article 17 of the ConstituJion). Accordong
to mfonn · · 1 atlon from the Ministry of Regional and Local Govern men\\ and Housong. P ans
are underway to amend section II of the Traditional Authorities Act in order 10 allow
tradotlonalleaders, apart from the top position (Chief or Senior Traditional Councillor). 10 holtpolitical oflices.

., Cf._ here TOtemeyer ( 1995: 69ft) and ( 1995). . . rk
after This conflict goes back to the time when the National Council commenced Its wo
Do tltthe 1992 regional and local election. Is the one the fir.;t house and the other lhe second?
~members of the two houses deserve the same status? What is the ~tatus relatoo~

the Speaker of the National Assembly and the Chairperson ofthe Nat1onal Council.

88 Contemporary Namibia

taken note of by the National Assembly and the National Council unless it
is forwarded by the President through the Cabinet (see Articles 27 and 35
of the Constitution) to one of the two houses. Therefore the only national
representation of traditional government, as limited as it may be, is only
indirectly linked, constitutionally, to the representatives of elected offices.

Access to welfare

The second, or 'social constitution', is composed of two Acts, namely the
Labour Act, No.6 of 1992, and the Social Security Act, No. 34 of 1994.46

It is the legislative response to the constitutional appeal to promote the
welfare of the people (Article 95).

Both Acts have to be seen against the background of the development
fro~ l~e state-administered migrant labour recruitment system to an early-
capttahst system of 'hire and fire' .47 The Labour Act terminated this system
by introducing a number of mechanisms which set limits to contractual
freedom in labour matters by providing the basic conditions of employment;
the amount of maximum weekly or daily working hours; overtime work;
work. on Sundays and holidays; night work; annual, sick and maternity
leave, he~lth ~d ~orkpla~e security; and protection against unfair dismissals
and_ unfatr dt.sctphnary aclions. Furthermore, the Act stipulates the functions,
duttes and nghts of trade · d . .

. . . umons an employers' orgamsatwns, regulates
then bargammg power a d "d . . .

n provt es for the bmdmg effect of collecttve agreements.

The Labour Act abstains fr · . .
om securmg any type of living or mmtmum

wagke. In resp~nse 10 Article 95(i) of the Constitution - 'to ensure that
wor ers are patd a living wag " th . . .
which e - e Act established a wage commtsston

may recommend to the M · · f
Develo h . . tmster o Labour and Human Resources

Ot~ment t e ts~umg of wage orders (section 92).
er mechantsms of the L bo . h

parties to the 1 bo a ur Act catenng for the interests of I e a ur market, in rt" 1 h Labour Adv" C . pa tcu ar to protect employees are I e
tsory ounctl and Labo c . ' ~

representatives ofth G ur ourts. The former conststs of ,our
istered employers'

0
e o~e~ment, and ?fregistered trade unions and reg-

Minister of Labour ~tsattons respecttvely, and it is tasked to advise the
matters. uman Resources Development in all labour-related

The Labour Act does not "d f< "
the seclion on maternity leave provt e or ~ny dtrect social benefit. Even

does not sttpulate more than the right to

~ .. ;;:The:-.:-----
lhc r..:. '"'PPrtanc:e Which lhc lawmaker .

lhallhc Act. IIIIIISilally for 8 " , atlributed to the Labour Act is expressed by recoils~. principles llld values,"':: statute, OJltns with a preamble. This preamble
Cf. Hishonpa (1992~ PI'Camble oflhe Constitution does.

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's new legal order 89

unpaid leave. A first scheme of benefits came into being with the Social
Security Act which came into effect in January 1995. Although this deals
with three benefit schemes, namely the Sick Leave and Death Benefit Fund,
the National Medical Benefit Fund and the National Pension Fund, only
the first has been put into force. Every employer and every employee has
to register himself/herself with the Social Security Commission established
under the Act. Both parties have the obligation to pay a certain contribution
to the Fund,48 which in turn pays to employees (or to their dependants in
case of death) benefits under conditions prescribed by the Act. The admini-
strator of the fund is the Social Security Commission, this being a tripartite
body comprised ofthree representatives of the Government, trade unions
and employers' organisations.

There are two points of view from which to assess the achievements
of the social constitution ofNamibia: one would be to look at the standards
of the conventions and recommendations of the International Labour Or-
ganization (ILO) and the other would be to see how the standard employed

' 6
by the Acts meets the difficult development process of the country. The
fact that Article 95(d) of the Constitution talks about 'adopting ... policies
aimed at ... , where possible, adherence to and actions in accordance with'
the said international instruments, speaks in favour of the first approach.
Nevertheless, the second approach is followed here as it better highlights
the factual situation in which the social constitution operates.

Two examples will be called to illustrate the difficulties in implemen-
ting the social constitution. The first example refers to conditions of work
in so-called micro, small and medium enterprises, and the second refers to
the debate about the application of the Labour Act in export processing
zones (EPZs ).

Micro and small-scale businesses have difficulty in coping with the
formalities of the labour law but also with the minimum standards pre-
scribed. It is more than likely ;hat many contraventions occur, in particular
In mformal sector businesses, the prosecutions of which would lead to the
breakdown of such enterprises. .

The projected Walvis Bay EPZ received its legal framework wtth the
Export Processing Zones Act No. 9 of 1995. This Act, exempted from the
application of the Labour Ac; as a whole, instead empowered the Minister
a~ Labour and Human Resources Development to regulate all matters other-
wtse covered by the Labour Act. The reactions of the trade umons brought
Implementation of the Act to a halt. Negotiations with the unions eventually

41
Th · · 8 f the Regula-. e amount of contributions to the Fund is detennmed by sect1on °

lions U~der the Social Security Act, GN 198 of 1995. . . .
. Cf. KOmer-Dammann ( 1991: J85ff. 194) who, in view oflhe anticipated Implemen-

tation of ILO ' ·b· standards, refers to the limited resources ofNam1 '"·

90 Contemporary Namibia

led to a compromise set out in an Amendment Bill (B.2 of 1996) which
allows for the application of the Labour Act in principle, but still excludes
lock-outs, strikes and actions related to lock-outs and strikes. Detailed
mechanisms have been stipulated regarding contraventions of the prohibited
actions mentioned.50 Whether the Walvis Bay EPZ will meet the high
expectations of foreign investors remains to be seen.

So far the social constitution has remedied some of the evils of the past.
But its impact on the many micro and small, informal businesses has to be
monitored. It could not reach out to those who never entered employment.

The grundnorm 's test of societal acceptance

Research to test the societal acceptance ofNamibia's grundnorm has not
been un~ertaken. However, it can be assumed that the majority of the people
woul~ ~~~~'Yes' to a question such as 'Do you support the Constitution of
Namtbta .. Nevertheless, problems of acceptance become apparent when it
comes to details.

A very enlightening example to illustrate what type of difficulties the
acceptance test may encounter was the debate around the Married Persons
Equahty Act, No. I of 1996. When the Women and Law Committee of the
La~ Reform and Development Commission started its work on the matter
of 1 e Btl!, tl was thought to be an easy exercise. It was thought that the
concept of the husband's marital power over his wife which was clearly
a contra~enllon of the equality provision of the Constit;tion would be done
away wath N t 1 d"d · '

. fi . · 0 on Y 1 tl take a substantial amount of time to trace all the
;~mtbotca1 llons offma~ital power, but the substance of the reform attempt-e a Uton o manta! power led 1 . . . running h' h s1 N bod - . 0 a nattonwtde debate with emottons
expressedtgth ·.

0
Y argued agamst the Constitution but rather, people

etr concern about the int d d fi ' . . . .
and anti-Afr' th en e re orm as bemg ant1-Chnst1an

tcan, us capable of destro · h b · ·1
life. Interestingly enough b . _ymg I e esta hshed system offamt y
power was defend d ' Y argumg 10 such a way, the concept of marital

e ' 50 10 speak, as Part of traditional law, although it
--~~~-----------

Aller funher amcndmems lh o·u
and the National Council but -

1
h e 1 was recenlly adopted by the National Assembly

scipulates 1ha1thc restrkti~ 1 thas ~01 yet come into operation. One of the amendments
unless prolonged. It ap~-~ 00

1
h e nhghts 10 strike and lock-out will lapse after five years.

comprom· .,._, at I e trade union h ·
ISC. It is beyond the sco r h. s ave eventually consented to thiS

agr<ed upon in view of ILO c pe o_ 1 "papeno d1scuss the acceptability of the regime
the Ri""t onvenllons· the Freed fA f ~' lo Organize Convention N 87 f om o ssociation and Protection o ilorpJnina Convention, No 9& '

0
r0

194
;. 1948; the Right to Organise and Collective

~)Convention, No 144 of 1976 t ·81';"d th~ Tnpanne (International Labour Cf. Law Reform and n.._, _ _:_0 t ofw~1ch Namibia is pany.
0996). -·.....,...... Cornnuss"on (1994) and National Council

To achieve freedom and equality: Namibia's ne\\'-'' legal order 91

originated from Roman-Dutch law, which had been imported to the then
South West Africa in 1919.52

The example depicts the discrepancy between the acclamation of the
Constitution as the symbol of liberation and independence, and the trans-
lation of the Constitution into daily life. A symbol of liberation on the one
hand, it intended to affect many things which people did not necessarily
link to the D-day of independence on the other. Human rights for everybody,
national reconciliation, affirmative action for the underprivileged majority
and social welfare were all enshrined in the Constitution.

The Constitution of Namibia was born into a society characterised by
different orientations and interests. The Constitution was also born into a
society in which a highly developed legal system operated. 51 This system
did not deliver justice to the majority of the people owing to its apartheid
infections. Nevertheless, it laid the foundations of the legal culture of the
country. 54 The Constitution was also born into a society having limited
resources. To take all of these elements into account and to implement the
Constitution means to do the nigh impossible- at least as long as it has not
grown roots in the still emergent civic society.

In conclusion: A fair amount of access to justice has been achieved,
~litical representation is high on the agenda, and access to social welfare
Will only to some extent depend on the Government, but more on the society
as a whole.

52 Ad · · · " C "''""strahon of Justice Proclamation. No. 21 of 1919.
the . f. Van Reenen (1995); the Zimbabwean political scientist Moyo (1989) made
A~lnt that the extension of the so far limited application of the legal system of South
cracy"(read Narn"b"a) to the whole of the people would allow for 'a sohd cla"m to demo-

" cr. Sachs ( 1990).

I
' '

Public administration:
constraints and challenges

Henning Melber

At the threshold to formal political independence, Namibia had to face an
enonnous if not impossible task. In the words of Prime Minister Hage
Geingob (1995: 211 ), under whose political office the public administration
falls:

[P]rior to independence, the pol icy of apartheid, based on racism,
was promoted to protect the interests of the privileged minority.
Political and civil service structures in the country were inter-
twined, both dedicated to promoting this policy. Our first task
therefore was to create an environment that would be conducive
to the new reality, making a conscious effort to minimise hatred
and mistrust built up over a century of colonialism and restruc-
turing the public service to remote the inequities of the past and
to make it an instrument of change .

. In this spirit the Namibian Constitution deliberately aims at reconciling
previously antagonistic forces by means of one common framework. Next
to the uncompromising establishment of clearly defined human rights (in-
cludmg, inter alia, the protection of life by abolishing the death sentence),
the Constitution explicitly refers to the philosophy of national reconciliation.
As stated in the preamble (1990: 1 ), the people of Namibia 'will strive to
:hleve national reconciliation and to foster peace, unity and a common
c Y~lty to a si~gle State', which is constituted as 'a sovereign, secular, de~o
an~~~ and ~Oitary State securing to all our citizens justice, liberty, equality,

ratern1ty'.

ffi Presumably with the aim of minimising any disruptive and obstructive e ects as II d" I h"ft . ' we as reducing the vacuum anticipated from a ra 1ca s I m
power structures, the Constitution explicitly acknowledges the legal and

94 Contemporary Namibia

administrative structures inherited from the South African regime. Article
140(1) states:

Subject to the provisions of the Constitution, all laws which were
in force immediately before the date of independence shall remain
in force until repealed or amended by Act of Parliament or until
they are declared unconstitutional by a competent court.

Article 141 (I) adds to this continuity:

[A]ny person holding office under any law in force on the date
of independence shall continue to hold such office unless and
until he or she resigns or is retired, transferred or removed from
office in accordance with law. 1

Keeping in ~ind the limited framework for social change with in such
~efined constitutional parameters, the constraints and challenges for estab-
hshmg a genm~e Namibian public administration are quite obvious. This
ch~pter deals Wtth some of the inherent problems concerning the decoloni-
satton of state and bureaucracy. It is based on some of the findings of a public
sector analysis.2 They are floll d b · · · d owe y a cnttcal analysts of the present nee s
and efforts towards a civil service reform.

THE PUBLIC SECfOR IN THE MACRO-ECONOMIC AND SOCIO.
POLITICAL CONTEXT

Namibia's public sector
mak'tn -1 1 was restructured at independence with a view to g t ess concentrated a d 1 d. . . . . n o tverstf)'mg Its functions and leadershtp.

I Th' IS ·continuity clause· is es . . .
of the almost ~~ttet p~- f pectally mterestmg when compared to the procedures

"-· ·~~ o German u ·r, · ·
lhc state structures of the fl G 01 ICat1on m the early 1990s. With reference to
authorities dissolved any pormbler DR. declared as being illegitimate. the Wesl German
r --- U IC servtce obJ i f ' ~ ..... , Swc. lnsteact. the 1 " b . _ga tons to the employees of the former East
cqui\\111. en1. 'liquidation ") L.~rm A Whlc:lciung (much more precise in its English rranslation

uccame I e euphe · 1· d · · 1 Pf'C't"IOus bureaucracy. mas IC escnpt10n of abandoning the who~
'N . altonal Plllllning Comm· .

Nlmtbtan Economic Policy R....;.~~~~· Swedish International Development Agency &
GIIQiysq oftlw IYiot~rw.s. .Jtf'llc:t ll. ~ubhc: sector analysis, Namibia, J 'o/ume 2: An
Rl/lflbl~e of Nomiblo; rq>oned ~~("nt:tl(ms "nd activities of the public sector of the
Tor Sctislrotn (NEPRU~ Thcllute vol 011 Johnston (SIDA). Henning Melber (NEPRU) &
;.:CIIIdllotM IS Vol. 3) were Pl'<!cntectW:S ~~~luding a SIUrlmary of findings as VoL I and

ll1ldy hu stncc been rnised and e ffice of the Pnme Minister in mid-1994.
updated (Johnston. Melber & Sellstr6m I 997).

Public administration: constraints and challenges 95

A further aim of the restructuring was to create national state structures
which had been absent from the colonial (provincial) Administration. This
new state structure was created through a process of negotiation between
the parties and with the colonial power, and was therefore not formed in
relation to national plans or political priorities on development. It was built
initially by breaking up the influential departments in the public service
administration. Into these were incorporated parts of the previous 'ethnic
administrations', and some new structures were built.

The new state structure was thus set up on the two axes of a theoretical
design untested against a national policy or plan, and an inherited apartheid
administration. It was extremely centralised and centralising, partly by in-
heritance and partly to act against the fragmentation imposed by apartheid.
In accordance with Article 141 of the Constitution and the principles of
reconciliation, the Government was unable and unwilling to reduce the
staffing or make major structural changes such as those that would be
implied by radical decentralisation. As a result, state structure (and public
administration) was merely expanded, but not really transformed, and soon
reached questionable proportions (cf. Melber 1994a).

The authoritarian South African colonial Government had in its culture
and its governance philosophy the drive to control and monitor all citizens
and their activities. This can be seen in the size of the public sector and in the
number, complexity and composition of its various administrations (12 of
them for just over a million people). One present danger is therefore that the
inherited model of governance is transferred under other guises to the new
nation -one which is very hierarchical and authoritarian, and attempts to
expand itself to do everything.

A specific law cannot be viewed as the main obstacle; rather, the main
obstacle is the longstanding tradition of restrictive regulation. People are not
aware of their constitutional freedoms and believe that only those activities
are permitted for which a specific law exists. The licensing requirements
for nearly every economic activity invoked a mentality that takes it as the
State's discretionary power to allow or forbid such activities. This mentality
results in administrative officials adopting inflexible and restrictive practices.
Unfavourable decisions of the authorities are accepted without much ado.
Along similar lines, there exists a passive approach to political participation
tn day-to-day matters.

. There is plenty of evidence that the new State is continuing to establish
~If everywhere. The ruling party has decided in alliance with the opposi-
hoth ' 1 n, at the outreach of the State to the furthest corners and most loca
:~unities should be consolidated and extended. A large central sta~e
bein hme~ has been set up, and the process of repeating it at loca! le~els _1s

g C3rried out. In many areas the Central Government is consohdatmg 115

role as the only notable public authority present in the lives ofthe people. In

96 Contemporary Namibia

the process, many thousands of civil servants have gained or retained their
employment, and a large number of other citizens are becoming or remammg
more or Jess directly dependent on the Government. One consequence ts that
the public sector is absorbing increasing proportions of national income and
establishing itself as the major employer and consumer in the economy.

This is best illustrated by the following figures:' at independence there
was an approximate total of 42 500 filled posts in the public service; by
1991 an increase of about one third (roughly 15 000) was recorded, bringing
the total of filled posts to about 57 500; by October 1995 the total number
was about 62 500, this being an increase of some 20 000 public servants
(almost 50"/o) since independence. About 50% of the Government's annual
budget is currently spent on employees in the public service.

Despite such investment in both size and costs, the composition of the
civil service as reflected by figures compiled during the above-mentioned
public sector analysis in 1994 still illustrated the inherited discrepancies.
Not surprisingly, these figures show a gross over-representation of whites
in the higher ranks of the civil service: more than half(52, 1 %) of the senior
officials and managers, representing 15% of all public servants, were still
from this minority group, which constitutes about 5% of Namibia's total
population. Furthermore, the disproportional relation of78 male to 22 female
public servants reveals a similarly significant discrepancy with regard to
gender (im)balance.

Also, there is a clear lack of corporate bureaucratic culture and identity.
Offici~ls at different levels of administration do not see themselves as part of
an acttve and committed national bureaucracy with commonly shared objec-
t~ves, but rather as members of narrowly defined structures with only loose
hnks to_ the rest of the civil service, and rather limited outlooks. This, of
course, Is not unique to Namibia The lack of such a 'culture of commitment'
also leaves_the door open to various kinds of abuse and lack of productivity
f. A se~tous reform of the public sector would have to address the issue 0 1~c~mg awareness of the need to respect a spirit of proper ethical-

pro.esstonal standards 'th' h · · · I
ltu WI In t e Wtder context of a corporate pohtlca cu re and th · ·

provide access ~::v~s~on of s_e~ices to the people. An abuse of power to
. . I dthonal pnvtleges and 'fringe benefits' not really offered m stnct y legal terms · · d
mof f . ' create susptctons concerning the intentions an rves o some htgh rank· I' · · d
in the 1 . - . mg po tllctans and civil servants. What is neede

ong run Instead IS a type of " · 92 ·
16S-167). committed bureaucracy' (Sharma 19 ·

I They .. PI""Ned ,
ThcJIII>blan. howev.r, ;.U:,~~=ofthe Wage and Salary Commission ( 1995: 31. 35).
ICI1III sia of the bu~<~Ucracy bu Y thcno_ are no absolutely reliable data concerning the
basis Of the lllftllll bud)ICI Hiur.! ':1Y BU<slimates. An overview is presented also on the

or 1991192 to 199S/96 in a separate table.

Public administration: constraints and challenges 97

TABLE6: PUBLIC SECTOR DEVELOPMENT, 1991-1996: SJAFFING
ACCORDING TO MINISTRIES (FUNDED POSTS)

Ministry 199112 1992/3 1993/4 1994/5 1995/6

Office of the President 241 356 381 309 237

Office of the Prime Minister 235 209 310 336 340

Foreign Affairs 348 454 426 468 462

Defence 7 943 8 068 7 579 7305 7 338

Finance 612 735 561 756 I 008

Education & Culture 19 391 21 884 24 062 27 359 27 092

Youth & Sport 63 112 98 134 177

Information & Broadcasting 297 205 110 110 131

Health & Social Services 8 638 8 430 8 648 8 930 9 970

Labour & Human Resources 162 211 201 216 217
Development

Mines & Energy 176 169 169 195 185

Justice 450 465 448 496 529

Regional and Local Government 846 I 215
& Housing

I 158 I 369 I 332

Trade & Industry 98 128 128 133 136

Agriculture, Water & Rural 3 778 4 512 4 538 4 861 4 823
Development

Fisheries & Marine Resources 260 270 343 352 312

Works, Transport & 9 352 9 392 8 648 7 017 6 868
Communications

Lands, Resettlement & 171 193 206 196 240
Rehabilitation

Environment & Tourism I 480 I 489 I 439 I 569 I 626

Home Affairs 5 917 5 713 5 679 5 619 5 329

Prisons & Correctional Services - - 369 - -
TOTAL 60 458 64 210 63 228 67 73 0 68 721

" p . . · bers The Ministry of "" oht1cal office-bearers are included in the followmg num · bl'shed
'""IICat' · 1 fthe newly esta ' . . "on and Culture's figures for 1995/96 also include offic"a s 0 Th' table
Mtnt"~· fH' . . . S . d Technology. IS Was-, o "gher Education, VocatiOnal Trammg. c1ence an

0 1995196
presented

COmplied from State Revenue Fund annual budgets for 1991/92 t '
to Parliament by the Minister of Finance.

I,
~-

98 Contemporary Namibia

REGIONAL AND LOCAL DIMENSIONS OF THE PUBLIC SECTOR

Democratisation, regionalisation and decentralisation are issues which are
inextricably linked and widely discussed with a view to delegating authority
and responsibility. With the collapse of the dirigiste commando economies
and centralist regimes, and the parallel revitalisation of the notion of'civil
society' (whatever the definition and conceptual framework might be- an
issue certainly not to be treated within the limited scope of this chapter),
such power-sharing considerations are understandably on top of the agenda
for the reorganisation of societies.

The advocacy of meaningful decentralisation as a contribution towards
strengthening regions, local autonomy, popular participation and conse·
quently the efforts for further democratisation in an attempt to bring the
State to_ the people (or even vice versa), is much in line with a sophisticated
and e~hghtene~ understanding of what might be perceived as 'good gover·
nance. -even 1fthe latter is still difficult to achieve. Modernisation of the
State 111 the sense of a numbe of · .,. · b · · · I r 1111 1at1ves emg taken mcludmg structura
refonns towards more decentralisation, is not only a challenge for African
or so-called 'developing' · · · 1

ed . countries: such notions of state reform are w1de y
accept Tht 0and nn_ple~ented concepts in industrially more advanced countries oo. e rgamsahon of E · c · 4)
has identified h ft 11 . conomlc ooperat10n and Development ( 199
states:

1
e

0
OWII1g trends, among others, as initiatives of its member

I. Decentralisation and d . .
f . . . . econcentrat1on as a new d istribut1on 0 respons1bd1t1es betw .

of adm" ;.,._ . een central, reg1onal and local levels
'"~"aiiOn. This pr . .

institutio ocess emphasises reg1ons and local ns.
2. Deregulation as more 1 1 of po . oca self-responsibility delegation

wer and Increased tl "b·l· ,
rigid regulat· , exl I 1ty. This requires a less
. IVe "ramework to d h . .
tnter-ference · t . " re uce t e mtens1ty of state
within adm · ~ntrao ~nvate affairs and to create new space 101

s hve processes themselves.

In its develoPIIlent of local .
taken some ambitious 51 authonty, the Namibian Government has
tub and functions and: to_wards creating the possibility of decentralising
These steps were initially ngmg ~ovemment and the people closer together.
1992). ~ions forth n~ wnhout their confusing aspects (Totemeyer
~~in ~ber 1m ;:I elections for regional and local authority
!alb lyinlllleld of the IICWiy =general uncertainty about the actual
!:;[~ ~isW~sfbl~bye ~ionaJ and local bodies (Kassler

bodieS (see~ 1 ::~ m the execution of tasks by these
' Sunon 199Sb, 1996a, 1996b ).

Public administration: constraints and challenges 99

In accordance with the Constitution, the Government potentially initia-
ted a bold process of decentralisation in the form of devolving powers to
elected local government bodies, through its acts on regional and local
authority councils. However, a sustainable and effective decentralisation
process cannot consist only in the existence of the acts and the councils.
There is a problem in the definition of the roles of the two local bodies in
relation to each other. This is undermining the legitimacy of the regional
councils. There is the contradiction that some powers have devolved to the
regional councils without the necessary accompanying capacities and
resources being provided. In much of Africa, decentralisation has failed
because Central Government hands over tasks but not money, personnel or
power to local structures (cf Tordoff 1994; Picard & Garrity 1994 ). At the
same time, other powers that are essential to local authorities have not been
devolved at all, such as those in the areas of health and education. In fact,
ministries are making such devolution less and less possible by defining their
own regions and setting up their own regional offices within them.

In order to progress, the Government needs to make a further policy
on decentralisation and delegation of authority; and then it has to go about
implementing it. It has two choices: either to make the regional councils
supreme in their regions, i.e. hierarchically superior to local authorities,
ministerial offices, etc., thereby setting the conditions for regional govern-
ment to be exercised within a three-tier system; or to expand the boundaries
of the local authorities so that no one is excluded, and decentralise more
authority and resources to each of the local authorities to run local govern-
ment activities within their respective areas. This is more 'local' government,
within which popular participation is easier. It is probably more expensive,
however, and requires a more determined programme of action by the
Central Government to get the resources out to a large number of smaller
umts.

But the course on which (most of) the Government seems to be bent at
Present is rather to assert the control of the Central Government locally by
sening up regional offices for central ministries. The local authority councils
(where they function) are merely complementary in areas where the Central
Government does not act, and to a large extent they resort under tight central
control. The regional councils are being made marginal to the central and
~I levels in various ways. It would be a great pity for Namibian democ~y

the many potentials represented by the acts were not followed up m a
more positive manner.

What has been forecast for the country's capital, Windhoek, might well
apply for the general future trends:

!Its scope] will depend on the extent to which the government
15

willing to decentralise state powers, functions and resources .

·~
'1
"
l
1

i
"

100 Contemporary Namibia

Regional councils and new local authorities in the communal
areas will be crucial to this. However, to date the evidence points
strongly towards a continuation of centralised control along tra-
ditional sectoral lines, rather than promoting substantive area-
based planning within the regions (Simon 1995a: 146).

The fore~eeable result is increasingly stronger pressure on the few
urb~ centres, mstead of spatial distribution more in line with the geographic
envtronment, and_ the need for a policy on sustainable regional development.

A decentrahsed approach involves the delegation of power in the true
sense, and demands that the central authority establishes and consolidates
confidence in regional and local structures:

If it is the intention of the state to efficiently comply with the
demands for publt"c s · · . . erv1ces at regJOnallevel to ach1eve among
others h1ghe ffi · · ' . r e C!ency m the provision of services and to estab-
hsh a natural tra · '
be

mmg ground for local democracy decentralisation
comes a sine qua non of d . ' . . . a emocratlc process DecentralisatiOn

Will howe f: ·1 "f · .' al ver, at I the central government only assigns tasks to
reg1on councils without a1 ·d· . so prov1 mg the necessary financial
resources, sufficient pow d 11 . 1995: 5). er an we -tramed personnel (Totemeyer

In other words instead f .
would imply an d '

10
th 0 . creatmg toothless tigers, a serious effort

control from abo en d e dornmant principle of a culture of bureaucratic
ve, an would put res ·b·l· · 1 in an atternpttoward . pons1 I 1ty mto the hands of the peop e

s meanmgful ern .
Minister of Namibia . ed powerrnent. As no less than the Pnme

pomt out (Geingob 1996: 3):

[F]or any planning to succ d .
centralised to .d ee ' It must first and foremost be de-

provt e a bono
development is perce· ed m-up approach to include what

· IV tObeb th vmg people, we ensure th Y e people. Further, by invol-
e success of plans at local level.

TOWARDS PUBLIC SECTOR REFORM

It was the Prime M" .
in . InlSierhirnselfwho ...

g the pub!~<: sector. As far back took the first Initiative towards reforrn-
poH_m~ to the need for a rationai;S:..~ December 1992 Cabinet meeting, he

as mterven1· ho -1on pro--- ·th. · 1011, wever dt"d ... -ouue WI m the civil servJce.
lllem"-- ..... _ " not meet th .

._., wno seemect less ..___ e general approval of Cab met
UliiiiCOthus" "

lastic about possible interference

Public administration: constraints and challenges 101

from the Office of the Prime Minister. Instead, the unilateral intervention
resulted in a classic case of 'hijacking': while approving of the need for a
rationalisation exercise, the Cabinet decided that this duty should fall within
the different portfolios themselves. It was therefore resolved that the
ministries should conduct the rationalisation process internally within a
certain period of time. This effort came to an end in early 1994, and as a
result the civil service has continued to expand ever since.

TABLE 7: PUBLIC SECTOR 1996/97: SUMMARY OF STAFFING
ACCORDING TO VOTES'

Vote Established Filled Funded

Office of the President 176 149 176

Office of the Prime Minister 280 205 269

Parliament 101 85 92

Auditor-General 79 44 64

Civic Affairs 552 480 543

Police 3 339 4 665 5 908

Foreign Affairs 486 396 479

Defence 10 160 7 473 8 829

Finance 954 798 906

Education & Culture 27 189 24 122 25 506

Youth & Sport 249 122 218

Information & Broadcasting 193 98 131

Health & Social Services 9 640 9 096 10 000

Labour& H uman Resources Development 148 104 148

Mines & Energy 233 146 178

Justice 793 624 793

Regional and L ocal Government & Housing 2 078 I 268 I 339

Environment & T . ounsm I 881 I 485 I 722

'P r .
(seeR 0 lllcal office-bearers were included in the following numbers for budget purposes
J/ 1.! epuhbhc ofNamibia, &timate of revenue and expenditure for the financial year ending

arc 1997, p.47).

102 Contemporary Namibia

Trade & Industry 169 100 164

Agriculture, Water & Rural Development 3 816 2 976 3 583

Prisons & Correctional Services 719 557 721

Fisheries & Marine Resources 362 295 364
Works 4 398 4 171 4 230
Transport 3 270 2 514 3 115
Lands, Resettlement & Rehabilitation 266 88 245
National Planning Commission 174 125 139
Higher Education, Vocational Training,
Science & Technology

347 169 330

TOTAL
72 052 62 355 70 192

In addition, along with the announcement of a new Cabinet in March
1995 followingtheelectionsofDecember 1994, another two ministries were
established, bringing the total number of portfolios to 22. This total does
not include the National Planning Commission and Department of Women
Affairs, which are both headed as separate entities by a Director-General
with the status of a Minister. An overview of the actual situation based on
the annual budget votes for 1996/97 is presented in a separate table. Despite
unreliable and differing figures, it can safely be assumed that the absolute
number of public servants has never been higher than now, and the wage
bill has never been as costly as during the 1996/97 budget year.

Following the questionable result of the rationalisation efforts through
the ministries themselves, in 1994 the Cabinet approved a proposal through
Its Committee on Public Service to establish an independent commissiOn
to _rev1ew_ the pay structure in Namibia's civil service. In January 1995 the
Pnme Mm1ster announced the establishment of a Wage and Salary Com-
miSSIOn (referred to as 'WASCOM') comprised of five commissioners, who
presented their findings in a report in November 1995. The WASCOM terms
of reference were confined to a remuneration policy; they set no further
mandate regardmg public service reform. The main task identified in the
te;;:;s

0~ reference was to :draft a remuneration policy for the Public Service 0
amlbta ~n tenns of wh1ch salaries in the Public Service can be developed and mamtamed' (R bl" f N ..

( . . . epu IC o am1b1a, Report of the Wage and Salary OntntLISIOI!, f995: 119).

the su~~~t':1 lim~~ task, the WASCOM findings did not avoid link_ing
· . · ary c~s to a recommended downsizing of the CIVIl serv~~:e. IIICIQses for the ht&her-ranking civil servants and especially political

Public administration: constraints and challenges I 03

office-bearers were considerable- in some cases even dramatic." As_ the
WASCOM report points out, the implementation of 1ts _recomt_ttendattons
would require as part of the agenda 'finn action to restram the s1ze and cost
of the public service' (ibid.: I 08). Pres_ented on ~ balance sheet, the total
costs of restructuring public serv1ce salanes would amount to
approximatelyN$100 million.'

The report is particularly critical with regard to the number of lower-
ranking civil servants employed and expresses 'doubt as to whether many o;
the employees in the lower and middle salary bands have real JObs to do
(ibid.: 36). It concludes the following:

[T]here is dead wood in the public service which sh?uld be c~t
out. Those who are incompetent and those who are mvolved m
the day-to-day running of private business from their offices and/
or official quarters should be dismissed by the end of the current
financial year. 8

d d t·on based on ethical Arguments to counteract such propose re uc 1 . '. .
and professional criteria, were rejected by the report (1b1d.: 28).

We have had the policies of Reconciliation and Affi~m~tive
Action quoted to us as reason for not taking proper d1sc1plmary
action where it is warranted. We reject such excuses absol_utely.
The proper disciplinary procedures must be followed to nd the
public service of incompetents and miscreants.

E . . h · the higher echelons mphas1s 1s furthennore placed on strengt enmg
fth · .1 . " . d of conduct and standards o e c1v1 serv1ce, and introducmg a stncter co e

Which are accepted as professional and ethical:

Management appears to have become completely accl · ··· fl ·d the
principal action required is the stiffening of the backbone of
management and a substantial reduction in staffing. ··· Clear

" · lary hikes of up to On 16 April 1996 the Government announced whoppmg sa t
66

% for civil
almost II 0% for Members of Parliament 69% for the Prestdent and up 0 headl"ne,
~an1s, provoking a local newspaper to p~blish its front-page lead article under the 1
GraVJ; train goes off the rails' (The Namibian 17/4/96). ·w · balanced

This calculation assumes that the total expenditure ofN$355,3 ml ton ts res
With the total savings of N$252 5 million by introducing the complementary medasuther
"den ·r, · ' . · · bonus an o . It ted. tnter alia, taxing the whole salary while elimtnatmg the servtce
fringe benefits ("b·d )

" . ' ' . . 'dead wood' seems . Whtle such recommendations might have substance, the term . t that should ~- After all, reference is made to human beings to be retrenched - a tac 1101
be Played down through questionable terminology.

104 Contemporary Namibia

standards and values are essential for the conduct of a civilised
society. In Namibia there seems to be a lack of consensus on
what such standards should be (ibid.: 5).

After the report was made public, a comparatively intensive period of
controversial debate arose during early 1996 on the recommendations con·
ceming the adjustments in the salary structure to the benefit mainly of the
higher wage bands. It is interesting to note that markedly less emphasis was
placed on the other aspects of theW ASCOM recommendations, which really
ought to be seen as interrelated and integral parts of the full package to be
Implemented.

Incidentally, in November 1995, the same month in which the report
was presented, the Round Table Conference for Namibia took place in
Geneva. A joint initiative of the Government of Namibia and the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP), this conference was the declared
follow-up to the original Donors Conference of March 1990 held in New
York. At that time the intention and result were to mobilise international
suppo~ for the Government's new course to restructure the former colonial
set-up mto a truly Nam"b· · . h

. 1 1an SOCiety. The offic1al document presented to t e representatives of the m · d .
titled '[, . ajor onor countnes over five years later at Gene~a,
. owh. ards Sustamable Development, identified inter alia, the followmg

a1ms w 1ch the Rou d T bl '
n a e Conference tried to meet:

" Disc~~s government policies and strategies .
Mob1hse both fi · 1 . manc1a and human resources to support
nat1onat development.

Prepared on the basis f h . )
recently released th 0 1 e First National Development Plan (NDPI
at a consolidatio~ el-ovemment document as well as further inputs aimed
NDPI recommendant. mcrease of external material support. In view of one

a 1on on gove . . d that 'donor assistan . rnment expenditure, 11 could be assume
ce wilt be sought · d · · ffi · e approach to public 111 es1gnmg and financing an e ect1v

93). sector rationalisation, with a "human face"' (NPC 1995:

. ~onsequently, the 'Summ . . .
1dent1fied, inter ali ary and Conclusmns' on this special meetmg

. a.aneedtodeal ·h · · d capacny-building: Wit the s1ze of the civil serv~ce an

It was ·
PDmted out that the si .

It should be reduCed. ze of the Civil service was too large.
·~" h" m order to en ·d "'"' lghly motivated · .1 sure well-trained well-pal CIVI servants Th ,

· e meeting called on the

Public administration: constraints and challenges 105

government to ensure a planned reduction of the civil service
down to a sustainable level.

In the same paragraph the report confirms that 'Government recognised
the need to reduce the size of the public wage bill' (UNDP 1996: 3f; my
emphasis). This position acknowledged the obvious fact that Namibia's
public service is by all standards bloated out of proportion. As the record
of the Round Table Conference proceedings states: 'Many donors expressed
concern over the size of the civil service and the wage bill in proportion to
the total public expenditures' (ibid.: I 6). At the same conference a senior
World Bank economist presented a summary on the Public Expenditure
Review (PER) undertaken jointly by the Government of Namibia and the
World Bank in 1994. While the review findings were mainly positive, one
of the noted areas of concern was summed by the presenter at Geneva as
follows (ibid.: 75; my emphases):

[T]here are two major issues that have to be resolved which are
of a structural and demand nature. The first is to reduce the size
of the civil service. This will lower the total wage bill. The second
issue is to keep the more qualified civil servants (and attract more
staff to unfilled posts) by paying more. This will increase the
total wage bill. These actions will have to be carried out within
a hard budget constraint of preventing the total wage bill from
rising as a share of total expenditure. The PER recommends that
government should proceed with reducing the level of staffing
in the public service and allocate the savings to a restoration of
competitiveness of senior salaries.

As exemplified and illustrated by these quotes, both the joint PER and
the_ Geneva Round Table Conference agreed upon successive steps towards
a CIVIl service reform. As a first target they would aim at a reduction of staff,
and ~onsequently of the wage bill to allocate savings of this initiative to a
modified public service salary structure. This approach could be character-
ISed as a basis for a common understanding between the Government of
N "b· d arm Ia and the external actors. However, the practical steps announce
~y ~he Government for implementation just three months after Geneva
ndlcated a d1fferent attitude.

In his budget statement for 1 996, presented in the National Assembly
on 21 February 1996, the Minister of Finance explicitly referred to the Wage
~d Salary Commission and announced that an 'allocation necessary 10
Implement these recom:nendations amounts to N$352 million which is
Pro~ided under the vote of the Office of the Prime Minister'. The Minister
ofFmanc fi 1 · · e was urthermore keen to stress the fol owmg.

\\
\\

106 Contemporary Namibia

[T]he implementation of the recommendations of the Wage and
Salary Commission does not involve any additional allocations
over and above the equivalent of a ten per cent general salary
increase. The recommendations ... basically involve a restructured
remuneration system and will not have any immediate financial
implications.

He also pointed out a number of far-reaching measures required by
the longer-term recommendations and referred specifically to 'the recom-
mended down-sizing of the public service, which will represent a gruelling
challenge for policy-makers during the next few years' (Republic ofNamibia,
'Budget Statement' 1996: 16).

In strikingcontrasttothese words of warning, the State Revenue Fund
figures spoke a different language. The 'Summary of Staffing According to
Votes' disclosed a surprising increase in the number of public servants.
The number of funded posts grew from 68 912 in 1995/96 to 70 192 in the
1996/97 budget. In absolute figures this is an expansion of I 280 new posts
(or a proportional increase of 1,86%). Separating the downsizing exercise
as a later follow-up ftom the increase in wages and salaries under the heading
'Restructured Remuneration' may well be in line with theW ASCOM report.
How~er, it is certainly not reflecting or honouring the spirit and words of
~h;;;,;~ws presented views at Geneva (for a critical comment, see Melber

As unfortunate has bee h 1 · f . n t e ack of transparency m the process o
~~·n:.ethe ~~SCOM recommendations. It is not yet absolutely clear (at
the W~SC~M IC) to what extent the proposed package was accepted. While
with d' · 1. ~had urged the Government to commence immed.ately ISClp "nary action .... ; bl' h.
and thei nd' . -..-nst pu IC servants violating professional et 1cs

r co "lions of service th · · · t ,_,. "" ~ · " ere was an obvious reluctance to m1t1a e ·---,action. Govemme 1 · -11 . 1 and regulat' n "s sll hesitant to apply a strict set of ru es
lOllS and to ....,..; d . .

Despite the WAseo"man VJOiatiO~ ofthese guidelines. . .
public !ei'Vantswhowere _M recommend:u"on quoted above, i.e. to d1sm1ss
of private businesses rnm:~petent or mvolved in the day-to-day runmng
ending 31 Marth 1996 110 their

0!flo:es. before the end of the financial year
~(see The N;.,,.b~h diSCJphnary action was taken. When a local
dealing wilh lhae 1 ""' 2~4196) asked why the Government was not
ina , a 'P'tesp~IOIIS ~ urgently as it had implemented salary
Ofticeol'the Prime M= the Pubhc Service Management division in the
Olllholi.IUI:h~ ~~the Government first had to work
IIIIa ~or do )Oil first COUld be "mp~ented: 'Do you just embark
people?' He lllij# 1s141 the put lllechalllsms in place to identifY these
people wilhout Plllper l*b need for evidence: 'How do you identifY these ... Itt_.._, . 'ghtly

..,........., syslerns in place?' It 1s sh

Public administration: constraints and challenges 107

worrying to conclude that after six years of independence, such procedures
had not yet been established for the bureaucracy serving the Namibian State.
Indeed, in a public speech the Prime Minister announced the planned intro-
duction of a Civil Service Charter (for 1997) only in June 1996 (Geingob
1996: !Of.). He used the same opportunity to confirm the Government's
commitment to reducing the civil service wage bill consistently every year
from April 1997 onwards (ibid.: II).

If one assumed that such an announcement in mid-1996 was a con-
firmation of stricter fiscal discipline, especially on expenditure for public
service salaries and wages, this turned out to be a wrong assessment. When
presenting the budget for 1996/97, the Minister of Finance had announced
that no further costs above the estimated N$1 00 million would be required
to finance the modified civil service remuneration structure. In November
1996, however, his successor finally had to present an additional budget for
1996/97, which beseeched the allocation of a further N$99,6 million for
implementing the WASCOM recommendations (Republic of Namibia,
'Budget Statement', 1996).9

It appears that the State (and society) has to pay dearly for the main-
tenance of a public service that is oversized in terms of numbers and at the
same time rewarded according to high efficiency criteria. Unless firm action
15 applied in the near future, Namibia's public service might end up in the
same categorisation as many other cases on the continent:

Bureaucracies in Africa have lost their dynamism, resilience and
commitment. Instead, they have become stagnant, dependent and
largely unproductive. Lack of probity, of accountability, of equity
and of professionalism and a merit system along with scandalous
and unchequered corruption have conspired to undermine any
semblance of respectability (Adedeji 1994: 5). 10

CONCLUSION: THE PROBLEMS OF STATE DOMINANCE

The dominance of the State seen as the size and influence of the bureaucracy
as constituted by civil se~ants, is an obvious characteristic of Namibian

9 For · ·
10 .a crutcal comment, see Gaomab, Kangueehi & Melber ( 1996).

illd&erne llus might sound rather harsh and one tends to be reluclant to apply such a value
lllitude ~ to the Namibian bureaucracy. However, bearing in mind lhe presenl passtve
evcq poltcy-makers lo apply disciplinary aclion where reqUired, and a preference 10
lillcsrtCCJ some higher-ranking civil servants (as shown by several examples in rea:nl
~~~enough of an alarm to become increasingly cautious (see also lhe chapler by

Melber in Jhis volume).

108 Contemporary Namibia

society. The dimensions of both the number employed and the expe~diture
are impressive. The public service is by far the biggest employer withm a
society suffering from a structural lack of employment opportunities for the
majority of its economically active population (Melber 1994b). This also
increases the relevance of employment through the State, and underlines the
dilemma. In a country with a chronic oversupply of potential (albeit so far
mainly unskilled) labour, demands upon the State in terms of the creation
of employment opportunities increase- particularly while the salary and
wage structure within the civil service compares favourably with the income
patterns offered elsewhere. As a result, 'The public sector has become by far
the largest employer in the country. The outcome of this state of affairs is a
bloated civil service, where problems of efficiency are endemic.' (Tapscott
1994: 15)

Due to the absence of any other meaningful employment alternatives,
the Government is tempted to absorb potential sources of conflict through co-
optation by employment. This was the case in 1995, when frustrated former
guerrilla fighters from the armed wing ofSWAPO demonstrated to demand
a decent integration into the post-colonial society through job or income
opportunities. As Namibia's Prime Minister explained in his address at a
luncheon with ambassadors of European Union countries in mid-October
1995, the Government had chosen, in the interests of durable peace, to
enlarge the Namibian police and defence forces, thereby accommodating
former combatants who had been unemployed since independence. The
Prime Minister declared to the diplomats that 'We know what our choices
must be if we are to choose between contin~ed peace or a smaller (civil)
service' (The Namibian 17/1 0/95).

. The Prime ~inister was also eager to point out that such enlargement
did not need to distract the Government from its commitment to continuing
to improve e~ectiveness in the civil service. The ambivalent and conflicting
demands ':"hich the Government and bureaucracy of the Namibian State have
to reconcile at central, regional and local levels in the present transitional
process pose an enormous task. Also in October 1995 at a seminar the then
Secretary t C b · ' '

.
0

a met gave an overview of the state of the civil service,
summmg up the challenges as follows:

Clearly, we have a great d I I d be~
tran , . ea o o .ore we have completed the s.orrnal!on from the el h · . .

. h' even aut onl!es legacy to a public serv1ce w 1ch · ...
'rth . provides the people of an independent country

w econom1c effecti d ffi ·
5/10195). ' ve an e IClent services (Die Republikein

New Slate Slruc~ are be' .
regional and local lev 1 The mg set up With offices and functions at both

e · Y are permeating society and proposing new

Public administration: constraints and challenges 109

and additional functions. Expansion is easy because civil society places high
demands for services and reforms on the apparatus, while at the same time
the formal structures of civil society are mostly weak. The temptation is there
to create a machine which will try to do everything everywhere. There is the
additional problem of the state establishing itself in all sectors. The fact that
it is present there means that no one else is entitled to do various important
things, even if the State is not managing to deliver. In this way the State can
actually block community-driven initiatives instead of promoting them.

While it is theoretically possible for the State to absorb up to I 00% of
the resources and population of the society in the business of 'doing things
for the people', the relative efficiency and advisability of such an enterprise
is extremely doubtful. The bigger and more diversified the machine, the
harder it is to manage, control and maintain. Following the inherited legal-
philosophical framework of the previous South African State will necessarily
involve the Government in doing things for people rather than empowering
them to do things for themselves. This is a serious danger which has to be
studied and counteracted. In terms ofNamibia's future, the way this choice
on the role of the State is exercised wi 11 have a profound impact on the socio-
economic framework, political structures and ideological orientations of the
country.

,I
I
J

Ill

Education in Namibia"

Hans-Volker Gretschel

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

Namibia is a multilingual and multicultural country. According to the 1991
census, there are only I ,4 million inhabitants, but they belong to no less than
II ethnic groups: Basler, Caprivi, Coloured, Damara, Herero, Kavango,
Nama, Owambo, San, Tswana and Whites. These ethnic groups may in tum
be assigned to a multitude of tribes, and to three linguistic categories: Bantu,
Khoesan and European. Since in the past there were no coordinated and
dehberate attempts at developing and fixing in writing a supra-regional
standard variety for most of the Bantu and Khoesan language families, a
great many dialects and varieties are spoken in Namibia.

In addition, Namibia's population distribution shows great variation.
For example, while 32% of all Namibians live in a few urban centres around
Windhoek, Walvis Bay/Swakopmund and Oshakati/Ondangwa, or in small
towns and villages, 68% (Republic of Namibia, Population and Housing
Census: Statistical Tables, 'Report A', 1993: xxx) live in rural areas which
are often remote and difficult to access. A total of 44% of all Namibians live
tn the densely populated central northern region (ibid., 'Report B ': I). For
the purpose of education, Namibia's 13 political administrative regions are
teg!oupect into only seven educational regions which form the administrative
untts, meaning that all schools in a given educational region have to report
to their resp 1· . ec tve reg10nal office (see Map I).
. When the former colonies on the African continent were released into
tndependence, they inherited, besides the educational system, the mother
~~gues of the former colonial powers. For Namibia as a mandate territory,
all Years o~South African mandate administration meant the i1_11positio~ of
f'3parthetd structures applicable in South Africa, hence the mtroduct10n 0

Bantustanisation' and 'Bantu education', as well as the hegemony of

' This hap . · · · ·n beeov . c ler focuses on primary and secondary education. Umvers1ty educatiOn WI
eted 10 the next chapter.

112 ContemporaryNamibia

Map 6 : The educational regions (1992)

Omaheke

Rundu

A.uthof 0_ Graefe

Source Rtput>lt<: of SamibJa 1992 & School statistics

Scat of the regional
atlministrat10n of education

Education region boundaries

Political region boundaries

0 km 200

Education in Namibia 113

Afrikaans as the lingua franca and as the language of professional and
social advancement. In Namibia the policy of'Bantustanisation' was based
on the Odendaal Commission report of January 1964, which recommended
that each of the tribal groups be allotted a 'reserve' (or 'Bantustan') of their
own, according to specific regional criteria. Pursuant to the aims of 'separate
development', the division of the population along geographical and political
lines was applied to schooling, culture and language by means of the 'Bantu
education' system, which aimed to establish completely segregated, racially
specific school systems. The integral development of African educational
institutions inside these so-called 'homelands' was therefore to be promoted
intensively. The main target areas were: the extension of the primary school
sector, with the aim of covering at least 60% of children of school-going age
and other youths by 1970; the establishment of upper primary schools; the
establishment of secondary schools which should lead learners to attain the
matriculation certificate offered in South Africa, which provided access to
university depending on the subject choice and a minimum average mark;
the establishment of hostels attached to both school types; and the setting
up of teacher training facilities (the qualification for entry being a Standard
4 pass, or completion of the sixth school year) in the 'Bantustan' centres.
The_ separation of school systems according to ethnic criteria reached its
cyntcal culmination in 1980 when Proclamation AG 8 provided for cultural
sovereignty for all I I ethnic groups, and thereby for separate schools for
learners from each group. Although the formal school structures had been
the same throughout Namibia's educational sector since 1976, with the same
curricula applied for examination-related subjects in secondary schools since
the I980s and with the same matriculation examinations it would be naive
~ . . '

~tve credtt to the following presumptuous statement made by the South
African Foreign Minister (South West Africa 1967): 'In short, all school edu-
Catton culminates in the same standard in the end.' This statement reduces
the 12 ye f · · . . ars o school education to the equality of external examtnattOn
COndtttons and contents, and ignores not only the vastly unequal educational
~ondtttons prevailing in the 'homelands' but also those prevailing- from
_roclamation AG 8 until independence..:_ at the level of the ethnic second-

her governmental authorities.

N o_n taking over his governmental responsibilities on 21 March 1990,
H illlltbta's first Minister of Education and Culture was confronted with the
~ulean task of tackling the burdensome colonial heritage in education,

rtbed in SWAPO's 'Election Manifesto' (1989: 15) as follows:

One of the most glaring inequalities perpetrated in Namibia by
~e_colonialists has been the gross neglect of the education of the
llldtgenous population as a deliberate policy designed to subjugate

114 Contemporary Namibia

the masses of our people through the perpetuation of ignorance
and illiteracy. The colonialists understood that knowledge is
power, and they were not prepared to share power with the black
majority. The objective of the system of Bantu education imposed
in Namibia was simply to provide an inferior education to produce
barely literate Namibians who would then be useful tools for the
colonial administration in canying out its dictates. A sanitised cur-
riculum which denied the scholars a broader and open education
emphasised their contrived racial inferiority.

Research undertaken by Horrell ( 1976), BrUckner ( 1977) and Melber
( 1979) establishes unambiguously that Bantu education intentionally planned
a~d partially reinforced the difference between the white society with its
h!ghly developed technology and the black mi\\iority who were living in a
Simple subsistence economy in remote areas with the aim of training
adequate personnel needed as domestic, farm ~nd industrial workers, and
as nurses, teachers and theologians.

EDUCATION FOR ALL

The pri?rities set for education therefore aimed to dismantle any existing
apartheid structures in school' d · ·b'
d . 1 mg, an to put m place a genuinely Nam1 1an e ucatlona system no 1 .
d . 1 . . onger geared to South Africa's political, economiC an soc1a conditions and h' h 1 .. b f . ' w 1c wou d not create and maintain inequalities Y way o schooling nor co d · · · · f
· .1 d . . ' rrespon pnmanly w1th the expectations o a pnv1 ege m monty Th · .1 . educat. . . . · IS enta1 ed, as a first step abolishing the I 0 ethmc 1on mm1stnes and th N f . ' . .

a new Ministry ofEduca. e a IOnal Ed~cat1on Authority, and establlshmg
Furtherrno th . lion and Culture m charge of all Namibian scholars.

re, e rum of'education' II' . . .
struggle and th ti 1 . "or a , propagated durmg the liberatiOn e nst e ect10n ca · . in urban and 1 mpalgn, was to be achieved and education rura areas was t b b ' ·
the ambitions and . . 0 e rought to the same level, thus fulfillmg

aspirations of the fi 1 · · d majority. Article 20 of theN . . orrner. Y excluded and underpnvliege
3lnlblan Constitution provides clear guidelines:

1· All persons shall h h ·
2 p · ave t e nght to education · nmary educatio h 11 be ·

provide l'eaSonabl~ ~ ~ . . compulsory and the State shall
every resident . h .ac11111es. I~ render effective this right for
taining State sc~11 ;n Nam1~ 1a, b~ establishing and main-
provided...__ fooh 5 at which pnmary education will be

u~o c arge.

Education in Namibia 115

3. Children shall not be allowed to leave school until they have
completed their primary education or have attained the age
of sixteen (16) years, whichever is the sooner, save in so far
as this may be authorised by Act of Parliament on grounds
of health or other considerations pertaining to the public
interest.

4. All persons shall have the right, at their own expense, to
establish and to maintain private schools, or colleges or other
institutions of tertiary education: ...

The core objectives 'education for all', as spelt out in an information
brochure published by the Ministry of Education and Culture ( 1993b: 31-
44), are access, equity, quality, and democracy.

Access

The Government's first commitment is to provide universal 'basic educa-
tion', with the intention of ensuring that by the year 2000 the majority of
Namibian citizens will have acquired the basic skills of reading, writing and
numeracy, and an understanding of socio-cultural processes and natural
phenomena. Adult and non-formal education programmes have to address
the learning needs of non-schoolgoing citizens. The extension of access to
education has two principal components. The first of these entails extending
the capacity of schools, and increasing the number of schools and classrooms
to ensure a place for every Namibian child. The MEC has to ensure that these
schools are adequately staffed, that they are located where they are needed
and that they are in fact accessible to learners in the area. The second com-
ponent entails addressing the barriers that keep Namibian children from
gomg to school. In the past, children and parents alike were deprived of
opportunities to get to know an educational environment and develop an
educational tradition. Thus many children do not appreciate the urgency of
regular school attendance and many parents do not encourage their children
to make full use of the opportunity to obtain a basic education. Also, irrele-
Vant syllabi, outdated methodologies and punitive discipline can be barriers
~~· h
1 mg, so they have to be eradicated. Generally, the Government as 0

ensure that the habits of the segregated schooling of the past do not extend
IOio the present.

Equity

The Governm " · bl s to SCh . ent s second commitment is to provide eqUita e acces
OOhng and all its benefits. To achieve that, the legacy of discrimination

r
'

116 Contemporary Namibia

and segregation that was built into the school system itself has to be. over-
come. While equality has to do with sameness, equity has to do wtth falffiess.
To achieve equity, it may be necessary to pursue policies that treat dtfferent
groups in somewhat different ways. To reduce the inequalities of the past, the
Government decided to introduce affirmative action measures to meet the
needs oflearners of different ages and at different times in their lives, and
to render special assistance to those in need of it. The MEC must not .only
promotes equal access, but also turn its attention toward achieving equity m
results as well.

Quality

The third major commitment is to develop good schools and to offer high-
quality non-formal alternatives to formal education. The most important
challenge in improving the quality of the education system is to ensure that
teachers are well prepared for the major responsibilities they carry: they
need assistance to develop the expertise and skill that will enable them to
stimulate learning, and supportive supervision in structuring and managing
the learning process. The learner-centred approach is central to Namibia's
new education system, as it is intended to develop instructional strategieS
that make it possible for learners from varying backgrounds and with varymg
abilities to progress. Other tasks include improving the physical facilities
provided at schools, ensuring that all learners have sufficient textbooks and
instructional materials, and striving for a situation where curriculum experts
and t~achers can choose from a number of appropriate books developed by
Namtbtan authors and illustrators.

Democracy

To develop education for democracy, it is imperative to develop democratic
~duca!Ion. Had Namibian adults been raised in a democratic society, civics
Instructors could have been entrusted with the task of teaching young
people_about the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. But for almost
the entire 20th Century the country's laws and regulations were phrased in
the l~guage of democracy while simultaneously excluding most citizens
from It. The struggle for independence was largely a struggle for democracy;
~struggle for all Namibians to be citizens in their own society. Therefore,

emh ocracy must not simply be the topic of a set of school lessons, but
rat er a central purpo f d . . ·
, d . se o e ucation at all levels. Just as education IS a "oun ation for developm t, · · " · · d.

en so It ts a .oundatton for democracy. But! mg

Education in Namibia 117

those foundations must be a conscious process in which all learners must
be actively engaged.

In translating these four goals into general policies and detailed plans,
the MEC embarked on se\\eral strakgic initiatives (MEC 1993b: 53):

"
"

Basic education
Pre-service teacher education. especially the Basic Education
Teaching Diploma (BETD)
In-service teacher education. especially the Five Year Programme
for Teacher In-Service Training (INSET)
Transition to the national language' as the medium of instruction
in schools

A new Junior Secondary Curriculum
Expanded and enriched instructional efforts in Mathematics.
Science and Technology

A new Senior Secondary Level Programme leading to the
Cambridge International General Certificate of Secondary
Education (IGCSE) and. for some, to the Higher International
General Certificate of Secondary Education (HIGCSE)
Adult and non-formal education programmes, especially basic
literacy

Establishment and development of the University of Namibia
Vocational education and training

QUANTITATIVE IMPROVEMENTS AND CONSTRAINTS

The Namibian Government is serious about implementing the obligations
entrenched in the Constitution and about striving for educational reform. In
the

199
4/95 budget Government therefore allocated 28,8% of its funds to

education. This share remained constant for the following two financial Years ·
'at JUst below 30% of the total budget.
Education was formerly based on injustice with a double imbalance:

~I) between the urban popu Iation centres the administrative centres of the
'
0
rmer 'hom 1 d " ' · th one h e an s and the small forrnerly white settlements on e

beand, and the predominantly bla~k rural regions on the other; and (2)
tween sch 1 · ad · · traf ons N 00 s under the cultural sovereignty of II ethmc mtms I ·
onetheless 1 · d · · · fr tru ture in th fi " a m ependence Namibia had a functlonmg m as c
e "eld of education. By desegregating the primary and secondary schools -----------'English.

r 118 Contemporary Namibia
and hostels formerly reserved for white learners, and by allocating funds
specifically to the most neglected educational regions, considerable progress
was made towards achieving the goals of access, equity and quality. In its
annual report for the 1994 academic year, the MEC stated the following
( 1995: 4)- these statistics applying mainly to rural areas:

Quantitative improvements have been recorded in a number of
areas. These include growth in the number of schools from I 171
in 1989 to I 354 in 1993, enrolment from 372 572 in 1989 to
450 639 in 1993 and teachers from 12 886 in 1989 to 15 280 in
1993.

The 20,9% increase of scholars is a remarkable achievement in itself.
More important, however, is the fact that student numbers continue to rise.
precisely. in the higher grades: 'For example, whereas there were 69 009
learners m Grade I in 1989 and only 4 502 in Grade II [6,5%], in 1993
there were 80 442 learners in Grade I and 12 415 in Grade 1 I ( 15,5%].'
(MEC 1995: 5)

, In contrast to the situation in other countries on the African continent,
females make up 50,4% of all children of school-going age in Namibia'
(MBE~ 1996a: 4). Whtle the MEC is far from its objective of a per capita
allocatton of all resources 't · · · · · · · · d b . " 1 ts movmg m the nght dtrectwn, as mdtcate
Y the followmg statement (MEC 1995: 6):

In
1 ~~the then Government spent ten times as much on a Ieamer

:n a1993tte1
school ~on a Ieamer in the Owambo Administration.

n a earner tn the w· dh k .
f 111 oe regton cost only (sic!) three
tmes as much as a Ieamer in Ondangwa.

Despite the enonnous fi .
1

.
shortages obvious! . nancta commttment, severe inadequacies and
. Y contmue to exist as th b d · 1 I · msufficient to meet all the ob. . ' e u getary allocattons are arge)
in the rural regions 1 ~ecttves. There are not yet enough classrooms
learners per class)' c :shatte~dance continues to grow (often beyond 50
Mathematics PhysicanCht er~ ts a lack of qualified teachers for English,
· ' s, emtstry and s· 1 0 fi . . tn the regional administrative to o.gy. e tctts and mcompetence
and school books bee structures contmue, so the dispatch of teachers
before they receive the omes a problem. Schools may have to wait for months
and teachers' salaries u~e~tlyneeded qualified subject teachers and books.
these and other probJe mtg ht .stmply not even arrive. To find solutions to
the ms w tch are pani 1 1 . competencies of the MEC .. cu ar Y urgent for basic educatton.
the Cabinet was reshuffled . were dtvtded between two ministries when

111 1995: the Ministry of Basic Education and

Education in Namibia 119

Culture (MBEC) and the Ministry of Higher Education, Vocational Training,
Science and Technology (MHEVTST). In comparison with many other
developing countries, Namibia's educational infrastructure can boast many
positive aspects.

QUALITATIVE ACHIEVEMENTS AND CONSTRAINTS

Since independence considerable progress has also been achieved in relation
to qualitative perfonnance in education. For instance, when the schools were
opened to all Namibians, there was none of the racist violence that people
had feared, except some individual, isolated and insignificant cases. In most
educational institutions, students of very diverse tribal origins were integrated
without any friction. Furthennore, the MEC was successful in addressing the
unexpectedly high failure, repetition and dropout rates inherited from the
fanner Government, and in developing democratic educational structures:

A sense of personal commitment and responsibility to learning
is developing among learners. Student organisations, especially
NANSO, are taking the lead in peer counselling in order to
encourage fellow learners to face the challenge of schooling.
With the exception of a few disturbances in isolated places,
learners are more and more concentrating on school work. The
role of Students' Representative Councils in schools should not
be overlooked. Three documents of utmost importance to the
collaboration of the Ministry and the learner community have
been developed and distributed to all schools: the 'Educational
Code of Conduct', 'Discipline from Within', and 'Discipline with
Care', the latter two being part of the Culture of Care Campaign
approved by Cabinet in 1993 (MEC 1995: 6).

h Two other major national policy decisions have profoundly affected sc oohng and · · · · d d d · ' tn parttcular language educatton: Engltsh was a opte an
Introduced h ·
edu . . as. t e medium of instruction at all Namibian schools, te~tary

catton mstttuttons and vocational training institutions, and an internattonal
secondary 1 1 d. eve tploma was introduced as well.
beco For most Namibians, English is a neutral language and could therefore
En 1~ the 'language of national unity' (Geingob 1993: 14-15). Indeed, .~ 15 was chosen as Namibia's official language and was introduced as a
-~~ry b' d' Or . su ~ect from lower primary level (Grade I) and as the me tUm tnstrucr fi . ' d
level u 10~ rom htgher primary level (Grade 4) through the secon ary

P to htgher education.

120 Contemporary Namibia

It is expected that seven years of free and compulsory primary edu-
cation will not only provide all Namibian learners with solid basic skills,
but will also help to put into effect all the other above-listed educational
programmes which aim at promoting tolerance, thereby guaranteeing the
peaceful cohabitation of different cultures and societies in a climate of
social justice (Horn 1989: 7ft).

For obvious reasons these trans-disciplinary guidelines had no partic-
ular priority in the South African curricula and syllabi which were binding
on Namibia until independence. A central issue of concern for educational
reform in Namibia was thus the introduction of curricula and examinations
leading to the International General Certificate of Secondary Education
(IGCSE) and to the Higher International General Certificate of Secondary
Education (HIGCSE) of the University of Cambridge Local Examinations
Syndicate (UCLES). Beside the IGCSE teaching programmes which are
standardised worldwide and accepted by the University ofNamibia (UNAM)
as a general entrance qualification if concluded with a Grade C, a specifically
Namibian form of examination was developed, namely the HIGCSE. By
virtue of this particular certificate, Namibian students comply with the
enrolment requirements for universities in the rest of southern Africa for
subjects which are not taught at UNAM. The MEC expressly and repeatedly
pointed out that the IGCSE was to be regarded as the national school-leaving
examination, whereas the HIGCSE is taught only in some secondary schools.
Susanna Pflaum (1996: I) comments on the UCLES's commitment, stating
that this_ ~y 'h~ shaped curricula, text development, and language study
m Nam1b1a s semor secondary schools'. Yet the syndicate's performance
goes beyond these three areas, since it also shaped - with lasting effect-
th~ a~eas of assessment and examinations. The urgent need for a decisive
shift

111
these matters was clearly proved by an investigation undertaken by

UCLES fo~ th~ MEC on the old examination and assessment procedures.
The mvest"gatJon report (UCLES 1990: 8)states the following:

This emp_hasis on failure is endemic throughout the education
syst~m With students expecting to fail, teachers expecting them
to fall and exam in ·
do fi .'1 If . ' . ers senmg papers to ensure that large numbers a1 th1s s tuat' · be

.. · .
1

10n IS to reversed and emphasis ... placed on
PDSlhve ach"evemen~ then a great effort will need to be made to
re-educate all concerned.

The MEC's commitment t 'd' ·
with the bas' . 0 prov1 mg education for all, in conjunchon
to--' 1 IC educatiOn refonn, has reoriented teaching in Namibian schools ~ .. us earner-centred instruct' d h . k'
and redefi · lhe . "on an as started a process of rethm mg

mmg plulosophy that guides examinations. In this regard the

Education in Namibia 121

MEC concludes the following (1993b: 124):

[W]e are moving away from a narrow notion of examination to
a broader and more inclusive concern with assessment and eval-
uation. Within that reconsideration, we are moving from an
approach that emphasises success vs. failure toward an orientation
that focuses on encouraging and recording achievement.

However, as correctly pointed out in the quote above from the UCLES
investigation, if the reform is to be implemented, 'a great effort will need to
be made to re-educate all concerned'. Soon after the Namibian Supreme
Court ruled on 5 April 1991 that corporal punishment is unconstitutional, the
MEC published two information brochures presenting alternatives to corporal
punishment, namely 'A Guide for Principals, Teachers, Learners, Parents
and Communities: Discipline from Within' (1992a); and 'Discipline with
Care' (1993a). This awareness campaign had indeed become urgent since
the lack of discipline in Namibian schools had reached dimensions never
previously encountered. All parties involved in education regarded corporal
punishment as the only proven means of restoring discipline, and were ~t a
loss in coping with the unknown situation. There are similar informatiOn
deficits in the area of sex education, with numerous teenage pregnancies as
a result. During the National Health Week of 12-16 August 1996, both male
and female learners in Windhoek approached the Minister of Health and
Social Services with an urgent appeal to step up, in conjunction with !he
Mm1ster of Basic Education and Culture, the promotion of sex educatiOn
"n school and its acceptance by society at large. One can only hope that the
two Ministers will recognise this problem to be urgent and launch a co-
ordmated awareness campaign.

Although the MBEC indicated in its annual report for 1994 that a sense
of responsibility was developing among learners and that a 'school cultu~e'
!eelned to be developing in the rural areas, a slow and difficult process With
lnany setbacks still lies ahead: even today, schools continue to suffer from
~:k of discipline, above all from vandal ism. The biggest challeng~s and

. facmg the MBEC seem to lie precisely at the level of re-educatmg all Pan! . .
es "nvolved m the educational process.

co . Despite the many efforts undertaken by the MBEC- the publication of
s!~us lll~o~ation materials, the Five Year Programme for Teac~er ln-

ce Trammg (INSEl), many workshops to familiarise teachers w1th the
newf IGCSE and HIGCSE curricula and examinations, the establishment 0 the 'Nam ·b· d I CUrricu 1 "an Institute for Educational Development (NIED) to . eve 0 P
iiN laanct leaching methods- the results of the first IGCSE exammat1ons

OVember 1995 were worse than disappointing. Only 5% of the 9 768

122 Contemporary Namibia

candidates who wrote these examinations obtained a Grade Cor higher in
English as a Second Language (ESL), with regional disparities- from 15,9%
in Keetmanshoop to 0,2% in Ondangwa West. Only 2,2% of the candidates
who wrote the History exam achieved a Grade C or higher, 9% achieved this
for Economics, 3,8% for Geography, 13,4% for Physical Sciences and 3,7%
for Business Studies (MBEC 1996b ).

In her study titled The Teaching of English in Namibian Secondary
Schools, with Suggestions, Pflaum ( 1996: 14-15) points to the low success
rate in English and the above-mentioned subjects in order to highlight a
discrepancy between the learning goals set out for ESL as a subject and the
linguistic competence taken for granted in these other IGCSE subjects:

[l]t is clear that considerable sophistication is required of can-
didates on the IGCSE examinations in History, Economics, Geog-
raphy, Developmental Studies, and Physical Science. Learners
m~~t read expository texts with comprehension and be able to
~nhcally analyse them; they must be able to present complex
Ideas in. writ_ing; they must be able to interpret information and
synthes1ze different sources. (Of course there is no indication as
to whether classes in these subjects include attention to language
development along with the study of the content.) It is clear that
the ESL curriculum and texts do not provide many experiences
th~ough which learners can acquire these academic language
sk"lls. Indeed it seems that the ESL curriculum is not intended
to fulfil these functio · h · · ·
1 ns, g"ven t e emphasis on communicative

language use. Finally, the African language subjects do promote anguage development· h d' . . q . m t e 1rect10n needed but there IS some
UestJon as to the transfer of English use. '

One is left with the · · 1 b ·
and curricula, the MBECl~pressJon that in the process of framing syl a 1

authority. It is unde dJd not fully_ cope with its role as a coordmatmg
Namibia would tr~dable that havmg obtained political independence,

s 1ve for inde d · . as
well, and in the shortest . pe~ ence m educational pohcy matters
Years at least, th PDsslble hme, but it is unacceptable that for a few

. ousands ofNa 'b' 1 ~ the mistakes made by ed . m" "an earners will have to suffer ,or
be exJlel:ted, sinoe ~~hona~ planners. Although better performances can
learncn" oompetenoe. e~ w~ll gain more experience of examinations and
the MBEC of its res

10
nghsh will improve there is no way of relieving

Pflau ponsibility '
m (1995· 1) states~

IOCSE exams are broactl 1 '[since] the results of the November 1995
oommunity,andmore~0wn-the specific results in the educational

1
results among the public', the Ministry must

Education in Namibia 123

not waste any time in rectifYing this unsatisfactory situation. In addition to
dissatisfaction about the language policy in terms of which the mother tongue
may be used as the medium of instruction only to the end of Grade 3, many
parents are now voicing their concern regarding the level of linguistic and
subject-related competence of government schools. In the last few years a
few speech communities have decided to establish private schools in terms
of Article 20 of the Namibian Constitution. But if, as the Constitution allows,
a national language other than English becomes the medium of instruction
beyond Grade 3 in a private school, such a school would take on an exclusive
character by virtue of its medium of instruction. Some speech communities
with the necessary funds might even try to continue the disastrous tradition
of segregation or discrimination via the medium of instruction-' Article 19
of the Constitution states the following:

Every person shall be entitled to enjoy, practice, profess, maintain
and promote any culture, language, tradition or religion subject to
the terms of this Constitution and further subject to the condition
that the rights protected in this Article do not impinge upon rights
of others or the national interest.

Schools with different media of instruction may hold the view that
their prime task is to conserve and promote their own culture, tradition and
language, even though this may be to the detriment of others. If the members
0~ a Particular language group are committed to fostering their mother tongue
Without taking into account the restrictive provisions of Article 19, and if
the future fate of education in Namibia is assessed against the background
of the current population growth, such a development is bound to give rise
to a new conflict potential.
. . Namibia is not a rich country. Being a developing country with very
hmlled water resources, Namibia has no significant processing industry,
and lis exports are almost exclusively raw materials and unprocessed meat
and fish products, the prices of which are subject to fluctuations on world
markets. Up to now, 70% of the population is active in agriculture, and the
birth rate has ranked a high 3,2% per annum. Namibia is in the grip of
dech · · 1 · · . nmg mcome, education deficits, unemployment and a steep Y nsmg
bnth rate. Notwithstanding the constitutionally guaranteed rights to education
and th G ·b· ' e ovemment's policy on schooling culture and language, Nam" "a s
system of d · . '. · t a e ucallon may detenorate owmg to budgetary constram s,
oonstant push in the number of births, rapidly increasing student numbers

)~ .
and G German-speaking communily has eslablished privale schools in Omaruru, Olavl
"'lh' IOOJfonJem over lhe paslthree years. The firsl privalisation efforts have also begun 1 m lhe Afi'k n aans-speaking community. ,,

124 Contemporary Namibia

and a declining proportion of educated people among the total population.
Although Government is aware of and outspoken about the dangers of a
population growth which remains unchecked, there seems to be a lack of
urgency in addressing this problem, since there are as yet no coordinated
programmes for bringing down the birth rate, which is one of the highest
worldwide.

TEACHER TRAINING AND UPGRADING

Anoth~r focus for government action is bound to be public school teachers'
educatiOnal sta~dard~, which need to be upgraded urgently if the quality of
tea~hmg a~d tUJttOn IS to improve. Here the MBEC finds itself trapped in
a VICIOUS CirCle:

... 71,6% of all teachers had professional training in teaching.
The proportion of teachers who are professionally qualified varies
from Region to region. For example 92% of all teachers in
Khomas l'fi ' . are qua I oed, whereas only 40% of those in Okavango
are quahfied.

Levels of acade · t · · · k' moe rammg provode another way of loo mg at teachers' l'fi ·
qua 1 ICahons. The proportion of teachers who have

:~~hplettedhGra~e 12 varies from Region to Region. While 92%
e eac ersmKhom h · · d higher, on I 3 0 " as ave a quahficat10n of Grade 12 an

level of \\i, Yo 111 Okavango and 44% in Omusati have thos
Grade 1 i~~ 1 ~-ation. Nat_ionally, about 59% of teachers have

a ogher quahfication (MBEC 1996a: 18).

. As can be gathered fi . .
oil-trained teach rom these statoshcs, most of the inadequately or

· . ers work at pre · 1 h der· pnvoleged during the a . cose Y t e rural schools that were un
sent to these educar P~he~d era. Yet the best-trained teachers should be
~on S' IOnal lllStotutio ' d lity .,..... mce Article ,41 of ~s

1~ or er to reduce the existing qua
shall retain the post th the Conshtutoon guarantees that all public servants
cannot be retrenched ey held on the day of independence and since the)
""''-- ...__ on account of· d ' to .. ,......, "-= teachers b high _ma equate training, there is no way
p!'epare them adequat 1y ly quahfied ones. The MBEC therefore tries to and"-· · eyfortheirn k · n

·~"nmg, such as the INS ew las s by providing further educatoo
taken "n for further educati ET programme. But the number of teachers
the~~ functioning of: and training sessions must not negatively affect
COIIsiderat1011s of this nature sch?<>ls from which they are drawn. Pracucal

restrict the scope of such sessions in terms of

Education in Namibia 125

time and the number of participants, making progress in further education
and training extremely slow. It is therefore not surprising that 88,5% of all
teachers interviewed by Pflaum disagreed with the following statement:
'The Ministry is providing sufficient in-service training in English.' (Pflaum
1996: 18) One can safely assume that this assessment in respect of English
as a subject can be applied to other IGCSE subjects as well.

At independence the Colleges of Education in Ongwediva, Rundu,
Katima Mulilo, Khomasdal, and Windhoek, each of which had been admin-
istered by the relevant competent ethnic education authority, were at last
brought under one central ministry- up to 1995 the Ministry of Education
and Culture and thereafter the Ministry of Higher Education, Vocational
Training, Science and Technology. The introduction ofnationaiiO-year basic
education created the need for a new national teacher education programme
that would take due account of the new teaching and learning objectives.
Hence the standard Basic Education Teacher Diploma (BETD) introduced
by the MEC at all colleges of education. In the 'Broad Curriculum' for this
diploma, the MEC (1992b: 2) sets out the 'Rationale for a new teacher
education' by stating, inter alia, the following:

The programme will be a unified study for all teachers in Basic
Education, combining a common core foundation for all, with
opportunities for specialisation in relation to phases of schooling
and subject areas. It will strike a balance between professional
insight and skills, and subject knowledge. There will be consis-
tency between the aims and objectives and the structure and
Implementation of the programme. Various types of exposure to
the classroom situation will be a closely integrated aspect of the
study. The student teacher's actual achievements and compe-
tencies will be assessed in a variety of ways, giving an all-round
pocture of their development.

The training is based on a democratic pedagogy, a metho-
dology that promotes learning through understanding, and practice
dorected towards the autonomous mastering of living conditions,
and [it] will relate closely to the curriculum intentions of Basic
Education, and to the context of the school in society.

These welcome and also modern pedagogic objectives are to be met
through th · · th ree years of training However one cannot help ques!lonmg e
feas'bl · ' 1 loty of such a programme if the minimum requirements for enrolment
are 'Grad G · ' ('b'd · 7) D . e Passes at IGCSE including English and Mathematocs I I .. ·

unng their three years of training BETD students are expected to acquire
not only a sound knowledge ofped~gogics, didactics and teaching methods,

126 Contemporary Namibia

along with practical experience gathered by means of classroom observation
and teaching under the guidance of a tutor, but also well-founded and up-to-
date knowledge of their chosen subject. Whether aspirants to the teaching
profession with a Grade G pass in all the six IGCSE subjects have sufficient
basic knowledge to embark on such an ambitious course may legitimately
be doubted. Performances for Grade G in IGSCE are defined as follows
(UCLES undated):

The IGCSE examination is suitable for a wide ability range. It
has a 7-point scale of grades: A, B, C, D, E, F and G. Grade A
is awarded for the highest level of achievement; Grade G indicates
minimum satisfactory performance. Candidates failing to reach
the minimum standard for Grade G will be ungraded.

Aside from the colleges of education, teacher training is also provided
by UNAM under its reformed structure. Aspirant teachers can enrol in the
Faculty of Education for a four-year BEd degree, or for a one-year Post·
graduate Diploma in Education ifthey already have a BA degree. In terms
of the respective educational missions laid down by the law, the colleges
of education are responsible for training all teachers for basic education (t.e.
for teaching Grades I to I 0), whereas the training of teachers for Grades II
and 12 (which correspond with the IGCSE or HIGCSE courses) falls under
the exclusive competence ofUNAM.

. . S~ch a clear-cut division of competencies between these two tertiary
mstttullons makes sense against the background of basic education for all
an~ ~econdary education for a limited number of learners. However, ifthts
~mm~ structure is set against its implementation at schools, yet another
mco~st:ttency becomes apparent: Apart from those catering for special and
s~tahsed education, there are two types of schools in Namibia, i.e. the
~mllf?' !~vel (Grades I to 7) and the secondary level (Grades 8 to 12). At

llliiJonty of schools teaching IGCSE and HIGCSE courses however, m
most cases t h ' · h
the. acade c:ac ers are expected to teach the subiect corresponding wtt tr mte tra" · · J I 0)
and the . mmg m both the junior secondary phase (Grades 8 to
of educat~lllor secondary phase (Grades II and 12) But neither the colleges
Jlhases 1'onthnor UNAM equip their trainees to co~er both these secondary

· n ts res)leet the tw · · · ith a solution in k . . 0 mstttuttons should urgently come up w
eepmg Wtth the school system.

Education in Namibia 127

VOCATIONAL TRAINING

A recent report on vocational education and training (Hultin-Craelius 1990:
5) drew the following conclusions:

There is, to summarise the situation, a need in Namibia to de-
velop a VET (Vocational Education and Training) system which
is based on a unified non-discriminating policy with public and
private VET schools and training centres offering a flexible formal
as well as non-formal course programme of varying duration for
teenagers and adults of both sexes depending on needs .... There
should be close cooperation between schools, labour market and
employers .... Curricula, teaching methods and examinations
should be made relevant to Namibian needs and not unduly be
based on foreign models.

The required framework was provided by the long-awaited National
Vocational Training Act of 1994, and the Ministry of Higher EducatiOn,
Vocational Training, Science and Technology (MHEVTST) was set upm
1995. The legislators' intentions were as follows (Republic ofNamtbta,
Act 18ofl994):

... to make provision for the regulation of the training of appren-
tices and vocational trainees; to provide for the establishment,
powers and functions of a Vocational Training Board and trade
advisory committees; to provide for the establishment and ap-
proval of vocational standards and the designation of trades and
the establishment and approval of training schemes in respect of
such trades; to provide for the establishment of a National Trade
Testing and Certification Centre and trade testing and certlficatton
of apprentices; to provide for registration of vocational training
centres; to provide for the imposition of training levels and the
establishment of a Vocational Training Fund; ... ·

. The following brief summary provides an overview of vocational
trammg in Namibia today. A range of public institutions, located 111 all parts
of the country including the rural areas, are competent to prov_ide tech~t~al
trammg leading to the Trade Certificate4 Furthermore, all maJOr Namtbtan

'Za b · . . · R d Vocational Training C rn ez1 Vocational Training Centre Kat1ma Muhlo~ un u ..
Centre, Rundu; Okakarara Vocational Centr~, Okakarara; Valombola VocationaldTrruSnkmllgs

entre On d' . . . . w· dh k· and Aran IS I T .. ' gwe lva;WmdhoekVocatlonalTramJngCentre, m oe' ...
11

at
falntng Centre Aran . . . . . th . ltural trammg co eges ~ " d1s. A Similar image preva1ls m e agncu .

· "SSCnkehr/Orange River, Rehoboth, Rundu, Khorixas, Oshakati and OkahandJa.

128 Contemporary Namibia

companies, such as Namdeb Diamond Corporation (Pty) Ltd at Oranjemund
or Tsumeb Corporation Ltd at Tsumeb, train apprentices. The Namibian
Institute of Mining and Technology at Arandis trains not only technicians
for Rossing Uranium Ltd, but also apprentices sent by many minor and
even major companies (42 thus far). In the tertiary sector, the commercial
banks offer in-house training for their clerks, and parastatals like NamPort,
NamPower and Trans-Namib also run internal training programmes. The
same applies for jewellers, the tourism industry, the carpentry guild, etc.

The MHEVTST, which has to coordinate all training programmes
provided by state, parastatal and private sector institutions, and also ensure
that trainees receive the appropriate certificates, can rely on advice from the
Vocational Training Board. The board members represent employers and
employees of public as well as private sector institutions, and are appointed
by the Cabinet for a three-year period. It must be noted as a positive step
that these training facilities seem to meet the demands ofNamibia's labour
market. What is worrying, however, is the fact that there are far from enough
vacancies for all schoolleavers interested in pursuing such careers, so a
great ~any stud~nts are released into unemployment. It goes without saying
that highly qualified specialists still have to be trained outside Namibia.

CONCLUDING REMARK

It is hoped that the preceding account, which in no way claims to be ex-
haustive, has sufficiently sketched the successes and deficits ofNamibia's
educatiOn system and d 1 . . " rna e c ear that th1s 'young plant' has taken strong
roots m the country's s · 'd · d

. . em1-ar1 s01l and produced some fragile green an
prolmlfsmlgl shoots. But it should also be clear that the plant will blossom
on Y 1 a PartiCipants co t. · . . . .

n mue tendmg 1t w1th love and ded1cat1on.

129

The University of Namibia

Brian Harlech-Jones

Universities are contested places, because they are prestigious. They are
prestigious for at least two reasons:

They create, articulate and validate knowledge, by which societies
advance in power and prosperity. In addition, that knowledge provides
an important point of reference in the contentions that characterise all
societies.

Universities formally confer their prestige upon their graduates, who
thereby gain economic and social advantages.

Universities are also sites of contention within themselves, not only
because of these and other external forces impinging on them, but also be-
cause they are staffed by highly educated people- a significant component
of the national intelligentsia - who, by the nature of their pursuits, are
~equently highly individualistic. Moreover, they have at hand the means
Y Wh1ch they can press and pursue their interests.

In developing countries, universities are contested places not only for
the reasons outlined above, but also because of the stark conditions that are
the lot of most of their population. Sand brook ( 1993: 98) characterises the
follllat of most Atfican societies as follows: 'A large and impoverished pea-
5anby, a small industrial working class an expanding urban sub-proletariat, -' '" ' . cratsa tmy Pr_IVIIeged group of largely state-dependent busmessmen, b~reau-
sa 'PDhtlclans, professionals, and landowners .... ' Under such cond1t1ons,

ys Sandbrook, 'Victors gain access to economic resources as well as
PDwer' b 'I bT '
(ibid. 'F ut os~rs have_ virtual_ly no alte~ative sou_rces or upward m~' I 1ty
w ) .. rom th1s s1tuat10n sprmgs the 'd1ploma d1sease syndrome. Each
( orsenlngofthe employment situation calls forth an increased demand for

deand supply ot) more formal education at all levels .... The diploma and -th - . h Were. us become requirements for employment, not the educatiOn t ey
Intended to signifY,' (Todaro 1981: 304)

130 Contemporary Namibia

There is therefore continual pressure on the political establishment to
provide ever more educational places, which usually leads to an obsessive
concern with quantity at the expense of quality. The state budget is over-
stretched, and in this situation universities evince the same maladies as do
the other formal education sectors: there are cutbacks in library stocks.
equipment and maintenance; reduced salaries encourage talented academics
to seek positions elsewhere, or to leave the country; others supplement their
incomes by moonlighting, at the expense of their academic performance:
and research suffers.

There is also the vexed question of university autonomy to consider.
In my view, autonomy is to be valued not simply as a token of a liberal
dispensation- a feature of a society in which there is a balanced distribution
of functions- but rather as an essential condition for the effective functioning
of a univer>ity. Autonomy is necessary for the reasonably unfettered pur>uit
ofknowledge, by which a univer>ity might fulfil its social role in the broader
and deeper sense of developing the critical consciousnesses that could
add_ress with incisiveness the multitude of questions that face a developing
Society. Some of the constraints on autonomy have been referred to above:
other> are the substantial dependence on state funding, and the political
pressures on a univer>ity to be simply one more arm of the national develop-
ment scheme as dictated by the politicians. In fact, in the face of declining
bu~gets, poor facilities, low expectations and dispirited morale, a universit)
eas1ly surrender> autonomy without much effort at resistance.

None of the conditions outlined above are unknown at the Univer>it)
?fNamibia (UNAM), as will be seen. However, perhaps the dominant motif
m recent ~ear> has been that of authenticity. This has been conditioned by
the colon1al past- and th · b the

. e Particular nature of that past- as well as Y
sfropeclfic fact that UNAM was not founded de novo but rather it developed

mothe·r· ' 1
r ms ltutlons that were closely associated with the ideologica

struggle that preced d N "b· , .
e am1 1a s Independence.

PREDECESSORS OF UNAM

The immediate Predec .
formally instituted essor to UNAM was the Academy. When UNAM was
assets and liabil"t" on

1
September 1992, it inherited by law' all the property.

founded in 198~:· p~~mes and staff of the Academy. The latter was
without specifyin anhmstltutiOn to provide tertiary education in the country.
cxistc~ three d~ w _at types of education. During the early years of Its

' lrecllons were identified:
1

Tho: Uni>asily of Namibia A '
ct, No. 18 of 1992, promulgated on 31 Augusll9'1··

The University of Namibia 131

" Teacher training at a post-Grade 12 level, as well as training for other
public sector spheres (the nursing profession and civil service admin-
istration).

" Training of the type provided by the technikons in South Africa.
" Pre-tertiary training for artisans and for commercial fields, as well as

teacher training for students with a Grade I 0 qualification (in what
became the College for Out-of-School Training).

Space does not allow me to address the development of the latter two
branches of the Academy. It may be noted that during 1995 the Technikon
was separated from UNAM, becoming the Polytechnic ofNamibia, and the
College for Out-of-School Training was taken over by the Ministry of
Education and Culture (MEC).

By 1986 each of the three branches of the Academy had its own head,
who functioned under the overall administrative and academic control of
the Rector and the Council. The tertiary education branch initially had a
voluntary relationship with the University of South Africa (UN I SA), which
provided almost all the tutorial material and also did the examining. The
teacher-training curricula were developed by the Academy itself, but they
were modelled on the curricula provided for white students in South Africa,
with a view to complementarity. Sufficient subjects were offered under the
arrangement with UNISA for students to take basic degrees such as the
BA, BSc and B Comm, and a few students who qualified for this route did
111 fact do so in the early years. In 1986, after a change in the Academy's
legal status,' the university was formally instituted as a component of the
Academy, as were the other two branches. The university section continued
to focus mainly on teacher training. along with tertiary nursing training,
and degrees like the B Admin and B Comm, to satisfy the demand Ill the
newly localised civil service. By 1989 the university component had I 927
students, registered as follows:

TABLE 8: NUMBER OF STUDENTS ENROLLED AT UNAM IN 1989 -Faculty
Student enrolment

Economic & M .
143 s anagement Sc1ences

tiducation
446

Ans
238

~ursing & M d"
450 e 1cal Sciences

~ence
65

.29TAL
I 927

,
In terms of the Academy Act, No.9 of 1985.

~--------------------------·-------------------''
132 Contemporary Namibia

Progressive forces in Namibia never accepted the Academy as a truly
'legitimate' institution. They pointed out that it had been founded to counter
the attraction of the United Nations Institute for Namibia (UNIN),1 and was
a mere token of any beneficent interest that South Africa might have in the
welfare of the people of the territory. Of course it was also true that the
Academy was part of South Africa's scheme to create a black middle class
in view of an internal settlement. The Academy courses and curricula were
conservative: teacher training, for instance, was informed by the ideology
of Christian nationalism, this being the philosophy underlying apartheid.
The majority of the staff members were white, even if many of them were
Namibian. Relatively few of the academics had PhDs, one reason being
that in the early years of the Academy's existence, a proper departmental
structure had not been established. Instead, the subjects were organised
into_ clusters, with a number of relatively junior staff teaching a number of
subjects under a head of section and the overall tutelage ofUNISA. Another
reason was that the main source of academic staff recruitment was South
African institutions, because few academics from elsewhere wanted to be
associated with a South African-ordained institution in non-independent
Namibia. In addition, as is the case even at present there were very few
bl kN 'b· · · ' · ac am_t tan~ Wtth htgher qualifications, and many of those who dtd have
th~se quahficattons were in exile or otherwise reluctant to be associated
Wtlh the politically questionable Academy. Given the above factors, it could
be expected that the research and publication output would be generally
uneven and low. The medium of instruction was Afrikaans but in 1988 it
was chan~ed to English, after years of student protests. lnd~ed, Afrikaans
wthas pedrcetved as 'the language of the oppressor' and as a device to restrict

e stu ents from acces · II d d d . . smg a but conservative South African-pro uce
aca em tc matenals and ideas '

UNAM's F· F· .
another cogent -~s~ "ve-Year Development Plan (1995-1999) makes
the indigen·

1
.cn tcftsm of the Academy: that it did not provide training for

tsa ton o key areas · · 'fi ent
and development of . 111 sctentt tc and technological managem

the mfrastructure and economy:

It is disturbing, !bereft
Academy d'd ore, that the University component of the

1 not have D ·
Biology, Geoio . . epa~men~s of Fisheries and Manne
Planning, or a F~~ Mt:tng E~gmeenng, Architecture and Town
tertiary level Ira' . lty f Agnculture and Natural Resources. For

tnmg tn these ti ld h on institutions in th R . te s, t ere was over-dependence
JlCfPetuate the depee epubhc of South Africa, which served to

ndencysyndrome(UNAM 1995: p.3) .

. --_-;,-;UN::IN::-_--CSlabl--isii-ICd-. -
Namobions in ·1e '"lusaka. Zarnb· · · ~ r

Ct" - "a. In 1976. to provide higher educauon °

The University of Namibia 133

Space does not permit an analysis of how the ideology of apartheid
was reflected in education in Namibia. However, it is worth noting here that
entrance to tertiary-level studies in scientific and technological areas requires
good performances in Mathematics and Science-related subjects. School
statistics for Namibia in 1986 (RSA 1987) show that out of 3 I 06 scholars
in the final year of schooling at that time, 36% were studying Mathematics
and 22% Physical Science and Chemistry. Significant here is that about
half of each group of scholars carne from the white minority (6,5% of the
total population in 1986 (ibid.)). The poor examination pass rates among
non-white scholars- ascribable largely to extremely poor facilities and an
almost total dearth of qualified teachers- meant that few of them qualified
for admission to tertiary courses in Technology and the Sciences. White
scholars enjoyed a much higher pass rate, and almost all of those who
qualified would proceed to South African institutions access to which was
as unrestricted for students from Namibia (particular); whites) as for South
African students themselves.

As the 1980s advanced, the Academy became a new site of the wider
struggle being waged in and for Namibia. The SW APO-aligned Namibian
National Students' Organisation (NANSO), founded by Namibian students
111 South Africa, became increasingly active on campus after a successful
campatgn to gain the formal recognition of the Academy authorities.
NANSO representatives dominated the democratically elected Students'
Representative Council (SRC), through which they were able to mobilise
students both politically and culturally. NAN SO and the SRC led a number
~f demonstrations on campus, and the repressive actions of the security
~:Nes served to further enhance the sympathy felt for the positions that

SO represented.

orth Many members of the academic staff worked closely with NAN SO.

I
. etr pro-independence sentiments led them to become active in the wider

po thcal field Th . . . . · h w · ere were much-pubhctsed vtstts to UN IN m Lusaka- t ese
ereattacked -1-fi . as th " even VI 1 ted, by most of the local media organs, dommated

1988ey were by interests inclined towards South Africa- and in 1987 and
high-la number of senior members of the academic staff participated in
The Aevel conferences with SW APO in places like Zambia and Sweden 4

issue cademy became a place of lively if sometimes acerbic debate over
ssuchasa d . fi . ente . ca emtc reedom and autonomy, politics and the acaderntc

lematrpnse, and the contextualisation of knowledge. This fluidity, this prob-
-g~th . .

oppre . e tmage of the Academy as a prime instrument of coloma!
sston, was viewed ambiguously by the SW APO leadership in exile,

" Amonglh · · . .
llho was P<rsonal~ vosnors was Professor Christo Lombard (see his chapter m thos volume).
~s of Y welcomed and embraced by SWAPO President Sam Nutoma m front of

guests attending UN IN's lOth anniversary celebration in 19S6.

n
134 Contemporary .\\'amibia

who encouraged the mobilisation of demonstrations in opposition to South
African rule, but were less enthusiastic about the development of internal
leadership and home-grown critiques (cf. Leys & Saul 1995: 66).

UNIN was sometimes viewed as a 'university-in-waiting' for Namibia's
independence. In truth, however, it was not a university, and perhaps not
even a tertiary institution in the regular sense, in that few- if any- of its
students entered with a qualification approximating the completion of 12
years of schooling. Most of the UN IN students took a three-year diploma
in administration, with a minority doing teacher training and secretarial
courses. A large proportion of the teaching staff was non-Namibian. UNIN
did produce a substantial output in the field of applied research, however.
in the form of studies designed to facilitate the social and economic recon-
struction of an independent Namibia. Nonetheless, notwithstanding the
UNIN imprint, these were primarily produced by non-Namibian specialists
contracted for the purpose. In the event, UN IN disbanded with the advent
of Namibian independence, and had little actual influence on the ongoing
debate about and transformation of UN AM - except that two members of
the UN IN staff became members of the UNAM Vice-Chancellor-designate's
~sitional team, and gravitated in September 1992 into influential positions
111 UNAM, where they remained for about two years.

SWAPO leaders remained hostile to the Academy's existence, though
they had dealings with a number of its staff members. For instance, shortly
after h_e returned ~o Namibia from exile, SWAPO President Sam Nujoma
stated 111 an mterv"ew that, ·w -11 . · · d h . e Wt have to bUild a universtty; thts Aca em) we ave here ts not · · h
N .b. a umversny. The people trained here cannot match t e

N
8~11 tans who have been trained by SW APO ' (The Namibian 2019!89)
UJoma also called the A ad , . · .

c emy a deceptive exerctse'.

THE TURNER REPORT AND THE 'INTERREGNUM'

With independence in 1990 .
of by the new G the Academy found itself in limbo· dtsapproved
carry on with itso:~me~t,.but a fully functioning institution. instructed to
this di~ion came. Junttltts future had been decided. The first move in
Commission 011 Hi~~U:.:-991 with the appointment of the Presidential
thJS Commission took .d ton. Composed ofNamibians and foretgners.
(the 'Turner Repon", evt ence wi~ely and produced a voluminous report
there should be a uni~ after Its Chairman) which said, in effect, that
conscientious though it W::: well as a separate polytechnic. Thorough and
11 had litt~ leewaY 011 the k Tu~r Report very much stated the obvious.
ha\\<e "un~ Ita(~ " ey ~uestton of whether or not Namibia should

IInce " Just the time that the Commission began its

The University of Namibia 135

work, President Nujoma announced the appointment of a Vice-Chancellor-
designate for the new UNAM. This was Dr Peter Katjavivi. a returned exile
who was a Member of Parliament at the time.

Katjavivi composed a transitional team to assist him in planning. With
little experience of university management among its members, this team
became the focus of intense media interest over the next 18 months. It made
little attempt to establish meaningful contact with the staff at the Academy,
certainly not at faculty level. This evoked insecurity among staff who also
resented the attitudes of higher moral ground evinced by some members of
the transitional team. The Namibian. for instance, which was generally sup-
portive of the Government, soon raised the issue in front-page and other
articles as well as editorials, the following being extracts from articles
published on 13 and 15 November 1991:

"
"

The team members were said to be receiving US$5 000 per
month each (a very substantial salary in Namibia).
... unknown composition of the six-member team comprising
only two Namibians.

... team members' unknown academic qualifications. At least
two of the consultants could have 'their knives out' because
they were refused jobs at the Academy. 5

To whom were they accountable?
Staff members felt that the team, 'composed largely of for-
eigners, is apparently the sole source for Government on a
fundamental issue affecting all Namibians'.
The team had already prepared for Cabinet a response to the
Turner Report, still under wraps and, hence, inaccessible
to interested parties and the public at large.

Widespread insecurity deepened because the Turner Report recom-
mended th t · · b
f h a 111 Vtew of the new University of Namibia Act, all mem ers oteAcade ffh · 'd ftw

1 my sta s ould be employed temporanly- for a peno o o .ears- pend· b'l' · Th s·tua. tng an evaluation of their qualifications and a 1 tttes. e
~~-t d' th T no exactly improved by the almost farcical secrecy surroun mg
e umer Report · · · h fi II · extra once tt had been submttted to the Prestdent. T e o owmg

re ct from The Times ofNamibia (Chris Coetzee 13/11/91) typifies media
PDrts published at the time:

Staff members complained that the report was available at embas-
__:_es and even circulating among the students, but it was withheld

't .
I IS certa· I · Position wh 10 Y true that at least one was found to be unqualified for an academsc

en he 8PPhed for a job at the Academy soon after the dissolution of UN IN.

136 Contemporary Namibia

intentionally from those who were directly involved. The Times,
without much trouble, obtained a photocopy of the report from
among the ranks of the students. Should the recommendations
on the staff's immediate future be implemented, some staff mem-
bers openly threaten legal action ....

The Namibian (15/11 /91) complained in an editorial that the delay in
making the report public showed a Jack of democratic accountability. It also
stated that important interest groups such as NANSO and the Namibian
National Teachers' Union (NANTU)- 'and even the Academy'- had not
been properly consulted when the report was compiled.

Suspicions at the Academy were not eased by the strident tones in
which the first draft master plan for UNAM, prepared by the transitional
tew:n, deplored 'the poverty of the quality of staff', dismissing their qualifi-
catiOns and experience as 'scant teaching experience', and in many cases
as 'Bantustan experience'. Members of staff at the Academy struck back
in v~ious forums, accusing the consultants of being inexperienced, under-
qualified and self-seeking themselves. The media were delighted with thJs
war of~~rds and cultivated the public mud-slinging. All in all, it was not
an auspiCIOus beginning to a relationship between two parties who would
soon have to work together in the same institution.

UNAM OFFICIALLY ESTABLISHED

The new managem t k · fi t
t. en too over on I September 1992 and one of Jts II'S ac 1ons was to rem - . ' t

and 1 ove orsldelme most of the Academy's top managemen rep ace them with th All the
Acad , e consultants from the transitional team.

emy committees w d · b · es
chaired by th ere IS anded and replaced by interim comm1tte
attendant come ~onsultants or others on the new staff. The Senate and its

m111ees were su d · h ·red by the Vice-chancellor. spen ed, to be replaced by a comm1ttee c aJ

The issue of authenti · er
that llCfSOnneJ w cny soon became most apparent in the mann
(October 1991- ~)manah d ged. An early draft of the Master Plan for UNAM

- a stated:
I .
n 115 8ppointment of staff.

National un·1vers· 'and the staff development plan of the 1ty ofNa 'b'
llllde to help .ft .. ~ .

1
. ml 18, a conscious effort would be ......,.....__ w"' "acl llate th . I , . f

---··..,...of~iousl d' , _e me us1on and sponsorship o
thc_chanc:etoappoin Y 1SCnm1nated groups, by providing them
their qllalifiCIIions ;::.1 and staff development facilities where

11
SUch consideration, This would need

The University of Namibia 137

to be done in an open and transparently unbiased fashion, subject
to examinations of probity and ethically defensive principles and
processes.

These intentions were repeated in all other drafts. The question dealt
with, of course, is the intractable one that troubles all societies trying to
make their way out of colonial and/or discriminatory situations: how to
bring about an equity that is not only felt but also seen, while at the same
time not impeding efficiency, and in a democratic dispensation such as that
in Namibia, not transgressing principles of faimess. In the event, 'openness'
and 'transparency' were not realised during the early years. Appointments
were made without the positions being advertised and without any visible
selection process.6 1t was clear that management was vigorously attempting
to do two things: firstly, to surround itself with people who could be trusted
to share the same objectives- not only to feel reassured, but also to reduce
as far as possible the influence of the 'old' staff; and secondly, to increase
the proportion of black academic staff members, though ironically- in view
of the salience that affirmative action was assuming in Namibia- few of the
new appointees were Namibian, simply because there were few qualified
blackNamibians available, many having already been employed elsewhere,
such as in the civil service and parastatals. Management therefore appointed
fore1gn Africans to fill many of the positions available at UNAM, thereby
continuing a process already begun by the Academy in its later years as it
attempted to become more 'representative', and as Namibia became more
acceptable and desirable as a place of employment for people from elsewhere
10 Afnca.

. Apart from appointments, the new management focused on two other
ISsues: structural reform and the curriculum. Plans were made to introduce
a Faculty of Law with an associated Justice Training Centre and Human
Rights Documentation Centre. A Faculty of Agriculture was also discussed
as a possible later addition to the academic structure. 7 Under review was
the po 'b'J· · · h ss1 1 11y of a full Medical Faculty to function in collaboration w1t
~pathetic foreign universities that would provide part of the training.8 A

ubhc Serv1ce Training Centre and Multidisciplinary Research Centre were
:o be Introduced, as well as a Language Centre. These decisions were dis-
~-sed at a number of 'think-tank' sessions during late 1992 and early 1993,

w lch, the new Vice-Chancellor expressly declared, were intended not only

' "--·1 A submission in May 19941o lhe UNAM Commission of Inquiry (see laler) provided
~ .. 1Sofl5 h · 1· I
exhaustive sue appomtments. most to senior positions. and stated that the 1st was no

7 '

F..._ The Facuhy of Agricuhure and Nalural Resou"ces regislered its firsl sludeniS in "'"'"l'Y 1996. '
A Medical Faculty might be inlroduced in 1997.

138 Contemporary Namibia

as planning forums, but also as exercises in building understanding between
the 'old' and 'new' staff.

Under the new management's pressure for thorough structural revision.
proposals were made for the amalgamation of existing departments into
cognate clusters, on the grounds that most departments were too small to
be viable since as they consisted of between two and four members of staff.
Various suggestions called for the radical reorganisation of existing faculties.
Neither proposal succeeded, although some faculties changed their names
-for example, the Faculty of Arts became the Faculty of Humanities and
Social Sciences- and a few departments either moved to other faculties or
were absorbed into larger departments. A sceptical analysis of this situation
might conclude that the academics within the faculties, mainly consisting
of 'old' staff, closed ranks and resisted these proposals in order to prevent
the new management, still then distrusted, from gaining too much influence
within the essential academic loci. The proposals were motivated by strategic
considerations and also countered on that basis.

As for curriculum reform, there was reason for concern. For instance.
mo~t ~yllab! and curricula still reflected the period of the Academy's as·
SOCiallon With UNlSA. Reform before independence had been constramed
by the need to keep programmes fairly akin to the South African models.
1f.onlybecause they were the only immediately available points of reference.
Smc~ mde~ndence there had been no reforms because academics would
not mvest lime and effort in a large enterprise that might be discarded
when the new m d · anagement took over. Whatever the causes, aca emJC
p~grammes had stagnated over a period of about 1 0 years. However. with
1

elschool system changing over to the IGCSE model (cf. Gretschel in this
vo ume ), there was an th ( · od 1e

..__ . 0 er practical) reason for refonning· to accomm a enuauts with the IGCSE . ·
to be f " qualification, the undergraduate degrees would have o oour years" d · .

S . Urallon mstead of three. o the umversity had . .
nece..""~ b a pnme opportunity to do not only what was

--, ut also what w d · b it\\ to kindle th d . . as es1ra le. It was also an excellent opportun .
the acade ~ acad. ernie dialogue within and across faculties so as to raiSe

m~e ISCourse d
professors It among a rather demoralised group of lecturers an

· was a fine opport 'ty . . · · b t the occasion was sq d um to rev1tallse the umvers~ty. u .
appointed 10 le ~a~ ered by the unsuitability of the 'foreign consultant
team. The~ td e effort- he was a member of the former transitional
Placed by anocher b:gged ~n through 1993. The first 'consultant' was re·
the PfOCess was ,:.1 .1. nothmg happened until the beginning of 1995 when f "" Rl IBted b th De IJe!S 0 IGCSE-qu.lifled Y e ans Committee. Since large num
quickened, but it was e:"ts were expected in 1996, action and dia~ogue
fac:uhyCOopeqtion_ late for substantial cross-disciplinary and mter·

The University of Namibia 139

The new curricula were ready by the end of 1995. Some are innovative
and seek to address the needs of the students and the wider context in the
light of years of experience, some are lazy reproductions of the former ones
and some are a blend of innovation and reproduction. Although the great
majority of the new curricula and syllabi are academically respectable, all
suffer from the same shortcoming: each was designed more or less solely
by the individual faculty concerned. In general, the module system was
adopted at undergraduate level so as to allow students greater flexibility in
compiling their curricula. Another advance was the drafting of regulations
on higher studies, which allow faculties to offer postgraduate diplomas as
well as masters and doctoral degrees, as and when approved by the Senate.

STRAINS AND TENSIONS

Parallel to the aforementioned debates on academic restructuring, there
were numerous accusations of corruption, misallocation and inefficiency
at UNAM, which were carried by the media within a few months after the
new management had settled in. The leading accuser was NANTU's branch
~ UNAM, supported by its Central Executive. Public criticisms levelled by

ANSO also appeared, and individuals joined in with gusto. The image
proJected in the media - which was not far from the truth as wi II be seen
-was o f ne o management versus staff and students.

. Mi\\ior reproaches were that: large salaries and expensive cars had been
provided to consultants and others recently appointed to senior positions;
mo~t of the recent appointments had been made without advertisement and
Whit o~t regular selection procedures; and though NANTU had raised all
t ese Issues 'th . . WI management, an answer had never been rece1ved.

sal Vice-Chancellor Katjavivi replied point for point, denying the high anes and def< d · · i h . en mg the car benefit scheme on the grounds that tt was
n ented from th A . . · · inst· . . e cademy and that UNAM was m !me w1th other maJOr

ttut1ons tn th · ev 1 . e country. Other issues, for example the proposed academiC a~ro · k of. mm1ttee, the lack of accommodation for students and the lac
Instructional · · · · als . equtpment, would be addressed in due course. KatJaVIVI
o cautioned · · · ·

as . cnt1cs not to jeopardise UNAM's chances of rece1vmg SIS-lance fi . .
doc rom abroad and deplored the leaking of offic1al mternal

uments to un th · · · h · · chan au on sed persons, advising them to ut1ltse t e ex1stmg
~~~rom · · 1 t new mumcat10n rather than writing anonymous etters o

spAaftpers (see The Namibian 18/2 19/2 22/2 26/2 and 9/3/93).
er ' ' ' .

carnPIIs, m?re than a year of controversy simmering both publicly and on
and NA:d 111 the absence of a commission of inquiry which both NANTU

SO had requested many months before, the SRC took a decisive

I,
140 Contemporary Namibia

step: in collaboration with NANSO, it organised a march to State House
(29/4/94) to petition President Sam Nujoma in his capac1ty as Chancellor
ofUNAM. This led to a commission of inquiry (cha1red by Ombudsman
Kozonguizi with lawyer Bience Gawanas and businessman Peter.Bonger-
also a UNAM Council member- as its members). At NANTU s request
they were later joined by a fourth member, namely Auditor-General Fanuel
Tjingaete who had both an academic and a financial background, and who
had worked as an Associate Professor in Economics at the Academy. Th1s
appointment was criticised by SW APO Secretary-General Moses Garoeb.
who demanded in a memorandum to the UNAM Council that TJmgaete be
removed from the Commission on the grounds that he was biased against the
Vice-Chancellor as well as the Government.' Labelling the Auditor-General
as 'unprofessional', Garoeb further stated that the inquiry into UNAM"s
affairs at this transitional stage was unnecessary, and that the demands for
an inquiry had emanated from students who had been misled by former
Academy lecturers who resisted change.

In his public retort Tjingaete claimed that Garoeb's attack was due to
the fact that he as Auditor-General had uncovered cases of corruption in the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs headed by Garoeb's relative, Theo-Ben Gurirab.
Tjingaete also stated that Garoeb had misused his position 'for his personal.
tribalistic purposes' by issuing a statement ostensibly on behalf of SW APO.
when in fact he had not formally consulted with the party's Central Com-
mittee (The Namibian 7-10/6/94). .

The controversy continued, with political opposition parties suggestm_g
that Garoi!b was condoning corruption at UNAM, but ultimately Tjingaete s
appointment was maintained. The UNAM Council discussed the commis-
sion's ":port on 16 September 1994, and agreeing with almost all of its
substantiVe findings, stated to the press that where not yet put into pracuce.
the recommendations were being attended to. .

. The Commission's main recommendations pertained to an adminiS·
trahve reshuffle, as follows:

"
"

Units attached to the Vice-Chancellor's office should be relocated .
The M8118gement Committee should be reconstituted and its role clearl)
~ned, and the Vice-Chancellor's powers should be prescribed, with 1

two Pro-Vice-Chancellors empowered independently and made
accountable to the UNAM C .1 The ounc1. com · ·n ha m~ee system should be resuscitated because 'then you WI 1101 ve thiS autocratic regime .. .'.

"n·
Jlllpclc hod been · · · I

llllion !SWANU).IICil SW~~IIe, but as a member of the South West Africa Nauona

The University ofNamibia 141

The Deans Committee should coordinate all research and Consultancy
activities, which should be better marketed.

" Personnel should be recruited and evaluated according to a regular
system.

" Tender regulations should be strictly adhered to.
The Bursar should be fully acquainted with the budgeting requirements
of the Ministry of Education and Culture and the Ministry of Finance.

The findings acknowledged that the complaints laid before the com-
mission were justified on the whole: even after the evaluation exercise, the
'inherited staff had been made to feel like outsiders; 'transparency was
conspicuously absent' when appointments were made; and the placing of
consultants in 'line functions' had a negative effect on relationships. The
Commission furthermore found that one of the consultants, holding the post
of Director of Strategic Planning, had indeed seen his application to the
Academy turned down and that the evidence he gave before the Commission
bo1led down to a systematic hostility towards the Academy. 'The distrust
thus caused was perhaps the single most important factor which led staff to
question the actions of the Vice-Chancellor representing his team .. .' and
~degenerated into wholesale suspicion culminating in a paralysing division
between staff and management.

The Commission found that the Vice-Chancellor had met the students,
NANTU and other members of staff on various occasions to discuss the
ISSUes, but that there had been 'a communication gap' on these occasions.

SETTLING DOWN

Earl"
ler I referred to th · · · · · bl" 1 · ' h liNAM' _au entlclty as a prttne mot1ve tn esta IS 1tng t e new

numbe · Overcommg the colonial deficiencies by educating an increasmg rofN ·b·
dev lo ~m 1 tans so as to qualifY them to manage key areas in national

e :mentIS a leitmotif running through all UNAM planning documents.
was theut perhaps the most immediate and visible step towards authenticity
(lOs"· ch~ge in the skin colour of staff especially those occupying higher
~Sm·· ' ·

th ". w · ce It IS clear that most Namibians are dark-skinned, for whtch
·~y ere massively d" d A d
employed . 1sa vantaged under apartheid, and that the ca emy
llOsitions, :latlvely few dark-skinned staff members, particularly in higher
lltanifesta. e new. management targeted this most obvious sphere as a visible

fi 110" of tis reforms.
owever for all 't d " . . . . . "i1h eon id ' t s eoects the Academy was a funcltontng mst1tUt1on 5

erabie expertise. It is probably objectively true that the relevant

142 Contemporary Namibia

expertise and knowledge of the 'inherited staff' far outweighed that of the
'new staff' at the time that the new management took over: thts was the pomt
tacitly made by the commission of inquiry in referring to 'the enormous
pool ... waiting expectantly to be used'. The 'old' staff could not be sum·
marily dismissed for practical and constitutional reasons alike, and also due
to the policy of national reconciliation; in fact, the evaluation committee of
mid-1993 confirmed almost all of the 'old' staff who were Namibians m
their positions.

Another factor was that Namibian independence, although the product
of substantial compromises, was (and is) an essential part of SWAPO's
political attractiveness and helps to propagate its image- its mystique- of
being not just a political victor but the national liberator. As such, SWAPO
had to act decisively in key areas- the national university being one. To
admit people who were not associated with that image into inner counsels
would dilute the effect. In fact, it might dilute the decisiveness of destredf
action. But what of the many foreigners who were installed in postttons 0

responsibility? That could be justified since SW APO had frequently made
the point that one of the aims of transformation was to bring Namibia mto
the international community- away from the isolation and inwardness of
the apartheid era. Also, 'Africanness' is a component of authenticity ..

However, from this arose a contradiction that was thoroughly explOited
by aggrieved parties to the dispute over UNAM's management and format
Internationalism is a strategy to effect change and mark the new polity otT
~m. the past one, but nationalism is the dominant ideology ofNamibi~ as
It IS 10 most newly founded nation states. Furthermore it is a nationaltsm
mformed b~ ~ li~ral Constitution and democratic dispensation. Formall).
to be Namtbtan IS sufficient reason to be entitled to all rights, pnvtleges
and be.n~frts ?~the State, irrespective of allegiances, personal particulars.
e~c. It IS lllegrtlmate- indeed illegal- to exclude people from participation
51.mp~y ~use of their skin colour, and it is dangerous to accuse others ot
dtscnmmatmg in th'ts H · . · the nell way. ence m the dtscourse of the dtspute,
~ement and its political sup~orters laid charges at the door of ·con-
servative fon:es" and,. h · d d b these
and Olher . . 10 ente staff, while the people designate Y .

". ~~liar appellations protested that they were Namibians and thU>
more -uo;nttc than the r. ' """ was thete an bl' . oretgne~ being favoured. Never from anyp~-, t
in~~~~ :C 0~ dtrect menhon of skin colour ('race') as an tmportanf
legitim""" tn dtspute, since to do so would be to exceed the bounds 0

---, and unleash pass' dun· prediclable. tons whose course could be fearsome an

Am I implying that th d. ld not -even ifJ e "spute was informed by racism? I cou
d;....- lnWinledlll to- speculate on the motives of the many parties to the
-.--. Y CISc I · · I) lclllded lena lie, . am _not eonvmced that employing a connotauve

IW:ISIII' IS conceptually helpful in analysing so complex

The University of Namibia 143

an issue. What I am saying is that skin colour was an important motif in the
dispute, because changing the balance of authority in terms of skin colour
was a primary symbolic act- a strategy- in making the transformation
visible and immediate. But it was certainly not the only factor. It should be
clear from the record provided above that political affiliations and concep-
tions of professionalism and institutional efficiency, among others, were
equally important themes in the dispute.

What were the effects of the commission of inquiry? In my opinion,
traumatic though it was, the effects were salutary. There were abuses and
inefficiencies which had resulted from the phase during which symbolic
transformation was taking place. Although the UNAM Council was muted
in its response to the Commission's recommendations, there is no doubt that
the shortcomings were noted by Council members as well as management.
In addition it gave all parties the opportunity to lay their respective cases
before a tribunal which was trusted to act impartially, and the sheer volume
of evtdence presented attests to this opportunity having been utilised. It
should also be noted that the Commission came at a suitable juncture in the
Process of transforming UNAM in the sense that the essential act of con-

l'd ' 501 ating control in new hands had already been accomplished, and the
next essential step was to place UNAM on a sound professional footing:
the m.stttution could not become reputable if it continued to embody a per-
~n;hsedstyle of management, ad-hoc staff appointments, a suspected lack
0

manctal probity and an 'us and them' division between management
and staff In · · , . · my optmon, as a staff member and party to all the events thus
"ar outhned · h · · . m t IS treattse, there has been a marked improvement 111 the
mfanagement of the institution at all levels as well as a marked escalation
0 trust and c · '

1
. ooperatton between management, staff and students.

an nl mtd-1993 the staff inherited from the Academy were subjected to
eva ua!Jon by a · · d · f

sen. . commtttee composed mostly of foretgn aca emtcs o IOrtty and r t Th . . SUch . epu. e. e evaluatton concentrated on professmnal aspects,
was as quahficatmns, experience, publications and teaching ability, and
-~in · · h might h a .manner that ratsed no complamts even from those w o

membe ave somethmg to lose. In the event, almost all the Namibian staff

they rsdwere confirmed in their positions with some being advised that neeedt· '
11.... w

1
° tmprove some aspect of their professional capacity before

~ Wdbea · . .
Whom h ld ppomted on a permanent basts. The foretgn staff, most of
~yeare permanent appointments under the Academy, were placed on
.t....... "" contracts, and some were advised that renewal of the contract would ""''I'I'(IJn part .

In 1995 on tmp~vements in their qualifications and/or performances.
the PolYtech two m.yor events took place: Firstly, the Technikon became
This step ntc and separated from UNAM under an Act of Parliament.
tbePIIlf~~ecommended in the Turner Report, was necessary to improve

IOnal capacity at this level of training. Secondly, UNAM moved

,, '!
l

144 Contemporary Namibia

from the 'City Campus'- the site that had been occupied by the technikon
and university components of the Academy - to the campus in Pioneers
Park on the southern edge of the city, which had previously accommodated
the Windhoek College of Education. Admitting only white students, this
campus had been designed to serve well over I 000 registered students, but
averaged an annual enrolment of about 150. Controlled by the Ministry of
Education and Culture since independence, the college became raciall)
integrated and was moved to a smaller campus at the end of 1993. Ne11
residential accommodation for students on the UNAM campus was opened
at the beginning of 1995, and more and larger lecture theatres and a ne11
library complex are in the planning phase.

SOME SUBSTANTIVE ISSUES

Co~pleted in 1995, UNAM's First Five-Year Development Plan is designed
to mtegrate developments at UNAM with the greater National Develop-
ment Plan and Policy. The Vice-Chancellor maps out the general idea as
follows (UNAM 1995: vi):

The Plan document begins with a general outline on the roles of
um.versities in national development. It then describes the his-
toncal background of UNAM; the institution's mission state-
ment; the key challenges currently confronting the University
and theN ·b· · . ami "an nat1on; and the key objectives and goals for
Implementation, which have been proposed.

This Five-Year PI · ther with an compnses a useful compilation of data toge
statements of intent· H · · ·ficant

Shortco . "on. owever, m my view it suffers from s1gn1 1 mmgs U · · · d ........,. II ·. mverslhes are expensive institutions in any context. an
-,.-laysomacot fh
""''"iaf next such as Namibia where the small size o t e
....,.. "on Produces limited 1 " ' 1 the nature and . enro ments m many programmes. A so.

~~h . ~-educ:ated . economy means that the demand for un1vershJ
telyon s!:P~;:stri~ted ~n. many sectors. Yet Namibia can no longer
in speciaJiscd d' . . umvers"hes to provide places for Namibian students
sidiscd Illes. N "sc_"phnes as t~ey did in the past, and certainly not at sub-
Afiic.n cou~ 15 there any mdication that universities in other southef11
~The ate Ple~d to take significant numbers of Namibian
~WINs 111 train"PSbot 15 that as a condition in developing self-reliance.
illelf, butdoing 10 w'lland educate ever more of its higher-level specialists COlts. ..... _ . 1 tesult in m . · h un"t ""' F~y- Plln any programmes havmg very h1g

sayslbis(UNAM 1995: 70):

The University of Namibia 145

One of the approaches UNAM plans to adopt in reducing unit
costs. is to expand her training facilities, thereby enabling higher
student enrolments. The development of additional laboratories
in the Faculty of Science (and related faculties) will therefore be
one of the critical areas of focus during this period.

This is cogent reasoning if it refers to plans to retain a greater pro-
portion of the better-qualified school-leavers in Namibia in future- a large
number of them having previously enrolled in the more prestigious South
African universities- but it is specious reasoning if it means that enrol-
ments will be expanded with the main aim of improving unit costs, since
in effect this would mean that unit costs dictate the format of the university
11 ithout consideration of demand, quality and appropriateness to context.

A major shortcoming of the plan is that it does not envisage an upper
limit to expansion, and at present there are no substantive data available on
which to base reasonably accurate projections. UNAM is not essentially at
fault here, because a number of faculties do provide professional training
for producing such projections, but the responsibility and facilities for doing
50 rest with the state and professional bodies. The overall projection provided
m the plan ( 4 290 students in 1999) is based on the discrete and generally
uncoordinated forecasts of internal departments and centres, which they
extrapolated from growth experienced in the years preceding 1995.

A more substantive question arising from the plan concerns the nature
and role of university education. With the founding of the Polytechnic, the
question becomes more salient because it appears that scant attention has
been given to defining the essential nature and purpose of each type of
educatiOn. This question is surely a philosophical and ontological one-
~oncemed with the nature of each type of institution and how each might
locus best on doing what it should do. At the moment there is no clarity as
othe bases on which each institution will provide courses of study, nor
~ven as to a simple division of educational functions, for example UNAM
thocusmg on more philosophically or theoretically oriented education and r: Polytechnic focusing on more 'practical' and 'technical' education. The 1

ely result is increasing competition between the institutions for students
and resourc · .

Th ~s, mstead of a partnership ofcomplementanty .
. e Five-Year Plan reviews a number of critical issues and recom-

lllendat 1ons d h · 1 · 1 d! . " an t e relevant section places a strong emphasis on rna ena
an or mfrastructural development (UNAM 1995: 68):

Si~c~ the key mission is to serve society in Namibia, topmost
Pno~Jty wi II be accorded to departments and programmes which
~ l~kely to play the greatest roles in promoting education and
tnun~ng, improving the health and economic performance of the

146 Contemporary Namibia

nation, enhancing sustainable natural resources development,
promoting agricultural and livestock productivity, and curbing
environmental degradation.

The commitment to providing more programmes in the fields of
Science and Technology, and to increasing the number of students taking
these courses of study, has already been noted. There is also a commitment
to according high priority to staff development; promoting extension ser·
vices, i.e.' adult education and distance education; strengthening research
capacity; improving library facilities; reducing unit costs; and diversifYing
sources of finance for the university. A further commitment discussed in
the plan is to address regional imbalances in student enrolment. A table of
analysis reveals that about half of the students in every faculty, and some·
times more than half, give Windhoek as their home area. This is a striking
imbalance given, for instance, that about half ofNamibia's population lives
in the northern areas previously known as Owamboland.

Finally, I will deal with the question of autonomy. Despite an inaus·
picious start in this regard -I refer to the President having made a political
appointment to the post of Vice-Chancellor and to his own installation as
Chancellor- there have been few direct pressures felt. I stated earlier that
autonomy is not a virtue in itself, but a condition in which the academic
tas~ might be better pursued in terms of critical enquiry and fruitful contes·
tallon about knowledge. These qualities of thought and discourse, when
adopted by students, equip them better to deal with the complex, intractable
and ofte.n Para_doxical issues facing a small and economically weak country.

. It IS my Impression that autonomy will not be directly threatened by
actiOns of the State, but rather that it could, in a sense, become superfluous,
10

the extent that the university commits ever more of its programmes and
resources to se · · 'I t

. . rvmg pnmar1 Y the material and infrastructural developmen
?fNamJbJa. For then it is likely that received knowledge, in terms of what
IS ap~ro_ved and what is not, will be uncritically valued due to its apparent
certamt1es and will be d · · f

: . conveye uncntJcally to students at the expense 0
problemallsmg ~d discriminating discourse. Technicism will be dominant
and autonomy Will be not be an issue ...

In conclus· · ·
"on, wnllng at the end of the 1996 academic year it seems to me that UNAM h · h '

I . d . as wtt ered the storms of contestation and trans forma· Jon, an IS now reason bl II · I
ffi . a Y we set on a path to improving its managena e 1c1ency and capac'ty 1 d 1. " fi .

1 0 e "ver Its programmes But it should be clear rom my concludmg ks ·
consultation re~ar that I am concerned: amidst all the reports,

s, contestations and pi · · . · h b en
given to thinkin through_ . annmg, msuffic1ent attentiOn as. e
this large and g . ngorously and comprehensively- what 11 IS that
can best do . ~xpensJve endeavour can best do for Namibia, and how it 11. ID tenns of the 1 · · ·

e us1ve attnbute that is academic quahty.

147

Political culture and civil society:
on the state of the Namibian State

Reinhart KoJ31er and Henning Melber

INTRODUCTION

Southern Africa is one of two regions in the world today where fundamental
socio-political transformations have taken place on a large scale in t~e recent
past. In contradistinction to the other large region, eastern Europe, m south·
em Africa social and political movements, or their representatives at any ~te,
have been converted into holders of state power and there seems no reahsllc

f l't' 1 wer Whereas prospect of the old elites re-emerging at the seat o po " 1ca po · .
5 the development of Angola and Mozambique since independe~ce m 197

was characterised by attempts at radical breaks with the coloma! past, by
. . . .. . h th and more recent cases outs1de mtervent1on and cJvli war m the t ree o er . th

f . . ' h This apphes to Sou o transformallon a d1fferent approach has been c osen.
fi . . h · back ten more years A nca smce 1994 Namibia since 1990 and reac mg d .

' · today an m again, to Zimbabwe. The importance of these countrieS even '
1 1

.
h . · ht · tenns of popu a 10n t e case of Namibia clearly in excess of 1ts we1g m . th

'd bl xtent at least, m ese or economic power, may be seen, to a cons" era e e

exemplary transition experiences. nsidered as instances
On a formal level, all these three cases may be co

1
lections have

of a successful democratic transition. In Z1mb~bwe,;~~tr ;assed the test
been held ever since independence, and Nam"b"a h ft ih expiry of the
of the periodic re-election of the National Assembly a erS eth A~rica this

. d · 1989 In ou 11 tenn of office of the first Parliament eleele m · d the material
. l't'cal culture an

question does not yet arise. If we look at P? 1 .' fthe institutions, things
conditions behind the smooth fonnal functJomng 0

do not look quite as rosy. . . s to be very much in
Whereas the situation in South. Afnca stli~ se: Commission having

flux Wtth the Constitution just finalised and a ru
15

the case of a
been established in December 1995, Zi!"babw:;:=;~ the dominaling
well-entrenched, practically one-party regtme cen

148 Contemporary Namibia

figure of President Mugabe. In Namibia, while SWAPO is the undisputed
holder of government power and President Nujoma seems poised for a third
term only one year into the second, the future course does not seem quite as
decided yet. There are clear and disquieting tendencies for the top echelons
of the ruling party to stifle public criticism and to evolve into self-serving
attitudes along the lines of so many African and generally, developing coun·
try regimes. There are countervailing forces as well, however.

In the remainder of this article, we would like to give a briefovervie11
of the situation in Namibia as we see it in late 1996, which will lead us to
a brief theoretical reflection on the meaning of civil society. We shall then
exemplifY our argument by taking a look at some of the more important cases
of corruption in high places and especially, at their handling by the SW APO
Government during 1995.

GOVERNMENT, ADMINISTRATION AND CML SOCIETY SINCE
INDEPENDENCE

In the three cases singled out in the introduction, power did not fall into the
hands of the representative organisations of the national liberation movement
Joe~ sloe~ and barrel. Rather, the transition towards an international!'
Iegn~mate Independence in Namibia and Zimbabwe, and towards majorit)
rule 1n South Afri · · h 1 ft
1

ca, was m each case the result of a compromise whtc e
arge parts ~fthe old state machines intact and provided for their gradual
transformation rathe th ~ · d e . r an "or sudden and abrupt change Thts was u
mamlyto · · · ._ .... _. ext~tmg power relations: the wholesale overthrow of colonial and
--~·~bythei.be . t
F h h

I rattan forces did not seem feasible at any pom ·
urt er, t e experie f h · ks . nces o Angola and Mozambique had brought out t e

ns assoc1ated with h b · · f
lh sue a rupt changes such as the d isorgamsauon ° e economy and the b ' f
prolon_. .. 1

reakdown of bureaucratic processes. The spectre 0
.,.... ctvt war and th eed ed

policies of com i e .n to keep the economies running prompt
the liberation= se. llns. carne also as a result of pressure exercised on
A ....... ~1 . the ments by International actors. Both the Lancaster House "'~"~" In case of z· ba 15
negotiated by th U . 1":' bwe and the independence arrangemen
entrench-' p ~ . nned Nahons for Namibia contained constitutionall~

'"" IOVISIOnS des. d · d · pendent Go~ lgne to severely limit the options of the 10 e
""n"ments, espec· 11 " , The inS1allation of the T ~~ Y m such an important area as land re,onm

TIIIISitional Conslituf ~Sihonal Government of National Unity and th<
the decisive 51ep ~n. South Africa served a similar purpose: "h 11~
~ofrna.iority one person, one vote' is taken, the potenua

rule are constrained.

Political culture and civil society: on the state of the Namibian State 149

At the political level, such compromise was formulated, particularly in
Namibia, in a concept of reconciliation. For all practical purposes, this laid
and still lays the main onus of forgiveness and concessions on the
shoulders of the black majority ( cf. Diescho 1994: 88-90; Melber 1996b ),
while the- mainly white- privileged groups still retain most of their former
economic and social spoils, beingjoined by those graduating to the echelons
of state power from the ranks of the liberation movement. Political trans-
fonnation on the one hand and social change on the other are thus clearly
severed from each other. The former still remains a necessary condition of
the latter, but since successful transformation and betterment of the lot of
the great majority are seen as contingent on a functioning and expanding
e<:onomy; even for that reason the exigencies of those in command of that
economy remain paramount. Effective social change and the redistribution
of wealth can thus be a long drawn-out process at best. Furthermore, in the
course of this process, new vested interests are established, and new informal
as well as formal interest groups emerge.

The lrans:orrnation of the organised liberation movement into a ruling
~· wh1ch smce the 1994 elections holds a two-thirds majority in the
~atJOnal Assembly, has turned out to be a complicated and risky process.
n thtsprocess of building a government and injecting some new blood into

the ex1stmg adm · · · · h m1stratwn, vanous forces were moulded together. The top
~ elons were clearly drawn from SW APO's leadership formerly in exile.

be
e representation of former internal SW APO leaders at Cabinet level has
en reduced to t th h . . A wo roug a reshuffle followmg the second National

. ssembly elections. To these are added a fair number of adherents who
JOmedSWAPO h lo s ortly before or after the attainment of state power. In the

wer strata ofbureauc tw · · · · As inS . racy, o ex1genc1es have been particularly promment.
cond·f outh Afnca later on, the transition was premised, inter alia, on the
volu~ IOn~hat there would be retrenchments in the civil service only by
It has la!y epartures. Th1s provision has been enshrined in the Constitution.

cast senous and 1 ·t· d b . . . and led to eg1 1mate ou ts about the loyalty of the c1v1l serv1ce
ley posts a ~endency of doubling up by appointing additional personnel to
place si at east. Therefore, the inflation of the civil service that has taken
Rather

1
hce Independence cannot be attributed to a 'spoils mentality' alone.

' ere was a c b. . f . . . struggle, h . om mallon o recompensmg cadres of the hberatwn
Ql~ . .

of the old r . r m~nts, and of creating counterweights to the appointees
into the G eglme Wlthm the administration. Recruitment of loyal personnel
lanteon~vemm~nt Service and parastatal institutions had a further impor-

Give ut~nce 10 the realignment of social and political forces in Namibia.
Governme:t ;eex~reme scarcity of ~killed and trained human. resources, the
!lertise in rYice started to dram off people who had gamed some ex-

l!lassroots organisations and NGOs that had been critical towards

150 Contemporary Namibia

the colonial Government. This can be understood as a process of draining
important sectors of civil society of their critical potential. It is indicative that
shortly before and since independence, even some of the more important
NGOs found themselves in trouble or even ceased to exist. In the case of the
vociferous Namibian Women's Voice, a general distrust of autonomous
community organisations and initiatives of the SW APO leadership clearly
played an important role in the dissolution of one of the most important
women's groups in the country (Becker 1995: 217-226). One particularly
telling, and worrying, example of the siphoning off of human resources
from vital parts of civil society is the recruitment of consecutive General
Secretaries of the umbrella union organisation, the National Union of
Namibian Workers (NUNW), into the Government and National Assembly.
Once he or she had become a deputy with a good chance of moving up into
the ranks of government, the General Secretary would relinquish the union
post. The unions, even at the top, are thus deprived of invaluable experience
accumulated over years of hard struggle.

All these tendencies and developments may have contributed to the
persistent weakness of structures and organisations of civil society, especially
where they represent popular interests and movements. They certainly did
not per se weaken the political and social strength of the representation and
organisations of all socio-political groups and forces connected with or
consolidated under the old regime. Notwithstanding the electoral decline of
the De_~oc~tic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA), which retains its role of official
oppo~th?n m a rather marginal way, the various cultural and professiOnal
associatiOns, ranging from the Bar Association to German school societies,
exert considerable influence. Indeed they provide well-established informal
networks that are well suited to put pressure on the bureaucracy and also
on the Government. The long drawn-out process of admitting black lawyers
to the Bar ~san important demonstration of the impact of informal influence
and established priv"l Th. . h land

. . 1 ege. IS, as well as centraltssues such as t e
questtd

0h~,h~lch has been left pending for over four years since independence
an W IC tsfarfro ] · t" n

f lands m any arge-scale redistribution or even the res!Itu tO 0 as demanded by d" · . . the
I. ·ited fti some tra lltonal commu01t1es all underscore 1111 e ects of the Iran · · '
one vote' bas" Slhon to legitimate independence on a 'one person,

IS (Melber 1996a ).
Seen from the angle f · · 1 er

relations, of u. 0 SOC~o-economic structures, of matena pow
justice, the~~· of the meetmg of basic needs, and above all, ofplatn
-....~ ti IliOn 00 the level of formal institutions has only been one ·---, lrst step 'On . I
im110111nce can · .e person, one vote', despite its overriding and VIta
N110ibilns face~':_ ~!self solve ~e vital questions that the majority of
continued leaitimac). Just as they dtd at the end of South African rule. F~r
be indispeuilble, and" ~steps, including tangible redistribution, wtl:

WID have to be enacted by vigorous govemmen

Political culture and civil society: on the state of the Namibian State 151

policy.ln mid-1995, a first sign of massive discontent were demonstrations
in Windhoek by destitute former fighters of the People's Liberation Army
of Namibia (PLAN), who confronted the President and members of the
Government on various occasions and demanded redress of their miserable
situation, also as a recompense for their part in liberating the country. One
might well ask why this kind of thing happened only at such a late stage.
A glance at the situation in South Africa suggests that there, popular patience
is at a much lower ebb, and things might move faster once people do not
see their lot improving. One further important lesson to be learnt from this
nascent movement is the difficulty of the former PLAN fighters, and many
others, to make their grievances heard, to organise, to find a mouthpiece.
This is in clear contrast to the interest groups mentioned before with their
rather well-oiled and long-established machines.

It is not enough to point out that the majority of the population, as in
most African countries, still live in rural areas, and that interest groups and
other fonns of civil society are usually an urban occurrence (see, for example,
Neuhen:_l996). During their long struggle for independence, Namibians at
vanous ltmes and places demonstrated remarkable organisational ski II and
~thence against very heavy odds, and not only in the main urban centre,

mdhoek. In the final decade of that struggle, the churches, organised in the
Counctl of Churches ofNamibia (CCN), played a very important role all
over the country (cf. Steenkamp 1995). There were several waves of vigo-
rous student movements which spread to all parts of the country (cf. Maseko
-'
99

S). Important centres of internal resistance were established in rather
:~ed places in the arid and sparsely populated South such as Gibeon, and

also 10 Berseba (Leys & Saul 1995: 75fl). Generally, the 'dramatic
~i;stonof... 'community-based' activism' from the mid-1980s noted also
;. ys and Saul (ibid.: 82) was certainly centred in, though not limited to,

tndhoek A mo · ·1 d · · de · re Important problem that seems to have prevat e smce
:t pendence is the suspicious attitude of the ruling party vis-a-vis these
~m?us groups, which have been ge~erated by a 'spontan~ity out of
and rty (Strauss 1987: I 87). In a contradictory process, these vttal groups
and ~orks have been dried up by the drain of personnel into Government,
th-~ ~ected to attempts of centralisation and ensuing control by forming
~ .. IOto one t" .

sati<J , na tona.' body, the Namibian Non-Governmental Organt-
ns Forum (NANGOF)

beu~ fundamentall~, the weakness of the popular organisations m~st
dteon:t· . OOd as a graphtc illustration of the relationship that Italian Marxtst
for 'hegtetan Antonio Gramsci had in mind when he wrote about the struggle

emony' · h" . . . lures of . . 10 Is contemporary Italy under fascism. In extstmg struc-
CIVII soc· ty G . · heaemo;; . Ie ' rarnsc1 saw above all the entrenchment of bourgeois

do.n~ t.e. _of the powers-that-be, in a multifaceted network of class
· Thts generated the stability of the 'historical bloc' once estab-

.i
''

I
I
I

152 Contemporary Namibia

lished (Gramsci 1967: 291). To overcome this situation, where the forces
of the old society are still very much in effective control, Gramsci saw the
need for a 'struggle for a new culture' ( 1983: I 08). What is important in
these considerations for our present context is the clear assertion that civil
society is a vital field of interaction and struggle for conflicting social forces.
It is vital as a space for organising and articulating various and- of necessity
-frequently mutually countervailing interests. It still remains marked by
a basic and inevitable ambivalence, however (cf. Bobbio 1988; see also
Kl\\Bier & Melber 1996).

In the present Namibian context, the question of hegemony is brought
out graphically if one looks at the situation of the media. Apart from the
parastatal Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) and the Government·
owned weekly newspaper, New Era, the most important media are the four
daily newspapers published in Windhoek. By far the largest circulation is
concentrated in the hands of Democratic Media Holdings (DMH), a firm
affiliated to the DT A, which also owns the only newspaper printing press
in the country. DMH publishes Die Republikein in Afrikaans, which is the
largest paper in the country by far, The Windhoek Advertiser in English and
Die Allgemeine Zeitung in German. Together they have a circulation of
so~e 18 000 copies. Besides this, The Namibian represents a lone dissenting
vmce. Founded as a mouthpiece for the struggle to implement the UN
Peace P.lan in 1985, the paper has been an important ally for SWAPO.
though ~t has never s~ccumbed to party discipline. Today it representsthe
only senous organ of Investigative journalism in the country. Besides, 1t IS
also. the only daily paper running a section in an African language.
Oshtwambo. A rneasu.re of outreach into the population centres of the
no.rth can thus. be achteved. Still, the national press of the country clear!)
bn~gs out, ~y Its proportions and orientation the opportunity for differing
votces and mterests to mak th ' . k ble . . . e emselves heard. It ts all the more remar a
that m a sttuat1011 where the · . .. rhe
" .b. ~-- . . re IS no vtable parliamentary oppostUon, 1 '
nam1 1an ,...,. m vanous · · · 1
" tak' mstances been able to play the role of a cntlca oorum, mg the Gov . . ·
to the DMH med' e.mment to task on vital issues. In contradtsu~cuon
party l'f I ta, thts has been done not on a- largely discredtted-
trans:~: ~but on the principled basis of minimal standards of
underline the · g governance, The following examples may also
t~-- .. -.. ...... ~naltmportance of this kind of voice in a situation where
"oqc - .... ..,.seem to be · ·
our points about the . 10 ,JeOpardy. Above all, we hope to demonstrate
critical medii- in

1
worlungs.ofv!tal ~pects of civil society- in this case.
he&emon~e, htstoncally heavily charged environment

Political culture and civil society: on the state of the Namibian State 153

WATERGATE AT ETOSHA 1

The affair to be outlined below was aptly dubbed by The Namibian as
'Watergate'. This is not only creative and witty, but it also drives home the
disturbing fact of how power is handled at Cabinet level along with con-
comitant access to material benefits. Of course, in the Namibian context,
Watergate is pronounced like 'watergate' ('boreholes') in Afrikaans. Bore-
holes in Namibia are vital for the effective use of grazing in practically the
entire area in the country that is suitable for extensive farming with large
or small stock. By means of such boreholes, which sometimes are several
hundred metres deep, water is transported to the surface and used for the
watering of stock as well as for human needs.

One can justifiably draw a parallel between the borehole affair and ~he
notorious Watergate scandal in the USA. The point is not so much corruptton
as such, but the way it was handled by the SWAPO Government. Gtven
SWAPO's enormous parliamentary power base after its electoral success m
1994, winning a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly as well as
the political and conceptual weakness of the parliamentary oppost!ton ". the
way the Government lives up to its constitutional obligation of accountabtht_Y
is of critical importance. In addition as serious critics will rather make the IT
voices heard outside Parliament, a~d above all in the media, it is of equal
importance how the Government deals with them.

Drought relief for better-off recipients

At the beginning of 1993, it transpired that Minister of Justice Tjiriange.and
then Deputy Minister of Home Affairs lthete had had two boreholes d~tlledl
o th " · · 'de the famous Etosha Nattona n CIT Jomtly owned ostrich farm JUSI outs1 f
P k II · · the consequences o ar · For this relief money earmarked for a evtatmg
th ' · th early 1990s had been e severe drought that had hit the country durmg e ffi . Is' licalion
used. Meanwhile, it also become known that these two 0 IC~es ;:"oo) had
to establish a firm by the name of Etosha Domesticated OstriC h an had
originally been turned down. The committee concerned wtth 1. e m erlater

led ·~·Th~~~~was ru that 'people are more important than ostne ·
reversed, under circumstances that~ sti_li quite un:::u~led much later

The report of a commission of mqUtry whtch red by the
showed that the drilling of the two boreholes had been ordc

' . . or_.,..,.w........,"F..IOiha
r~_The following is a slightly revised ·~ . o(polildl aotture. publull<d
:-"«nmcnt and public sphere in Namtbia: A criticalteVJCW ,. ClO\\CfliiC of die ~
10 The Namibian or 21/12195. It is based on cum:nt new I I"'
described.

r·

' '

154 Contemporary Namibia

Deputy Permanent Secretary for Water in person. and by word of mouth.
The cost was almost N$200 000. While not large in absolute terms (some
US$60 000), this sum is quite considerable when set against the Namibian
Gross National Product ofN$1 0 billion (I 0\\' When the commission of
inquiry questioned the Deputy Permanent Secretary about the circumstances
of his change of mind, he referred to 'an order by telephone from the north',
and claimed he could not remember who had been on the other end of the
line. _In any case, the two Ministers' boreholes were suddenly upgraded
!o pnonty 'B' and later even to 'A2', which meant they had been included
m the emergency drought relief programme.

Charges that profits had been made from similar transactions spread to
:further Cabinet member and to the Deputy Minister of Finance, as well as
o one of the 13 Regional Governors and the present General Secretary of

the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
The Government called in a commission of inquiry to look into the

matter. However, the findings of this Commission which became known as
the 'Brits Comm' · " ft · · ' · ISS Jon a er 1ts cha1rman, were kept secret for a long t1me.
Instead of making th B · · d e nts report known publicly the Government calle
a further commissio th' · . ' . . n, Is lime made up ofCabmet members. Its report was
tabled m Apnl 1995.

Official whitewash

Meanwhile, more than 1 . Tjiriange and 1 h wo years had passed since the accusations agamst
victory In th Ct ebt~ were first made. SW APO had brought home its election

· e a met resh ffl h' evidently of . u e w "ch followed, charges of corruption were
no Importance In · ts

Quite to the contr . . · any case, none of the accused lost the1r pos ·
Minister lthete fi ary,~t does not_reveal much sensitivity to shift Deputy
Tourism since th~om thorne Affairs to the Ministry of Environment and

' IS IS e very rtfi )'
relating to suspected irre ul . ~ o IO charged with investigating matters
investigation that had 00: ;ntJes at the ostrich farm. According to a pollee
subsequent charge laid ~ rawn out for more than 20 months, as well as a
knowledge only in Oet/ the Prosecutor-General which became publlc
management, in violation~; 1 ?9? (The Namibian 2111 0/96), the farm
ostrich eggs caught and ex"stmg laws, had bought wi Jd ostriches and
B~ on the Cabin~o~ected_ b~ local people in the vicinity.

Amath"1a declared h' ommJssJon report Minister of Information Ben
"s colleague d ' .

---;,:::=:-------s an other h1gh officials who had been

NSI=Rt Pro'
Germany il w ·, !I<Cted proponionally 0 th . . l'k Peter~- ou d llllloun1 to SOI!lelh' . 0 e condJbons in an induslrial country 1 '

1ekhoff, Gaborone.) mg hke DMSO million. (We owe this point to Dr

Political culture and civil societj: on the state of the Namibian State 155

charged in the Brits Commission report (by then still unpublished), to have
been cleared wholesale of all charges. It was argued, inter alia, that the
boreholes had meanwhile been made accessible to 'local communities'. In
one case, that 'community' comprised no more than 14 people. President
Nujoma continued to treat the Brits Commission report as a closed file. The
Namibian public was to be denied any detailed knowledge of the charges
contained in that report, and further names of imp I icated persons where also
to be kept secret. The entire operation amounted to a self-absolution by
Cabinet. In early May 1995, the independent and increasingly critical The
Namibian responded with the banner headline 'Whitewash!'.

This whitewash strategy seemed quite promising at first. The DTA, as
the official parliamentary opposition, ailing from a crushing defeat in the
recent elections, is no real challenge to the ruling SWAPO party and will
probably never be able to overcome its lack of credibility. Viable criticism
is more likely to arise from the extra-parliamentary public, and here The
Namibian in particular has affirmed its position as a critical voice in one
further instance: by unearthing and presenting, over and over, additional
mformation on the background of the affair and by championing the con-
clusion that the borehole chapter could only be closed after thorough and
exhaustive clarification, the scandal was kept in the public eye. Even before,
Government has had occasion to experience the sting of critical media upon
the high and mighty, when voting for the purchase of expensive aeroplanes
for the needs of the President and later the Prime Minister. This sting may be
all the more effective when the media as in the case of The Namibian, are
ancient allies in the struggle for a de~ocratic conclusion of South African
colonial rule.

Finally, in mid-June 1995 in the face of continuing pressure from
public opinion and especially f:om The Namibian, Prime ~inister Hage
Gemgob was obliged to table the Brits Commission report. Th1s ena~led the
newspaper team under the direction of its editor, Gwen Lister, to detaol to the
C<Jncemed public the heavy charges contained in the report, which impl~cated
several leading politicians. Apart from public glee, there were sttll no
consequences for the culprits. .

:here may be some spice left in the fact that John Muto~a's appomt-
onent 111 the March 1995 Cabinet reshutlle as Minister of Baste Edu~atron
and Culture came as a surprise even to insiders. Although he had prevtou~l~
been responsible for drillin~ boreholes as chief of the drought rehe
programme, he came to be one of the main beneficiaries of the reshuffie.

156 Contemporary Namibia

Cracks in the wall of silence

Disciplinary action, as demanded by The Namibian in its closing comment
on the affair, has not taken place. Still, by and large, the course of the
Namibian Watergate affair may be seen as a success for the critical public.
After all, the attempt to silence the scandal by (self-)condoning statements
and wait for the rest to subside was unsuccessful. Also, the affair could not
be restricted entirely to the limited scope of Namibian internal politics.

When newspaper reports appeared in Botswana and South Africa on
the implication ofSADC General Secretary Kaire Mbuende3 in the affair,
he saw a need to defend himself publicly against the Brits Commission's
findings regarding his role. Two other persons implicated also presented their
own versions before the public, but their pleas could hardly silence the
critical voices. Mbuende bemoaned - with evident justification -the
Namibian Government's inept handling of the public controversy, and fur·
ther pointed to the weakness of the borehole which had been drilled for him.

Others had meanwhile abandoned the farms in question, or they had
subsequently paid for the boreholes, or they had given the communities
which had been targeted for relief in the first place access to the boreholes.
At the end of the day, all this served to corroborate the facts of malpractice
and private appropriation of relief money.

. Governm~nt sought refuge in the rather hapless argument that (pre·
dommantly white) commercial farmers had also been among the recipients
of drought rehef. This allegation turned out to have referred to the receipt
of fodder worth some N$20-25 000 in each case whereas a borehole costs
between four and even ten times that amount. '

Furthermore, it can hardly be denied that drilling boreholes on private
farms contravened the gu 'd I' f h · h · h . I e meso t e drought rehef programme, w IC
was aimed at loc~l communities targeted for emergency drought relief. On
top of that, the Mlmsters had violated the Namibian Constitution. Article 42
clearly stipulates that mi · t .

. . . ms ers must not, durmg their incumbency, pursue
pbenvate busmess mterests which might place them in a conflict situation

tween the1r duty as m · · t · d
d h . . lOIS ers to a1m at the public good on the one han ,

an t elr pnvate concerns on the other

t' T~eh Minister of Agriculture and Water Affairs who held office at the
~me 0d 1 e dnlhngs 10 question, Anton von Wietersheim made it clear

yon any doubt that there had be ' · ht
have occasio ed · d' . en no 'misunderstandings' which m1g
the gu·ldel'ln n ' IDhiVIdual favours for politicians. He brought it home that

es "or t e allocatio f r d
all levels. includin C b' n ° re le~had been discussed and fixe on

g a met, at the t1me 1n question. Late in May 1995, he

~----" Aulhor of Namibia - The Br Ire . .
(Lund 1986). 0 n Shreld: Anatomy of Imperialism and RevolutiOn

Political culture and civil society: on the state of the Namibian State 157

pointed out in The Windhoek Advertiser that his erstwhile Deputy, Kaire
Mbuende, who had taken up his prestigious post as SADC General Secretary
only at the beginning of 1994, had profited from the borehole issue without
his knowledge. This was a gross violation of existing rules of procedure.

The former Minister was well motivated to be enraged. He himself had
fallen victim to the conviction that his office as Minister obliged him to
take a stand against corruption. In another affair, acting on a report by the
Attorney-General, Yon Wietersheim had temporarily shifted one of his top
officials, against whom an investigation had been launched in respect of the
misuse of public resources and violations against the existing public service
code of conduct. However, the Minister had underestimated the protection
that the official in question obviously enjoyed in the highest echelons.
When he was forced in Cabinet to repeal his disciplinary measure, and dared
to criticise the move and protest against it behind closed doors, President
Nujoma instantly dismissed him. This happened in November 1993.

The official in question remains at his post at the government veterinary
laboratory. After dragging along for more than two years, the investigation
finally led to official charges being laid against him in May 1995, but the
matter has as yet not resulted in formal court proceedings.

Former Minister Von Wietersheim, who up till March 1995 was still
an elected Member of Parliament for SWAPO, has meanwhile dropped out
of official politics and is drawing a pension. At the time he had considered
It a matter ofloyalty not to make public his ignominious removal from offic.e,
and only during the concluding session of the first National As~embly 111
February/March 1995 did he take the floor. In his speech he castigated the
growing corruption in the country and recalled the lofty ideals once pro-
pounded by the political dignitaries of the liberation movement. He also
lashed out at the self-service mentality which had become evide~t when the
deputies of both the ruling party and the opposition had voted 111 favour of
a salary hike of20% for all political officials immediately before the .end of
the' fi · · h · sions wh1ch are lr lYe-year term of office, thereby also ra1smg t eu pen '
computed on the basis of the last salary.

Is the President always right?

A · dd't' al evidence ofthe seemmgly entirely different issue generated a 1 10n . ·
re . . t from pubhc scrutmy. llloteness of Pres1dent Nuioma and h1s Govern men . . 'l'tary
Co " · 1 te the N1gerlllll m11 ntrary to mounting international pressure to 150 a 1 and
regim N · · d h · between the two peop es e, UJoma not only praised the fr1en s 1P . ited military
Govern ft .. . . . 'd M 1995 but also mv
d. ments a er v1s1tmg AbuJa 1n m1 - ay ' h rrow of the ICtal Ab . . N 'b'a. Even on t e mo ~ . or acha to pay a state v1s1t to ami ~ ke

10
the horrible news

ateful day when the Commonwealth Summit awo

' 1
i

158 Contemporary Namibia

of the execution of journalist Ken Saro-Wiwa and his friends, Nujoma was
pictured chatting amicably with the Nigerian Foreign Minister, about to be
sent packing by the conference. Even after the Commonwealth verdict and
South African President Mandela's clear tum away from the blatantly failed
'softly, softly' tactic to confrontation with the Nigerian regime, Nujomastill
advocated amicable means and an early readmission of Nigeria into the
Commonwealth.

Apart from an obvious confusion between the present blood-stained
dictatorship, former Nigerian regimes that had assisted in the struggle against
apartheid and had supported theN igerian people, the President's response
to instant criticism at home was disconcerting. In May he did not divulge
anyth!ng about his talks in Abuja, apart from a meagre communique, and
thts dtd not mention the human rights issue at all, while others at that stage,
abo~e all Archbishop Tutu, saw an advocacy of human rights as the only
JUStifiable reason to maintain relations with the Abacha regime.

. To justifY his handling of the matter, President Nujoma summarily
pomted to his executive prerogative. He himself as well as SWAPO spokes·
~rson_s, insisted that the President was not publicly accountable for his talks
wtth hts ~~~enan partners. Later, SW APO circles concocted the justification
tha~ Namtbta should not succumb to US pressure in isolating the Nigerian
regtme. To deptct ~he executions as an anti-imperialist achievement would
almost have been m keeping with this line of argument.

. The Namibian Government's apparently sustained rapprochement
P?hcy towards the Abacha regime undermined attempts to isolate that
dtctatorshtp above all · h. . . . . ' Wtt m Afrtca. The policy is questwnable, even
constdermg the short and d. . .. t fN' . me tum-term mterests of Namibia as a rectpten
? ht~ehn~ndevelopment aid. The internal corollary of this policy is the way
Ill W IC It IS hammered th h · k th . roug m the face of criticism. This provo es e
same questtons of how G ·
Pub!' d overnment relates towards a critical and acttve tc, as oes the treat f

ment o corruption in high places.

Control of public opinion

Members of the Cabinet i . . . .
Generally polif . be ncreasmgly stnke out against reports m the medta.
also betra'y .'ctans. moan the lack of 'constructive' criticism. This ma)

an tncreasmg t h · h
welcoming or at 1 ouc mess on the part of politicians. Rathert an east respect · · . · IY critical voices are d' . mg cnttctsm as a sign of a nascent civil socte ·
I tSCredtted as t ·t f 1 k'ng oyalty towards th . rat ors to the cause and accused o ac 1

Where th e new ~~dependent State.
e opponuntty · d' · · by the political pot tat . extsts, trect control of public(ised) optnton

en es ts also em 1 'th the rteent renewal of the NBC' P oyed. This became evident WI
5 board of directors. The 1 0-member board was

Political culture and civil society: on the state of the Namibian State 159

completely renewed in April 1995, shortly after the Cabinet reshuffle. This
was done although the Minister of Information and Broadcasting, who
makes recommendations on potential candidates, had insisted on continuity
and had recommended many of the fonner members for another term. Seven
of the newly appointed board members were either active SW APO members
or high-ranking state officials. Moreover, none of the NBC board members
commands the relevant experience.

It may just be a coincidence, but after the new appointments to the NBC
board, direct political interference increased. For example, the Chief of
Protocol in the Office of the President forced the NBC's TV news desk to
broadcast, in its entirety, a video report of a press conference held by Presi-
dents Nujoma and Mandela during the former's state visit to South Africa.
The then NBC Director-General, Nahum Gorelick, subsequently voiced
concern that in the face of stronger interference from Government, tendencies
towards self-censorship within the NBC might increase. Shortly after this,
in early June 1995, Nujoma met the new NBC board to convey his own
suggestion regarding the future activities of the institution. Director-General
Gorelick had been fired by the end of July 1995, and in September he was
suc~eeded by Daniel Tjongarero, formerly the Deputy Minister of Infor-
mation and Broadcasting. Besides that, the designation as 'autonomous' had
been cancelled from the NBC regulations as early as April 1994.

In early August 1995 there was excitement when the evening TV news
broadcast an interview with the Minister of Trade and Industry, Hidipo
Hamutenya, which contained some questionable political statements by him.
The tape of the interview was later found to have disappeared from the TV
archives. When it eventually resurfaced the incriminating statements, which
were meant to be used for a document~ programme, had been deleted. This
Internal dealing with documentary material prompted two prominent NBC
Journalists to resign with immediate effect for ethical reasons.

ed. · ral Another example of undue control exercised over the m ta 111 gene
and over NBC TV in particular was President Nujoma's televised speech_ on
6 March 1996, which came as a reaction to Pastor Groth's book ex~osm_g
SWAPO' d . . . -1 ( f Lombard· and m thts s recor of repressiOn whtle tn ext e c · '
volume, Tapscott: footnote 35):

··· the broadcast amounted to a serious abuse of public broad-
casting, with the medium effectively being commandeered by
State House for what turned out to be a personal attack on the

h · address on what aut or of a book and one of his supporters tn an f
is essentially a party issue. Yet it was presente~ in the form 0 an
address to the nation (The Namibian 813196).

'C' JS) · this volume '- Lombard, as well as Tapscott (footnote "'" ·

160 Contemporary Namibia

At the same time, the overall treatment of the infamous 'detainee issue·
confirms the dangerous attitude among many of SWAPO's leading cadres
towards sensitive issues and publicity. Also in this case of human nghts
violations, they first responded to charges by attempts to remain silent and
foreclose questions, but this was no longer possible once the EnghshedltJOn
of Groth's book had reached relevant parts of the Namibian pubhc, thus
triggering the presidential attack (KoBler 1996).

Pretension and reality

The actual importance of these and many other developments that might be
quoted may well be a moot point. Tendencies towards the misuse of power.
state control of the public sphere and self-aggrandisement are undoubted))
universal phenomena. Simply then, Namibia is no exception- certainly not
when compared to other states in Africa.

On the contrary, one might well object that malpractices are com-
paratively innocuous and that strictly speaking, the corruption cases are
about peanuts. Compared with kleptocracies such as Za'lre, that may ~ell
seem persuasive. However, apart from the argument about proportions c1ted
above, this whole line of reasoning seems deeply problematic. Measured
against the declarations of intent made by Government itself, i.e. its own
pretensions and promises, the performance of that Government clearly falls
short of its own proclaimed objectives. The much-acclaimed democratiC
Namibian Constitution can only be given life and legitimacy in the medium
and long term if all participants- including, in the first instance, elected
govern~ent representatives- respect the letter and spirit of its principles.
. This ~lso encompasses the need to support critical and active watchdogs
m the media, albeit at times rather bothersome to do so. In the Namibian
case: support for the media is even more important on account of the )O\\\\
quality .and the well-deserved toothlessness of the official parliamentar) oppos1t1on.

. There is one further crucial point to make. In this case, to be effective.
avualpartofthe ·1· 1 · · "" . . en 1ca portmns of civil society needed not only 1ts 0 '
resilience, but also international support and cooperation. It may well be
doubted whether the B · · h ut

. nts report would ever have been made public w1t 0
lleWSpaper.;

10
other SOUthern African countries taking up the issue. Also. the

niSCent cooperation of southern African countries was to all appearances
::::::"'enough

10
effect the first crack in the wall of silence around the

1 lebalffalr, when SADC General Secretary Kaire Mbuende was forced o IO pu IC Under the .....,. f . . .
,. ....... ure o regionally organised public op101on.

The detainee issue:
an unresolved test case for

sw APO, the churches
and civil society

Christo Lombard

INTRODUCTION

161

. 1990 and in assessing
In writing about Namibia since its independen~e m ' it is impossible
the role of the churches in the ongoing liberation ~roc~ssue, has generated,

. . II d SW APO detamee ISS to 1gnore the 1mpact that the so-ca e . ratic culture in post-
and still may have on the shaping of a JUSt and demhoc hes as part of civil

. . . t' eofthec urc a~he1d Nam1b1a. From the ~erspec IV the ecumenical churc~esi
SOciety, the crux of this matter lies 10 t~e f~ct ~~~d liberation in Nam1b1a,
which stood firm in the struggle for JUstice h present Government,
allowed the liberation movement, SWAPO, and 1 e trated against large
to cover up atrocities and human rights abu.ses perped'sappointed, if not

M Nam1b1BDS are 1 · numbers of their own followers. any . hurch leaders. smce
disillusioned with the churches and especially someftruthc and reconciliation,

' od'anso they were expected to act as consistent cust 1

whatever the circumstances. . hegemonY. torture. murder
In those difficult years, when South African d Namibia, this lapse of

. · be leaguere sed But and abuse were runmng rampant 10 tent, if not excu ·
integrity could have been understood 10 some ex ealed about SWAp0's
. . gh has been rev Since mdependence, more than enou

Prim< ,..._ ·Open.__ .. ~ 10 lhcdlal ELOC 1
This was especially true after the ra:;"' Paslo< (iowiiiCb on bdlllf o( spelled

0111
the

John vllrSicr and signed by Bishop Auala . tbcSC lc8dcn dclltY . ,. cllarCflct
llld ELC on 21 June 1971. In this proJI!'d=.;.,.bnJUihllhc-id100
c:hun:hes " c:oncem for social justice. which
iato dirtt~ conflict with the colonw """' MS.

1
't

----------------------------------------~-------------------------------------------------..

162 Contemporary Namibia

own culture of authoritarianism and the churches' complicity in silencing
voices of critique. Thus it can be understood why a critical researcher writes
sharply about 'SW APO and the churches: An international scandal' 2 There
are currently signs that forces within civil society, and within the churches.
are strongly at work and may force Namibians to reconsider their handling
of the so-called 'detainee and missing persons issue', and related key words
such as truth, reconciliation and justice.

The detainee issue has become a test case, not only for the churches'
integrity and witness, but also for civil society as such. The overall Namibian
handling of the detainee and missing persons issue may become the acid test
determining the nation's future. 3 The central role of the Christian churches
!n the development of this national dilemma, but hopefully also in resolving
tl, ts therefore the focus of this contribution.

THE PROPHETIC WITNESS OF THE CHURCHES DURING THE
STRUGGLE

~he Na~ibia~ churches have been hailed for their strong stance against the
parthetd regtme. Since the famous 'Open Letter' of 1971 the churches

fulfilled the typic 1 1 f " h · . ' · I a ro e o t e votce of the votceless' and the ecumemca
movement in Na 'b' b ' · mt ta ecame the carrier of the message of hope, justice
and freedom for N 'b' · b amt tans. That first prophetic statement served as an tce·

reaker for many such statements to follow.

. The words of the 'Epistle to the Namibians' explaining to congre-
gatiOns all over the '

. . country why the churches simply had to speak out.
recetve Increased proph 1. . 'fi , · ·nd e "c stgnttcance in the current 'culture of silence '" 1 ependent Namibia_ a ltu . .
rights b h cu re whtch m effect covers up the grave humar

a usest at took 1 · d
which h 1 Pace under the SW APO leadership in extle an

e ps to ensure the fi · · · h' "rm pohttcal gnp of the authoritarian leaders 1P

l
See also T rewhela ( 199

' The delainee Wld . . I: 65) for a similar assessment
· m1ssmg P<"""" · . . . smce the 'Kongwa c · · . ...-.....ns ISSue 1s a result ofSWAPO's unfortunate hlstol')-nsJs ofth I .

O\\\\n members, accusing them o~bate 1960s, of detaining hundreds, even thousands. of liS
l~ese people detained and to ;a.ng diSSidents. rebels, traitors and spies. Not only \\\\ere
51dc:red lobe 'missing persons~ure m the most inhumane fashion, but many are st_ill ~on·
by lhe International Com · · unaccounted for by SW APO. After protracted invesugauons
after ils mntee of the R d C . . ed

-.It deadline oflo A .1 1 e. rossmto this issue, the ICRC report. ISSU as unac:counted for by SWApf;' 993· suit COnstdered I 605 out of2 161 tracing requests
:=mt for 34 P<nons. SWA~~ere the previous South African government still had
tu '0ay(26 AUIUSI) 1996 and s book, The;~ Blood Waters our Freedom. released 011

flllely IIIII docs 1101 (lrovi"- .contammg hsts of almost 8 000 fallen heroes. unfor-
"" a satisfactory

answer to these grim statistics.

The detainee issue: an unresolved test ca.'>c lilr SWAPO. the churches and civil society 163

elite' In this 'Epistle', sent out by the Lutheran church leaders on 30 Ju~e
1971, the message was clear: 'We are concerned about the future ofthts
country and about the future of the various peoples who live here .... We feel
that if we, as the Church, remain silent any longer, we wtll become liable for
the life and future of our country and its people. '5 Following the Open Lett~r
to Vorster, the mainline churches, representing more than 80% ofNamtbta s
population, consolidated their cooperation towards the liberation of~he
oppressed masses in Namibia and jointly launched an impressive ecumemcal
programme which cannot be dealt with in any detail here

In 1974 an ecumenical Christian Centre was founded in Windhoek to
provide a forum for ideas and strategies for the churches' participation in
the struggle for independence, with the formidable Tauno HatUtkullpt (who
went into exile in 1977 and is believed to have been murdered by SW APO
in January 1984) as its Director.' The Lutheran and Anglican Bishops (Auala
and Wood respectively) successfully took legal action against the new prac-
tice of public floggings of suspected SW APO members and sympathts~rs
that was implemented in 1974. In I 975, Catholic Vicar-General H Henn~ng
· ·1· · · SWA' wh1ch tssued a statement titled 'Conditions for reconct tatlon m '

. · · 'ty d equal called for an end to the use of violence 111 keepmg the maJOfl own, .
human rights for all a fair trial for all political prisoners, and free and fatr

' · Ell' (from the elections of the true leaders. 8 Father Heinz Hunke and Justm IS .
Christian Centre) published a booklet titled Torture: A cancer in our society.
and in May 1977 the major churches issued a joint statement on torture 111

N 'b· · · . . 9 d th barrage of statements amt ta, wtth advtce for vtcttms. When one rea s e .
1

,
. . b h If of 'the votce ess prepared by the church leaders of Namtbta on e a . . .

d . h verall 1mpresston ts urmg the time of the struggle for independence, t e 0 ft th
d I .ty of purpose A er e one of tremendous courage commitment an c an :

1978 · ' · N ·b'a (CCN) m " 3 establishment of the Council of Churches m amt 1

4 " . " . . thoritative publication of Leys
llus 1s the overall drive of the anal7s1s gtven m the au authoritarian leadership

and Saul on the legacy ofNannibia's liberation struggle: that the san; within the rhetoric of
style of the 'Old Guard' may be allowed to contmue unabate

democ[acy(see, for example, 1995: 1-8, 196-203).. .
9

.
136

_138). It is interesting
'Epistle to the Namibians', quoted m KatJavJvJ <198 · a·

1
nst ·neutrality' and

to . aking out ag . . . note how many prominent church leaders \\\\'ere spe. . can never be neutral m a
Silence'. for example Kameeta ( 1986: 53): ·A prophetic voice . fGod ·· MaasdOIP (in
' · . · he bulal)O " Sltu~tlon of conf11ct. Neutrality has in fact no place m 1 voca be neutral or silent.': sec

Katjavivi 1989: 23): "In the matter of racialism. no one may ever
also Dr Lukas de Vries in TOtemeyer ( 1977: 243).

'For a more detailed analysis, cf. Lombard ( 19971·
7 .

SeeTrewhela(l991:71). heDrv Woodt1983)gJVcsa
1

See TOtemeyer ( 1977: 245-248). The Green and 1 C
1
.,;,1ic Church towards !he

comprehensive summary of the contributions of the Roman 1

ecumenical agenda oflibemtion.
9

Cf. LWF Documentation (1987: 75-79).

164 Contemporary lVamibia

number of statements were sent to the South African Prime Minister, for
mstance on 4 October 1978, after SW A PO's acceptance of the West's
peace plan for Namibia:

At this decisive time and mindful of the ongoing suffering of
our peopl.e, we call upon you, Mr Prime Minister, to accept this
opportum~ for peace under the guarantees provided by the
Umted Nat1ons. We feel compelled to caution that should your
Govern~ent not make use of this opportunity, you will be held
respons1ble worldwide for the escalation of an unavoidable,
ternble and tragic war in this country.'"

For~ fair evaluation of the detainee crisis, especially as it developed
0~ the ~IS of the 'spy drama' within SWAPO in the 1980s, these prophetic
a momllons are extremely important. 11

S
Many similar bold actions were still to follow such as the Maseru

tatement of the A r ' G ... ng lean Church (July 1978), in which the Western ContaCt
roup was cnt1c1sed for th · lfi h · . . . . " and r.

11
" elr se IS mterests m the Nam1b13n d1spute,

Supe
or. ~ owmdg South Africa to register voters without the United Nations'
rv1s1on an 'th · Synod of

8
. h WI ns army still fully deployed in Namibia. 11 In !983 the

broke the .
1
1s ops of the Church of the Province of Southern Africa also

Sl ence on theN 'b' South African troo fro rum l~n. agenda, by calling for the withdrawal of
ment 'to take · ed~ m Nmmb"a and urging the South African Govem-

"mm late and u t country' (LWF Doc . rgen steps to ensure the independence of that
E

. umematwn 1987: 83-84)
cumemcal solidarity ·

Catholic Bishops' C fi was strengthened through the Southern African
which contained~~ erence Repor~ on Namibia (published in May !982).
Pope John Paulll's - .of South Afncan atrocities in Namibia 14 Ever since
Lutheran World FeJe1511" to the Wor!d Council of Churches (WCC) and the

ratiOn (LWF) m Geneve in 1984, the central authori!)

--~,;,:~~K~-------------
Io lhc: "-··" arnc.:ta(l98?: 209).1n Feb . ""'"" Afncan Prime M' · . ruary 1982, lhe CCN issued another statement
<lctll~s.,'!'_NMamibia. '"'Sicr "n Windhoek, challenging him to allow free and fair
Nahas '"" IRiolcrofHiahcr Educat' ·
N

. An&ula, has I'C<:Cnlly "~·~ hatKIII. VocatiOnal Training. Science and Technolog)·
111111b11n liberation - ....... , after lhis ·r. · ed h A~· - ~ly lui1JCd

1
spec" 1c opponunity was m1ss . t '

r~ea,~ SW~POsbould be.......:;g !'leading to the excesses of which both South
~";:~ltF O....-Gtltlft(l9tl~· ~mdhoek Observer 12/10/96).
Olllllnlnll)' ......... look,..,. ill. 82>· The statemenl also deplored the mass
mch "illla :!"<lllllinuod 111e or=: ~Ia on 4 May 1978, and again spok<
is occcnkd ID lhc: _ -.ooe:ll. ·~ willvonoo~~ by South Africa The stalemcn' .. The-........ . ., come to Namibia when lnJC justl(t

.. HUIIlc . cleaio.s "hic:hiUIJoooed
" LWF ~(I:,~~~ 1978 confinned these suspicitJIIS.

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case for SWAPO, the churches and civil society 165

of the Roman Catholic Church has been strong in its support of the Namibian
cause.

After the failure of the 1978 initiatives on UN Security Council Reso-
lution 435, and the South African answer of' internal' elections and an
'interim' government, the CCN suffered internal division, sparked by the
escalating violence ofthe struggle for liberation and the ghosts of Marxist
ideology observed within SW AP0. 15 However, these internal ~roblems di,1
not prevent the CCN from amplirying its voice in the internattonal arena.
Whatever the analysis of the bigger political powers at work behind the
scenes of the successful implementation of Resolution 435 and SWAPO's
subsequent hour of glory, the CCN contributions on behalf of all Namibians
must be acknowledged as very direct moral and political factors that ttpped
the scales in favour of a peaceful settlement of the Namibian quest for
independence.

Indeed the churches in Namibia had to pay a heavy price for their
involvement. False propaganda against the 'liberation theologians' was
put in motion; bishops were banned; pastors were detained, harassed and
tortured; and infrastructure was destroyed. 17 In line with Bonhoe.tfer's t~ree
options for churches in their confrontation with a state abusing 1ts pohttcal
power, the Namibian churches questioned the legitimacy of South Africa's
actions, caJne to the aid of victims of state action, and courageously took the
ultimate step as well: 'not just to bandage the victims under the wheel, but
to put a spoke in the wheel itself through direct political action'.'~ .

The NaJnibian churches broke the silence with a strong prophette votce,
offering not only an ambulance service for the victims of oppression, but ~lso
serving as an avant-garde movement for social justice and politicalliberatton.
They fulfilled the role of an internal ally ofSWAPO, even as. an altemattv~
political opposition to South Africa and its proxy representattv~. Throu;
their contacts in the LWF and the WCC the ecumenical churches m Narm ta
Created an international platfonn forth~ NaJnibian cause. However, alwahys

de h h
. 'ntemally the churc es

un r t e scrutiny ofSWAPO's external leaders 1P" 1 id
took on the same type of role that S W APG-in-exile played from .the~ e.
In its control of donor aid development policies and practlceslopedothere
· ' · · · th CCN deve tndependence and the political process m N31111bla, e

" "" Steenkamp in Leys & Saul ( 1.995: 97ffi. Westem ConJaCI Group. !he
.. See lhe many 'Open Leners to me".'bers of the of the wee WastnfiiiO"

Chnst"an Churches in Europe and North AmCf1C8- and the rqiOI1 . ivi ( t989: 145-206)
Hcarin~on Namibia(2-4 May 1988). Forthese~-=(1911: d-50)

Cf. Winter's descriplion of the JwassltiCI1l. "n<~(J~:94) .... pn:ICIIIS
11

lloc_lhoeffer, as quoted by ~.(1987: 212l· diUidt'srolcill~ 10
1 tl!cfullyplfication: there were three d151inel fiiCCIS of die . _.
tile llllhoritarian regime - institutional. icJc<l)cl8iallond opec" ·

, I
I

166 Contemporary l\\'amibia

same paternalistic top-down culture as the S W A PO movement itself 19 The
massive structures developed by the CCN before independence (for legal
aid, education, contextual theology, community development, social services,
youth work, women's affairs, displaced persons, etc.) will nonetheless always
testifY to the fact that its influence was not restricted to words: the CCN has
in fact become the prime implementor of the churches' involvement with the
Namibian people in their cause to entrench peace and justice.20

THE QUESTION OF PROPHETIC CONSISTENCY

It is against this undeniable involvement of the churches in the Namibian
struggle for liberation that the question of consistency must be addressed.
Could t.he chu~ches maintain the agendas of justice, human rights and
prophetic cnhctsm after independence as before? Namibian church historian
Nambala ( 1994: 159) makes interesting remarks on this challenge:

The ministry of the church,,. is not caged. It is directed to all
people of God, irrespective of their political affiliation. Moreover,
the church ts a 'thorn in the flesh' to those who love injustice
an? vtolate human rights. The church ,., indicates how SW APO
ts godless' or 'godly'.

He concludes his book th h'
(1 994: 169): on e tstory of the church in Namibia as follows

~tis imhportant for the church to be constant and faithful ,.. , We
ope t e churcb in Nam'b· 'IJ b

things right! B . 1 ta WI .e .wise enough to assess these
always be yj ut 111 the_ face of Ill JUstice a neutral stance wtll
situations evt ·,The hope ts that the church in Namibia will in all

contmue to be a · f h . d votce o t e votceless and oppresse .

In their testimony durin the W ,
on Namibia, theN .;. CC Programme to Combat Racism Hearmgs

amt tan church leaders said this:

The stands taken by indi . . . , .
church bodies, d

1
vtdual Chnsttans, btshops international

SWAPO's pe an. ater by whole churches have also influenced
rceptton ofNamib" .

of Namibia as an . d tan soctety and the possible nature
111

ependent state. The churches do not believe
---;,.~~~--------

,. cr, Steenkatnp in leys & Saul
Cf. Kandctu's anicle on the ( t995: 107-111 ); also Trewhela (1991: 67-72).

work of the CCN in Ka~avivi ( 1989: 207-214).

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case for SW APO, the churches and civil society 167

naively that SWAPO will bring a utopia to Namibia. They hope
to continue the positive relationships which have been developed.
However, there is also a realisation that, as the churches in other
parts of Africa have shown, the churches may also have a pro-
phetic role to play in opposition to any new tyranny that may
emerge (Katjavivi 1989: 190).

Peter Katiavivi was bitterly criticised by Paul Trewhela" for not even
mentioning the detainee issue in his book, Church and Liberation in
Namibia (published in 1989), when there could not have been any more
doubt about the reality of severe human rights abuses perpetrated by SWAP_O
in exile, and in view of the knowledge about it in church ctrcles 111
Namibia and internationally, but Katjavivi himself ends his .introductory
article with two quotations which jointly pose crucial questions to the
churches as well as SW APO:

Only if the Church is, and is seen to be, on the side of the ~evo
lution in Southern Africa, suffering and sharing in t~e g~tlt of
spilt blood can the church then from within the situation, JUdge
the situati~n. then judge the rev~lution ,.. , Revolution inevit~bly
involves suffering death separation and the ruin of human hves

' ' ,, Ifcan ,., . It seems likely that only a church w1th111 the revo u ton
help to humanise it 22 , . f

It is only after being faithful to this overall Jmperattve 0

truthful confrontation and after having defeated the system of
injustice and lies that ~he churches will be able to work to~dards

' N "b · nationbUJI mg a further step of liberation- the work of am1 tan d
in the light of national reconciliation. Oppressor and oppresse h
aggressor and aggressed cannot be reconciled by the Chuhrc,,

. , d the scrutmy of trut . except m the context of a just soc1ety un er

"k" quotations but still
The crucial questions implicit in these stn ll1g h. h hared the

largely unanswered are the, following: Are the churches, w .1c system of
sufli · ' . d ~ t. g the prevtous s enng and the guilt of spilt blood 111 e.ea 111

'' h -their refusal Jo speak out
- Trewhela ( 1991: 65): "The complicity ofthe churc es . din this book. which

and th · . s- JS contmue Th e sanuary screen they prov1ded to the torturer . oflhe book are culpable. e
serves to perpetuate the offence Like the churches. the edttors h n the truth could no
bok· · hmomentwe
1
° 15 a knowing deception. offered to readers at t e

onger,~e concealed." . the n Africa ( 1970: 73).
23

Katjavivi ( 1989: 24 ), taken from Violence m souent ~ the Church Group at the

1 Katjavivi ( 1989: 25); quotation from the StaterN ·~a, Paris. li-13 September
"lentational Conference for Solidarity with the People 0 arm
1980.

l
r

168 Conlemporary l\\,.amibia

injustice, now judging the revolution fearlessly as to its outcome; are they
taking the further steps towards nation-building and reconciling the aggressor
and the aggressed under the scrutiny of the truth and in the context of a just
society? Have the churches played their part. as before independence, to
ensure this new context of justice. truth and reconciliation?"

THE CHURCHES AND THE NEW CHALLENGES SINCE
INDEPENDENCE

The churches and the CCN shared in the euphoria that spontaneously
swept through the previously suppressed Namibian society once it became
clear that the UN-supervised elections had resulted in a democratically
elected Government, a model Constitution the rule of law and at least in
P~in~iple, a peaceful and just society. A 'sense of accoO:plishment and
vmdtcallon was naturally part of the festive mood of liberation. However.
the CCN was not only immediately saddled with the challenging task- by
way of.the Repatriation, Resettlement and Reconstruction (RRR or '3Rs')
Commtttee- of dealing with more than 41 000 returnees 25 but it also had
to face the severe challenges of a new role and status in a 'liberated society.

. Although donor funding still helped the CCN to retain a high profile
dunng the first few years of independence, especially through the com men·
dable work of the 3R c · . . U ·t 26 . s ommtttee and the revamped Commumcatton nt "
~twas a~r:a~y apparent after the conference on the future role of the Church
10 N.amtb~a m 1990 (27-31 March) that a drastic financial and organisational
reolne~tatton was inevitable for the CCN 27 The follow-up Round Table Con·.
su tallon on the h · b
th Ch

. . same t erne m September 1990 and the visit and report )
e rtsttan 0 · · ' · F b rgamsat10ns Research Advisory Trust (CORA T-Africa) m
e ruary 1991 ' resulted in radical changes in structure and budget for the

l4
Independence obta d h s

would still beth . me " the real test would be exactly whether or not the churc '
e VOice of the v · 1 · h man rights. a prophet" . . mce ess. the thorn in the flesh of those \\Vho vwlate u

address the issue'~;.P~snaon 10 any new tyranny that may emerge. If the churches fail to
· JUstice and human · h · · f SWAp() Itself, they would be uit . ng ts wnhm the legacy of the liberator. o ..
tarian political tradifg ty of contnbutmg to a cover-up of injustice. endorsing an authofl
sound Constitution ::,:d ~fa!~ basis for true reconciliation in Namibia. in spite o~th~
(1981: 46). r etonc of democracy, as endorsed by SWAPO. Cf also Wtnte

" a~~~oo~w~ 1
1991: 16). 0 of the RRR Committee in the CCN Messenger (Augu

~ .

cr. publications such h "
from AugUst 1991, unfortunate! as t e CCN Messenger (which was produced monthly
In whl~~ Various high-profilel~ly for some months) and CCN Documentation (a senes

C[ the conference " oonferences and annual reports were highhghted).
transfO!Inalion of !he Nami~n, Tog~her in Jesus Christ: The role of the Church on the

socoety " Windhoek, 27-31 March 1990 ( 1990: 55-56).

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case for SW APO. the churches and civil society 169

CCN. After five years of painful reorientation, I 996 saw the inevitable
implementation of these drastic prunings, resulting in a CCN with a core
staffing of I 0 instead of more than 50 (89 in its heyday) full-time members,
with only a handful of 'facilitating' clusters remaining.

In spite of these sobering realities, the CCN and its member churches
managed to address many burning issues, such as the churches'
contribution towards a democratic and human rights culture, as well as
national recon-ciliation.28 Important issues highlighted in the short lifespan
of the CCN publication titled CCN Messenger were: children's rights, drug
abuse, AIDS and disabled persons. A concise CCN Documentation was
also dedicated to the ideological abuse of religion by right-wing political
groups.29 Initiatives indicative of the contextual involvement of the
churches were, for example, the Day of Prayer and the conference dealing
with unemployment, as well as the AFALMA workshop and festival on the
theme, 'Worshipping God as Africans' .30 These initiatives, however, also
illustrate the weakness of the CCN in addressing relevant issues: restricted
by funding, resources, and perhaps also lacking vision, the churches since
mdependence could hardly manage to move beyond fruitful debate at
conferences, with scarce effective implementation of good recommen-
d . 11 at10ns: Although the 1994 report of CCN General Secretary Dr Ngeno
Nakamhela still provides details of a variety of activities, the restrictions
brought about by financial constraints shine through. From the report it is
also clear that an ambiguous relationship with the SWAPO Government
needs urgent clarification. 32

.
28

Cf. the contributions in Together in Jesus Christ (1990: 20-32~, as. well as the
CC!v Messenger (September and October 1991 ), the focus of which was natiOnal recon-
cJhatJon'.

" ,. · · southern
CCN Documentation (March 1991): 'Focus on right-wing re lglon'"

Africa'.
3° CCN Documentation (February 1994): 'Towards ministry with the unemployed',

a report of the October 1993 conference. and Lombard ( 1995). h
" If h C fi where the churc es,

t e recommendations of the Unemployment on erence-
trade · · th government to create
. . umons and NGOs shared a common vision for challengmg e be d
JOtnt d 1 . 'd · 1 ·ets- could acte eve opment ventures instead of buying expens1ve pres" enua J . · th
upon th h . I'd t' g donor mterest m e · e c urches could have played a major role m conso 1 a m f
~eal problems of the Namibian nation. The same applies to the laudable j?~~~~~;~ :o
he ORe, the RCC and the Lutheran churches: a national conference on

option, but a necessity' held in Windhoek on 28-29 October 1993· . h rch ·-~-
" Th · . , 1 · meeting w1th c u ....,.., he e report mentions the Prime Mimster s consu tatJv~ alcoholism. child

bid on 28-29 July 1993, merely listing concerns that were dls<~ssed Namibia_ without
a use, pornography, rape and other socio-economic problems aetn/. . 't'alives to belp
ac~owledging the crisis for the churches: that they could 0,::7 ew:;;~ 1to 1 summons
~ ve these Issues; or the bigger crisis that they could merely . J":ro1 M,.ting oftlw
rom the poht1cal authorities (Proceedings of the Nmth OrdttUJTY e

CCN, 1994: 30-45).

170 Contemporary Namibia

A positive development for the ecumenical movement in Namibia was
the admission of the 'apartheid churches', the Dutch Reformed Church and
the Reformed Church as observers at the CCN. 33 This provides a new context
for a truthful process of reconciliation, in which many outstanding issues
relat~d to these churches' pro-apartheid stand of the past can be addressed.
In prmc1ple 1t seems as though there is a determination from both sides to
work through this agenda, which may contribute meaningfully to the process
of nat10nal reconciliation.

.Mainta~ning the churches' contextual involvement," despite its eco-
nomically chpped wings the CCN in crisis was dealt another severe blow
by the so-called 'drought relief and food aid scam' in which individuals
from. the CCN's Food Management and Logistics Unit (FMLU) were
Implicated. The. ongoing investigation also points to corruption and col-
laboratiOn by h1gh-ranking government officials and it may still lead to
courtc d' d' '
Cc

.ases an m ICtments, but it has not helped the image of the struggling
N 1tself.

I
To add to the .woes of the CCN, the year 1996 has squarely placed the

neg ected detamee 1ssue · . h once agam on the churches' agenda. It seems fmr to
sday t at more than any other single issue or event this issue has exposed
angerous crack · h · '
t' I . s 1 ~ t e ed1fice of independent Namibia. The policy of

na lona reconciliation to be t d ~
unde T ' este 10r truthfulness and consistency, came

r pressure. he churche ' . d
of true .1. . s ma equate contribution towards the process reconc1 1at1on and r · . h
erstwh'lle h . econstruct10n IS all too obvious. The lack oft e

prop et1c stamina · · · h .
Indecisiveness d VIS-a-VIS t e powers-that-be is tragically ev1dent.

an uncertainty d b . forward seem t h " an even latant d1fferences about the way
" o ave replaced th · . e conv1ct10n and courage of yesteryear.

THE CHURCHES AND THE DETAINEE ISSUE

With the evidence now availa ..
their ecumenical all' ble, It IS clear that the Namibian churches and
. les, such as the L WF d . fi Impeccable sources reg d' . an wee, received details rom
SWAPO already as fi :

1~g disappearances, detentions and torture within
how differently the dart . ac .as the mid-1970s. Considering retrospectively.
had ad e amee Issue could h ' h dressed it with th ave developed if only the churc es
--~=:----e_sarn-~e~p=rophetic vigour as was deployed against the

l) v .
ai ar:"~us. articles, interviews .

med at facllnatmg the Process f and .confessions by the Reverend Peet Strauss were
reformed church 0 reconciliation be d h se

" es (cf., for exampl S tween the mainline churches an t e
Such as the 'Fath J . e, trauss 1991 ).

CSiablish . I " ustlce and So . ' .
past l'tglonaJ ecumenical felloWsh' CJety cluster which launched an initiatiVe to

ors and church Workers. Ips, and an intensive AIDS awareness campaign with

The detainee issue: an unrcsolwd test case for S\\\\'APO, the churches and civil socidy 171

South African atrocities, it must be admitted that there are simply no excuses
for the universal conspiracy of silence on this matter.

Consider, for example, the very clear language of Rev. Salatiel Ailonga,
the first Namibian pastor-in-exile, who had to flee Zambia after taking up the
detention issue with the SWAPO leadership in a letter dated 24 May 1977
and addressed to Bishop Leonard Auala:

As you know, since 1976 there was a conflict among the Namib-
ians in Zambia. This led to many members in SWAPO and my
Chaplaincy being imprisoned on the request ofSWAPO's leader-
ship. First, eleven leading members of the Party and the Youth
League, then forty-eight from the front, talking on behalf of the
soldiers, and later on over one thousand Namibians disappeared.
In the wake of this 1 had to leave Zambia and since June 1976 I
have been staying in Finland ....

. After giving Bishop Auala many details, especially about who were
mvolved and where they were imprisoned, including some SWAPO Youth
League leaders who challenged the leadership in exile to call a congress,
he urgently requested his Bishop to find a way of seeing some ofthese people
while attending an LWF conference in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, as head
of a Namibian delegation. The occasion offered the perfect opportu~ity not
only to address the issue but also to visit places of detention, includmg the
Mboroma camp north of Lusaka where the 'over one thousand: ~ere ke.pt.

Th · · nary m Jts clanty· e rest of Ailonga's letter proved to be almost VISIO ·

· · t a purely According to the proofs and my knowledge, th1s IS no .
political case or internal SW APO affair. It is a case concern~ng
the wellbeing of the Namibians and their human rights, which
touches the church and its responsibility to a great extent. rhe
imprisoned in Tanzania and Zambia are members of all churc es,
including Lutherans Anglicans and Roman Catholics. The ~n
c . . ' h orld and there 1s 'or the 1mpnsonment is not yet known tot e w ' b

I . · 1 This needs to e no egal ground to hold people without tna · . fthere
sa1d with all seriousness even at the present meetmg "jd ~ held
should be any fault or crime not all the thousand cou .
responsible. There is a reliable report that at Mboroma campd~~
A h t many were woun ugust last year many people were s ot a ' th ost

d h h'ch may have em an some died .... In matters like t ese, w 1 ot be silent. All
serious effect for the future the church should n 10 retum ' · d never
these thousand may be lost within a short tim~ .an friends and re-
to Namibia But there are thousands offamthes, d anding an
latives of these people, and their voice will be em

I I
. I

172 Contemporary .\\.anllbhl

explanation. What will th~ answer pfth~ church n.:·" I would say
that in every leadership. church or stat~. th~ kade" ha1 e to b~
led and shown the tnllh without fear ,,r part ~all!\\. That ,ho\\\\s not
enmity but love for the lead~r 10u ""r<'Ct. h.!cat~>e '"u .:are about
what he is doing. If you as k~<krs ofth~ church"; -.;amibia \\\\ill
fail to go with love into th~ qu~stion inS\\\\ .-\\I'! l. which is a small
gr?up. how will you be abl~ to cope with th~ pn"bkms 11hich \\\\ill
anse on a much larger basis within a fr~~ :\\an11bia. be it under
the leadership ofSWAPO or sorneon~ cis~'' I r~qu~st ~ou in all
humthty to take this matter serious!\\ and prn en! mor~ vain
bloodshed. ·

p . Parallel to this letter, which was also s~nt to IJr t.u,as de Vries (then
restde~t .of the Evangelical Lutheran Church). to K~1. A lbertus Maasdorp

~~ N~~~tan church leader then serving as Assistant Secretary-General of
e . ) and to ProfMtkko Juva (then President of th~ 1. WF). ardhe many

occastons on which the other well-known pastor-in-exile. Pastor Siegfried
Groth, gave even more d t · 1 d · 'b' e at e accounts to church leaders from Namt ta
and abroad of the same . " . . . t d events reported by Pastor A tlonga. Senstttve letters
.
0 ~n d f~o.m Pastor Groth, and other confidential documents of his. were
~c u.b~ m the shock publication by Erica Attic and Hc11at Bcukes titled

amz Ia, a struggle betrrm d ( 1986) · .' · · · f the ruth! -~e . m whtch a detailed analysts ts gtven o
PLAN esds suppression of the attempts by some SWAPO Youth League and

ca res towards dem · ~ I by wh t h ocrattc re.orm and consolidation of the strugge
public:tio~ :fot~e to~ kno~n as the 'Old Guard' SWAPO leadership. The
the open secret :;~~~~es~mely obtained documents broke the silence on
once and for aii.J' 0 s scandalous handling of criticism and dtssent

A Committee of Pare d
relatives of 'm · . nts was formed to act on behalf of the parents an

tsstng persons " d · 0 the churches and the int . " an to senously challenge SWAP ,
address the huma .eghmattonal allies of Namibia's liberation struggle, to
L n n ts abuses 'th' · ·n usaka in 1984 b t . Wt m SW APO. Following a meetmg 1

e ween tnternal d ·b' n struggle, at which th an external partners in the Namt ta
details of the crisis be partners from 'home' were informed about manY
the churches to sup y numerous friends in exile, one would have expected

port and even spe h · t r
---;;-;;::::~~-----~ ar ead mvestigations into and coun e-

l5
For details of Groth' , .

and St~nkamp ( 1995). s revelations' in the 1970s and t 980s. see Trcwhela (19911
Steenkamp ( 199 attempts fE. 5: 104-107) ·

ecum -~ nca and Attie Beukes gives a useful summary of the 'detainee crisis', the
ofth::;

1
.v world to react effectively ~~toyees of the CCN to get the churches and the

commitme:'itsenohus allegations, i~ter ali:'~ summary dismissal from the CCN on ac<Ounl
0 up oldmg basic human . hln regard to the role of the Churches and 1~

rtg ts'.

The detainee issue: an unn:sol\\eJ test ~:asc.: fnr SWAPO. the churches and civil society 173

measures against these atrocities. However. this shameful truth could simply
not be faced at that stage. It was played down. ignored and even opposed
energetically in lieu of another 'truth':

Some church leaders. while aware ofSWAPO's abuses, believed
that only S W A PO was capable of bringing peace, and that any
public action by them on the detainees issue would have weaken-
ed the movement fittally.lcaving the DTA. backed and financed
by South Africa. to win any UN-sponsored elections. They were
not prepared to allow this to happen for the sake of exposing
afew'badapples' in SWAPO. TheirconvictionthatSWAPOand
liberation were inseparable led them to sacrifice their religious
principles on the altar of political expediency (Steenkamp 1995:
107).

Once this political agenda was endorsed by the churches and oth~r
international partners. it became more and more difficult for them to admtt
and to confess their complicity. and to raise a new critical voice. That is why
the same pattern of discrediting efforts such as those of the Commtttee of
Parents has befallen similar critical voices and movements up to thts day.

17 h . k Fortunately, due to a convergence of important factors; t _e qUtc tum
of events leading to the implementation of the UN Peace Plan tn 1989.also
saw the return of at least 200 of the detained 'spies', who publicly venfied
the earlier allegations of human rights abuses in SW APO with gruesome
details of their fate at the hands of the S W APO security system.

18
The fir.st

response came from the Justice and Peace Commission of the Catholic
Church on 12 July 1989 which mentioned 'great pain and deep disappoint-
ment' about the stories 'of suffering and torture, but also d.enounced the
misuse of the detainees' suffering for party-political gain (agamst SWAPO).
After meeting with a group of detainees and SW APO leaders (on 23 and 24

August 1989), the CCN Executive issued a cautious statement, concedmg
h . . f h · · s cycle of wars were on t e one hand that many of the vtcttms o t e vtctou ..

innocent, but on the other hand also blaming apartheid for the susptcton and

n , . . . . p Plan ./35 or society under
. I· or background. sec the analysts m NamJbw eace esolutions of

Siege published by the NPP 435 group early in I 987. as welt as the :~~o~~u~ches) held in
the A1gams Meeting (composed of att the pro-435 parties. mctudmg
Wmdhoek in April !986. .b. SWAPO was forced

38
In the context of the internatio~al p~ace plan ~or Naml 5 !~in Lubango in Angola to release more than 200 detainees from 11s pnsons (the dungeon h k waves through

on !9 April 1989. The first reports ofthese persons' testimonies sent;~~~ in Windhoek on
Pm-SWAPO circles but it was the press conference of the first group 0 d h h rches and 6J ' . thatforce tecu uly 1989, where some of them showed thelf torture scars.
other SWAPO atlies to break their silence publicly as well.

.. '.l . , '
' j:

174 Conremporary Namibia

distrust that led to the destruction of the unity of the oppressed. While
stressing the need for forgiveness as the basis of nation-building, the CCN
leaders 'failed to acknowledge their own failure to respond earlier' (Steen-
kamp 1995: I 07), endorsing a policy of reconciliation in which confession
and apology, as correlatives for forgiveness, are played down.

These double standards by the churches and international partners of
SW APO made it possible for a deadly pattern to develop: with SWAPO.
from time to time under pressure of detailed revelations of internal problems.
first strongly denying and then later admitting these in a very qualified way.
only to allow the 'silent complicity agenda' to prevent a public scrutiny ofthe
underlying issues. This strategy in effect actively fostered the avoidance of
a true confrontation with the darker side ofNamibia's struggle for liberation.
The pattern was illustrated in February 1986 when two senior SWAPO
functtonanes, Thea-Ben Gurirab and Hidipo Hamutenya,39 announced in
Lo~don that SW APO was detaining at least I 00 of its own members as South
Afrtcan spies, paving the way for CCN General Secretary Dr Shejavali to
brush aside the Committee of Parents' charges as mere allegations and
defend SW APO' · h · · h h s ng t to protect tis people from collaborators wtt t e
~ne~y. The same pattern was revealed after the shock revelations by ex·
:~amees ba~k home fro~ Angola, when SWAPO reacted with a strongly

rded electton statement m the media in July 1989 denying all allegations.
but leavmg toM~ Gurirab the uncomfortable task ;f qualifYing this hanlline
~ce by ad.m"ttmg publicly at meetings in Rehoboth that 'the issue of the
"ormer detamees was · ~ 1 - . c ·1 ·n N 'b" a pam.u subject affectmg virtually every ,ami Y 1
~ amd~

1
'
8
'' that it would not go away by being ignored and thatthe time

"Or ta ogue on th' . ,
ts pamful issue had arrived:

~1 t the end of the day we will have to sit around the fire and take nventones· who i r .
a SWAPO · 5 a_tve, who ts dead, how did it all happen? As
oftonu lfleader 1 Wtll never defend the humiliation and suffenng

re. the al"--· "ton t 1 · · · d to their ~- s are rue, apologtse to the vtcttms an
ship wilit;'ts and pledge to you now that the S W APO leader-
( Times ofN,e~b~ steps to bring those involved to book

01PII IQ J0nf89).

The detainee issue be . ·
The l'llrents" Conun· came a hotly debated election campa1gn topiC.
clenllllds of just"'·~~ the Political Consultative Council40 pursued the

"""as ctvtl SOciety · · such act ton groups, and political part1es

--;'":;:Scaiar:;::. -:-----
" Cabinet lllcmOers .

. The Pee - 1 '"""'-" Since independence ~~ ~~ . .
._ SW ..,_....,_of nwaJ' mg and COnscientising group formed by ex-dc:~Jin'C'

APo IIIII " pea 1 a .... ~~WAPO atrocities and enforcing a public~
-to the detainee issue.

The detainee issue: an unresolved test ca.,c for SWAPO. the churches and civil society 175

as the Patriotic Unity Movement launched by some ex-detainees and the
United Democratic Front placed tremendous pressure on SW APO and the
churches to follow up on Gurirab's admission.41 All these efforts, combined
with the public outrage as reflected in the Namibian press, resulted in public
statements from, inter alia, the Green Party in Germany, the UN, the LWF
and the Gennan Evangelical Churches (EKD), condemning the human rights
abuses ofSWAPO in exile. However, this overt politicisation of the issue
again led to the negative effect of a renewed implementation ofSWAPO's
culture of silence and deniaL It also diverted the praiseworthy policy of
national reconciliation in a dangerous direction: one where those responsible
for atrocities (the SW APO security agents and the Koevoets of South Afnca)
could easily agree on a shallow conciliation of 'forgive and forget', without
truth and justice; one in which injustices of the past could simply be,~wept
under the carpet and the wounds of war left to heal by themselves. -

Even Pastor Groth's publication during the crucial election peri~
(September 1989), Menschenrechts-verletzungen in der namibischen Exd-
SWAPO- die Verantwortung der Kirchen, with 27 addenda of letters.and
relevant substantiating documents, giving a clear picture of the comphctty
of the churches in promoting the deadly 'culture of silence', was a~cked
immediately by his colleagues from Germany: 'Groth's statements ~rd n~t
support reconciliation, but division, suspicion and non-peace. Wtth thts
publication he does not only discredit the party that, for decades, has earned

" . . d d ta'led statements and docu· Ex-detamees. \\\\·orking together in the PCC. 1ssue e 1 d
- . . . . d names of torturers an ments. g1vmg gnm details of torture lists ofm1ssmg persons an ed ·

h. " t' ty engag m Jgh-ranking. SWAPO officials who kne\\'lo' about or who were even ac Jve lfi h£
ton · ·b· op/e(i989) Appea {)('/ ure practices; see. for example. A report to the ;\\am~ wn pe _ _ ~~~??): Kaakunga
release of over I 00() Samibians in detention in Zambta and Tan:.ama (

tl989):, Mnakapa (1987). See also Niddrie ( 1989). . . . ~- .\\'amtbian
". 1 . . . ~.Bishop Dumem m "= nterestmg m this regard is the strong react1on lJ) . " " that the churches

l16it0,89) to a letter bv the Rev. Salatiel Ailonga challengmg hiS """ . did -"
" ·1 " d the L WF on oa:as"on ,._ ere" ent. Dumeni stated that the Namibian churches an Go' on 10 reject 10 SII'APO and did book a measure of success through this approach .. 11'"hag e pn'""""" human ·gh abo 1 · one "flo may stJ v n ts ses from whatever quarter. cal mg on an~ L- ·ent on to sav: 'It is
or deta· ocallv '"'" · onees to release them. and rejecting torture uneqwv · ·. put the past
now · d 1 forgiVeness. to . lime to confess the truth on all sides. to ask an gran ofNamibia have suffaed
betund and to stan anew. The future is very important The pcopte. 11 is no" our wk to tremendously over the years of colonialism and foreign occupation. for human nghts II
btuld our nation on the firm foundation of peace. JUS! ICC and = ~arc,_. enpeed
"for this veoy reason that through the CCN and within 111)' ""n " ._....,.,, for the
'"apr f · r gard thiS to he VCI) '""-·-· fu O<ess o trymg to heat the wounds. oor we re . tlclhcr the churchn <OUid noc
._turc of our country. " The question, however. rcmams ~ f-'-'n" 'or.._,....,.... by
,,.,. · 11· ·"-uuth o -" "" ·~" · . lnlltated this process of healing, of 'te 10g u"' " inslad of siJcfttly .,tdrai1l"'
admmmg openly that they did not speak out loudly ..-gh ( "-ond ..-en _.tct
lllc ISSue wuh those ultimately responsible for the tori""'-~~ (kt<. AilooP ond lht
~W APO cadres) when people ~cd out ror help -people I

· Groth. and scores of Nam1b1ans 1n ex1le.

176 Contemporary Namibia

the main burden of the liberation struggle, but also the churches in Namibia,
who expect definite signs of solidarity from us.·'-'

Today, looking back at this very intense period during Namibia's first
free and fair elections, it is easy to see how proper pressure from the churches
in Namibia could have redefined the whole process of reconciliation. What-
ever the motivations and rationalisations at the time S W APO was let off
the hook, allowed to continue its authoritarian and un~ompromising culture,
and to take over the governing responsibility without having accounted for
tts own human rights abuses.

As Peter Koep argued in March 1992 S W A PO came closest to accep-
ting responsibility for any abuses committ~d prior to independence during
the run-up to the elections in 1989-1990.44 After winning the elections com-
~ortably, JUst short of a two-thirds majority, the detainee issue was buried
Y S~ APO and the 'Butcher of Lubango', Jesus Solomon Hauala, was

appoll1ted as Commander of the Namibian army in October 1990. At that
stage, the protests of Dr Shejavali on behalf of the CCN fell on deaf ears:
the CCN style of 'discussing' such issues with the SW APO leadership had
no effect. What Roy Enquist has aptly called 'politics of reconciliation,
Namtbtan style', and Gwen Lister has called 'reconciliation without any
stocktak111g ex · · h erctse, Wit out an attempt to come to terms with the past', was
;)ready finmly in P,lace, with the churches' complicity (cf. Enquist 1995: 300-
NOI >-.~teve Tttus s assessment is that in terms of the Kairos theology, the

amt tan churches have lapsed into a 'state theology' accompanied by a

" 'Siegfried G h , . .
markedly fro lh frat taken to task (The Namibian 2011 0/89). This reacuon drffers

m at o the Green Party · G . . . . , . enrol 7 July 1989 · . m ennany wh1ch cntlcJsed SWAPO s statem
. · saymg that It ·do · . . . . . . . . · for
Immediate action r. ~s not contam a smgle word of sell-cntJcJsm and askmg_

on 10ur cruc1al poi t . h SW . .
1

· r. uon on whether-and if soh n ~· t at APO prov1de reliable oflil:Ja 1n10nna
and that these should be. owl man~- pnsoners were still being detained in SWAPO cam?s.

re eased d" . . . r· 10 be set up, as promised .th Jmme Iately; that an mdcpendent commiSSIOn o mqu ·
to account as 500 'WJ _out delay; that the responsible persons be identified and called n as posSJb!e (' 1 d. · · d
employ as a high rank· me u mg security chief Jesus J-lauala whose contmue _
to subject what h~ h mg officer ·would augur itt for SWAPO's willi,ngness and abilit)
oftonure and the mernapberspened to _a critical and impartial examination'); and that the victi_rns
(Th N' . oftherr famit' be h .. satron e amrbian 21/8/89) res re abrhtated and given adequate compen

"K .
1 · oep (! 992: 59-6!) states· 'I r-
unny to have revealed th t , · n retrospect, I believe this was the only real appo

Commission in Namibia, e .ru~~ ·The only alternative he sees would be a so-called Truth
more recently, also in So~t'h'"A' :r.to those established in Chile and Argentina (and nO\\\\.
IISCcrta· the "nca) 'Th b' · td be to . '" lruth about human . · e 0 ~ectiVe of such a commission wou .
to "ndepcndcnce. as welt as ab nghts abuses committed by Namibians on Namibians pnor
expose the uses comm·u db ·b· to
th I'CI'petrators to the pubr 1 e Y South African forces on Namr rans.

em. The Ultimate aim would be oc as Well as to make known the atrocities committed b)
=~y ~ 10 ensure that abuses :r ~veal the truth in order for it to act as a deterrent 10

pnfllarily lo ediiCate, inform uch nature never occur again. This process would
~ to heal society. "

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case for SW APO. the churches and civil society 177

'church theology'- both of which compromise the churches' true prophetic
witness (Titus 1996: 1-6). In Steenkamp's judgement ( 1995: 111-112), the
churches had fallen prey to the same authoritarian culture as their political
partners and therefore could not speak the liberating word in time. As
with apartheid, religion once again could not break through an ideology of
self-interest, and could not liberate people to a culture of truth and justice.
The churches were part and parcel of an international scandal which cannot
be rationalised (Trewhela 1991 ).

NEW INITIATIVES WITHIN CIVIL SOCIETY AND NEW HOPE
FOR TRUE RECONCILIATION

Just when it seemed as ifNamibians had accepted to live cynically with all
the skeletons of war in the national cupboard, a book by Pastor Siegfried
Groth, first published in German" but soon also in an English translation,
stirred up the emotions, memories and discussions. In Namibia -the Wall
of Silence ( 1995), Groth simply related the stories of approximately I 00
SWAPO detainees or dissidents- their struggles to survive the SWAPO
security system, the torture chambers of Lubango and the desperation of
people seemingly forgotten by the outside world. My review of the Ge~an
edition of the book published in The Windhoek Observer (2416/95} was gtven
a provocative caption: 'Shattering SWAPO's wall of silence', whtch msptred
the English title of the book and sparked intense public interest. Wh~nt~e
English translation became available towards the end of 1995, Namtbta s
bookstores could not cope with the demand, and ex-detainees who we~e
hop fi 1 h · . 1 · e due attention 111 e u t at the ossues mvolved would at ast recetv
Namibia began discussing the idea that the CCN should be approached to
launch the book and that it should use the opportunity to pubhcly confess
h ' 1 · .. t a process t e churches' guilt in this sad chapter and simultaneous Y ll1ttta e

of national reconciliation and healing. d · Joseph
Aft · · · b N 'bian aca emtc . er an msptrmg keynote address Y amt . ber !995 the

Doescho at the CCN's Annual General Meeting early 111 Decem
1
S 'tary

deta· · · 1· CCN Genera ecre tnee tssue was discussed seriously. Dr SheJava 1" " d e
at th · ~ d before 111depen enc " e tome when the detainee issue first suroace da
o I W APO ounter-propagan
s pen Y admitted that he had been misled by S , c also stated that the
uch as the enforced videotaped 'spy confesstons · He, 'th new

tun h · and come up w e ad now come for the churches to face the tssue

4S . . ". mibischen Befreiungsbewtgung.
lloe Namobrsche Passion: Tragik und Gro.Pe der na . and d1e gerocra~scnse of

term 'Passion' conveys both the Christian notoon ofsutfenng
strong emotion.

178 Contemporary Namibia

initiatives to address it squarely. The AGM also noted a decision to this
effect. In mid-January 1996 the CCN received a formal request signed by
42 ex-detainees to launch the Groth book, described as 'just the tip of an
iceberg', which could be supplemented with many living testimonies as to
the hell experienced in Lubango and other SW APO detention centres. They
also asked for an audience with the CCN Executive, to ensure that these
church leaders were in a position to make a well-informed decision. On 19
February 1996 the CCN Executive issued a statement explaining that the
CCN had decided not to launch the book (which was seen as 'a commercial
venture'), but to organise a national conference 'somewhere between May
and July 1996' to address 'the serious issues raised by the author of the book
··· more fully'. At the same time the Executive encouraged leaders and
ordinary members of churches and the public at large to read the book for
themselves.

. In the meantime, a new civil society movement, the Breaking the Wall
ofStlence Movement (BWS), was growing rapidly. Since January 1996 a
gr~up of ex-detainees had been meeting regularly and soon elected a com-
mttt~e to coordinate the new initiative. The BWS actively engaged in the
ensumg public debate through the media. A pledge was made that the BWS
would contribute as far as possible towards the success of the proposed
church conference, and the negative utterances by some bishops about the
Groth book were challenged 46

Suddenly, the nation realised that Namibia was confronted with some
~ea~ tmportant unfinished agendas. Esau Mbako, a TV reporter for the

!tonal Broadcastmg Corporation (NBC) screened a long intervtew wtth
members of the BWS Committee, some ~x-detainees and CCN General
Secretary Rev. Nakamhela, all of whom spoke out straightforwardly on the
~~man nghts abuses within SW APO and the need to address this shameful
~tory and 'ts. possible effects on post-colonial Namibia's political culture.
N ~ next ~~enmg, on 6 March 1996, the nation was surprised when President
b UJ~ma m~self appeared on TV for an unscheduled attack on the Groth
0~~h' sNpe~,b~g as 'the President of SW APO and the Commander-in-Chief e amt ta Defence d ~ '" lse history' H' 15 . arme 'orce', and denouncing the book as ,a " IS -m mute spee h h k the person of Past G c Was c aracterised by a scathing attac on
thus never a f~~e ~0~-~howas de~ribed as 'never a friend ofSWAPO and
that 'Pastor Gro~' 0 arntbta:s liberation struggle'. The President stated

s agenda Wtll only lead to bloodshed in our country·

..
BWS media release (2912/% . !h

book was 'one-sided' . . ). BIShop Dumeni, for example. stated that the Gro
oulsider' and was 'di~;~~;~ten ~n the assig~~e~t of the CCN,, ·even written b)~ an
thai selected ehurth (cadets pohcy ofreconcliJatJon in the country'. II soon transp!rtd
of which is unknown. were summoned for 'talks' with President Nujoma. the content

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case !Or S\\VAPO. the churches and civil society 179

something that would not be tolerated." He also construed the author of the
present article as someone 'assigned to work as an apostle of apartheid to
ensure that Bantu education and white domination were perpetuated in
Namibia', who 'dutifully served that apartheid system' and who had to
remember that he was not dismissed from his work at the university because
of the policy of national reconciliation." When I reacted in the media with
a personal letter to the President, pointing out that he had not addressed the
real issue at stake- the truth about SW APO atrocities against Namibian
compatriots- a heated debate was sparked in the media."

Realising that what was thought to be a buried issue had been resur-
rected almost overnight, SW APO reacted with even stronger language, agam
using the politics of fear-mongering. On 12 March 1996, SW APO Secretary-
General Moses Garoeb issued a statement on behalf of the party, makmg tt
very clear who was in control: 'SWAPO cannot allow this country to be
made ungovernable and be turned into a chaotic and lawless society by
irresponsible, unpatriotic elements and foreign remnants of fascism and
apartheid'. An attack was also launched on the current General Secretary
of the CCN, Rev. Nakamhela, who was described as 'the nonentity unknown
in the long journey to freedom of our people who is under the influence ~d
control of renegades and foreign finance', and who 'is viciously engaged 10

wanton destruction of the unity of the church, good relations between
SWAPO and the church, the policy of national reconciliation, peace, stabtltty
and fomenting hatred among the people of this country'. The offenst.ve

· · t 'to nse attttude of the statement, which closed with a call to compatno s .. ,
and defend the gains of our revolution', was supplemented by ?~roeb ,5
c 1 · ''aclVIIwar omments that perhaps Namibia needed 'a new revo utJon · '
to sort out the issue.

47 Th'· hfi Namibiaforalmostt7
IS 1gnores the fact that South Africa banned Grot rom . .

1
cole

vears. . d N 'b'a's liberations rue>t · · exactly because of his involvement w1th SWAPO an rum 1 " . k ·that 1
"Th· · NamJblans no"

was 1s came as quite a shock and surprise for many. smce ockholm 10 discuss the
. one of the few Namibian whites who travelled to Lusaka and St

1
d' lhe President)

tmpleme Ia . . . PO I ad rship (me u mg n lion of UN Resolution 435 w1lh the SWA e e fi · 1 people
and "h , . d ther pro CSSIOD3 '
1 "

0
" together with figures like Adv. Bryan 0 Lmn an °

11
d internationally.

aunched NPP 435. a group that campaigned successfully. nationa y an
for the scrupulous implementation of the Namibia Peace Plan 435.1 . d the motives for

49 1 h 19961expame
the B ."my 'Open Letter to the President' of9 Mar_c e reconciliation. pointin~ out
,, WS s pressure that the truth be revealed for the sake of lrU ·cted tor mechamsms
"'ill SWAPO' · . .. · h d to then not provJ han s pohcy of natiOnal reconcJhatlon a up . nafon but I urge )'OU to
to die this issue: 'I agree with you that we can be victonous as a f Ill ~here things went
lal;e the 1 . d 'tt'ng first o a d rea process of reconciliation senously; a m" 1 of those affecled an
wrong , . . . · ng the honour CCN . · con,essmg those mistakes in humahty. restora PO articipate in the
Jnakmg good as far as possible .... I urge you to have SW ~:is serioUS hurdle to Mil
COnference and to trust God and "the way oftrulh" to help us.c . ism will ,;mply continue
ltconcJhation. If we fail here the tnadition offear and authori~havc beCII in vain.'
'"our beloved Namibia. Th~n all SWAPO's good work wou

l 80 Contemporary Namibia

Through the enonnous reaction in the media, especially in the so-called
'radio chat shows', it soon became evident that SWAPO had miscalculated
the national mood on the detainee issue, and that the personal attacks were
counter-productive. In a spirited show of civil courage people simply spoke
their minds. Even the SWAPO-affiliated umbrella body for NGOs, the
Namibian Non-Governmental Organisations' Forum (NANGOF), responded
critically. 5° The National Society for Human Rights energetically took up the
agenda, responding with various pointed media statements such as 'Civil
war against the truth?' 51 Many individuals, some of them strong SWAPO
supporters, rallied on behalf of the detainees and the Groth book, and
religious bodies such as the local Quaker group issued supportive statements.
A debate on the merits of the Groth book was also sparked in Gennan church
circles 5 2

Amid these hectic debates the B WS pushed ahead and organised a
very successful launch of the Groth book at a well-known hotel in central
Windhoek on 30 March 1996. The public interest at the launch, from which
hundreds of people had to be turned away due to limited space, but also after
the launch, was simply enonnous. The book was translated into Afrikaans in
record time, and all English copies were time and again sold immediate\\)
upon receipt of stock. 53 An Oshiwambo translation is still in progress. After
~he book launch and the ensuing debates in the Namibian media, the detainee
tssue also attracted international attention. The BBC broadcast several in-
depth reports, and ?ennan, British, South Arrican and American newspape~
and church magazmes publishe.d critical articles on the developing debate:

:he detainee saga saw a new twist when it became apparent that the
c.c:".ttselfwas divided on the viability of its own proposed conference. The
dtvtston ~as brought about by the hesitancy of some bishops, who are not
always dtre t1 · 1 · · ·1 c Y mvo ved m the decisions of the CCN Executive. Havmg bUI t
up a sound relationship with SW APO and with President Nujoma personally.
some church leade h d · APO rs s owe reluctance to force the issue wtth SW ·

"F or selected docum t tl · h two
documents prepared b the en s. re ectmg the enormous national debate, see t. e 96 and BWSStat y BWS. BWS Statements and Clippings: February-April 19

ements and CJ' · "Cf NSHR tppmgs: August-November 1996. "cr' documents(l995, 1996a-c)
., "Or example B (! 99 · · J nd (1996) and Weiland

09
9
5

raun 6), Kossler ( 1996), Okumenisches Forum Rhem a
"I .. ). nnoally there wer . . h '

the Ecumenical Institute fore~rlt~c~l questions posed at the University ofNa.mibia \\\\ ~d
took responsibility forth amoboa (EIN) under the directorship of Prof. Chnsto Lomb .
freedom seems to be reste translatoon and publication of the book in Afrikaans. AcademiC
of the project as an ap ored after the EIN board affirmed and explained its endorsement

I< proved and do fi Panicularly intlue f nor- unded EIN programme.
an American-based chureh n 181 w:" the_ on-depth article by David Miller in The Lutheran.
past: Can Nomibian luth magazone With a circulation of some 250 000: 'Tortured by the

erans free themselves from their liberators?' (July 1996).

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case fiJr SW APO. the churches and civil society 18 l

The internal debate within the CCN, in which the unity of the ecumenical
movement remains a serious consideration, resulted in a postponement of
the proposed conference and the appointment of a special committee.

At the CCN Annual General Meeting in December 1996, a proposal to
dedicate 1997 as 'A Year of God's Grace' in Namibia and to mandate the
General Secretary to take personal responsibility for a national conference on
reconciliation af]er holding meetings with all relevant parties, was accepted.
Significantly also, Bishop Dumeni was elected as the new CCN President.
Thus there seems to be a new resoluteness about the role of the churches in
contributing towards national reconciliation and the healing of the wounds.

An interesting development came on the commemoration of Heroes'
Day on 26 August 1996 when SW APO launched a book of its own, Their
Blood Waters Our Freedom, containing the names of almost 8 000 'heroes
oflhe liberation struggle' who had paid the ultimate price. Before the content
was known, the BWS and NSHR cautiously welcomed the idea ofSWAPO's
accounting for those who died in their care during the struggle. However,
the book unfortunately remains very controversial due to glaring omissions,
repetitions, obvious mistakes, the inclusion of the names of people who were
previously branded as spies and traitors (such as Tauno Hautuikulipi, the
fonner Director of the Christian Centre), and then of course the exclusion of
other names. 55

In the debate following this publication, Prime Minister Hage ?eingob
challenged the opposition parties in the National Assembly, espectally th~
DTA which was responsible for the formation of an 'interim government
under the auspices of South Africa, to come clean on their own in~olv~m.ent
Wtth human rights abuses before independence and to account m stmliar
fashion to the Namibian people, so that reconciliation would _not depend only
on SWAPO's one-sided revelations and confessions. Thts proposal was
strongly supported by Deputy Speaker Dr Zephaniah Kameeta, who urged
thatthe SWAPO book be corrected where necessary and supplement~ wtth
'B k T 'f part1es -He 00 wo', to be supplied by South Africa and the oppost 100 . b a
Proposed that the 'revised book' should be supervised and pubhshe~ y f
government body and that it should be 'launched at a solemn _occ~lon °
forg· ' 1 fN mibta will close h' !Veness and reconciliation, and the brave peop e 0 a. 16/I0/96).
t ts chapter of our liberation history in unity' (The Namtbta~ p J'ament

M' · k bl tribution m ar 1 . mtster Nahas Angula made a remar a e con d' h t led to
and 10 local papers when he described the 'long, tortuous roa t a

" S tember 1996. calling lhe
'Boo See especially the NSHR's media statements of 4 e_p h. h SWAf'() is called

k of the Dead' a massive cover-up, and 29 October 1996" 10 ::;; such victims under
~to apologise to the victims of its human rights abuses ~d t~inisler admitted thai the
SW ~spoces of neutral mediators. On I October 1996 the Pn~ni1()C)C01l people miglll have
been PO book contained mistakes, and also regretted !hat some

branded as spies.

---

182 Contemporary Namibia

independence, and pointed out that the ugly turn of events in the war could
have been avoided if South Africa and the internal parties in Namibia had
accepted SWAPO's ceasefire in the early 1980s instead of forcing the
liberation movement to react to their dirty war tricks and 'Total Strategy
against the Total Onslaught'. His suggestion for a solution to the present
impasse was simple:

In my view the best way to turn a new page on this issue is for
those who were responsible for imposing the war on the Namibian
people to come clean by opening their records truthfully and
sincerely, and to make available the .names of those who worked
for them. I see no reason why they should not be able to give the
list of all their agents.

He said he did not want to simply shift the responsibility rrom SWAPO,
but rather he wanted 'a way to close the tragic chapter in the history of our
country'. He suggested that while apartheid was discredited as a crime
against. humanity and South Africa was fighting an illegal war against the
Namtbtans, 'at the end of the day ... the people of Namibia have a right to
demand the establishment of an International Tribunal to try the crimes of
aparthetd and tllegal occupation'. He ended off by saying 'To those innocent
peopl h'h ' · .. e caug I m I e cross-fire, I want to say: 'Human is error, forgtveness
dtvme (stc). ' 56

With the contributions of the Prime Minister Dr Kameeta and Minister
Angula, there seemed to be some hope that a com~romise solution would be
found. However, directly after an analysis by Joseph Diescho57 of the role of
fear m N 'b' · ·

amt tan pohttcs and a call from the CCN President for dialogue
rather than confront t' s f

, a ton, W APO officially called for a boycott o any con,erences organ· d b h
tse Y t e CCN. But as already noted the CCN now seems to be worki · d ' f

I. 1 ..
11g. m ependently on its own role and task in the process 0 na tona reconcthallon d . . .

h . . 'an II will be very interesting to see how the new c emtstry of Btshop D . . .
umem Will mtluence the strategies and processes.

A TEST CASE STILL WAITING FOR A SOLUTION

Whether Namibia will
ciliation proce S eventually go through a formal Truth and Recon-
The BWS willss, ~ b~uth Africa was prepared to do remains to be seen.

pro a Y proceed along its course of p~shing for a meeting ..
Full speech in Tire ~·

" Cf his booklet ( 1996 "~h~k Observer ( 1211 0/96 ).
) d The role of fear in politics' (The Namibian 25/10/96).

The detainee issue: an unresolved test case for SWAPO. the churches and civil society 183

between SW APO and the detainees, and for a just and honourable solution
to the dilemma. The CCN will pursue 1997 as 'the Year of God's Grace'.
Politicians may toy with the idea of an international tribunal, or forcing the
opposition parties and South Africa to deliver a 'Volume Two' of'missing
persons'. As Bronkhorst has indicated in his analysis of similar problems
elsewhere in the world (in Chile, Argentina, Peru, Philippines, Guatemala,
etc.),

58
all conciliation processes, industrial or political, have four crucial

elements that need to be addressed: invesligalion (through which the truth
should be established), media/ion (requiring grace and the preparedness to
reconcile, apologise and forgive), adjudicalion (which could mean legal
action for the purpose of doing justice to victims) and se/1/emenl (aiming for
redress, retribution and restoration ofpeace). 59

A significant development recently has been the establishment- quite
independently of the CCN, the BWS and also party politics- of a Project
for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, the purposes of which are to
establish the truth about atrocities committed by both SWAPO and South
Africa, to have the stories of the victims recorded and made known, to cater
for counselling of victims and their relatives, and to prepare sworn legal
statements. 60

For people interested in the role of religion and morality in society, this
Namibian test case poses many interesting and vexing questions. Truth and
JUstice are obviously of paramount importance. Although forgiveness, as
seen m the Christian context at least, is not dependent on confess ton or
apology, of course the process of reconciliation is incomplete without both.
A reconciliation process cannot seek revenge, nor attempt to keep ope.n a can
of worms forever. It also cannot tolerate easy solutions such as 'forgtve and
forget'. Rather, it must seek a long-term solution, a permanent 'h~aling
of the wounds', but wounds cannot be healed if their existence IS not
acknowledged.

N 'b' · · h · h ·mportant religious amt Ia IS confronted with a real test case m w tc I . .
and moral principles are strongly implicated: Will SWAPO admtt tis hu.m~
nghts abuses and democratise itself for the benefit of the whole nattOn,-
WiiJ s h . . . N 'b'a 'open up thetr out Afnca and the opposition parttes m amt 1 " " " ?
book ' h to reconcthatton ·
W.

5 and thereby contribute to a balanced approac d th y
til th h h · · e and lea e wa e c urches regain their independent prop ettc votc . .

1
?

as 'th s f tion vtcanous Y · e ervant of the Lord', carrying the burdens o ana

"Bronkhorst ( 1995· Chapter 6 'The Model of Conciliation'). II part and "" .,..., 59 1 " · ' sal 85·11 area .---r t" mteresting to see how the four elements ofP m · A esty International
; ~!ruthful process of reconciliation (as depicted by experts from m;ice and peace kiss
uc as Bronkhorst, note 67): 'Love and truthfulness meet together,JU

-~· 'ded oo · d · dependently mm
N .. The board of trustees is composed of well-known an '"

illnlbtans.

184 Con temporary Xamibia

Will the media and the diplomatic world react responsibly, fairly and justly'
Will civil society organise itself, allowing independent initiatives to develop
their unique contributions to the 'common good'?

In this test case a lot is at stake; perhaps nothing less than the future
of a nation!

The changing status of women
in Namibia and its impact on

violence against women 1

Debie LeBeau

INTRODUCTION

185

This chapter reviews the changing legal and social status of women in
Namibia and its impact on violence against women. It is divided into three
sections which roughly correspond to the three socio-political environments
which exist or have existed in Namibia: traditional, colonial/apartheid and
independent. The basic premise of this chapter is that women's legal sta~s
has changed substantially since independence, but their social s_tatu_s remams
relatively unchanged in many segments of the population. This divergence
between women's legal status and social status is a contributing factor to
violence against women. Better educated women in the middl:- and uppe_r-
in b · h ·r soc1o-econom1c come rackets have experienced improvements m I el
status and have benefited from an improved legal status, while many undhe~
ed · 1 · rovement m t e1r ucated and poor women have experienced htt e 1mp .
1· · . " ·b· 's challenge IS to
IVmg cond1t1ons. This chapter concludes that Naml Ia d
P 'd b th women an men . rov1 e a social and legal structure that empowers 0 . .
m a manner which allows female equality but retains male dlgmty.

1 . funded research on violence
a . The Gennan Agency for Technical Coopera110n (GTZ) chon violence againsl
galnst \\\\omen. The Women and Law Committee Initiated res~ Wade Pendleton and

"omen and continues its work in support of Namibian women .. r 1 am most thankful
Dr Pempelani Mufune read the chapter and gave valuable suggesuo~\\oncepiS. Dr Heike
loDrPe dl . . h' h h lpedmeloclan y . I as B n eton for frequent d1scuss1ons w IC e . ed out women s roes
~ker read the chapter. gave many valuable comme~ts and ~::comments on previous

OC!ive agenls for legal change. The edilors also provided de~ Mina Leopold! and olhet
drafts of the chapler. Saara Witbooi Naomi Pacheco. Pame 1. ·"· "real' versus 'ideal'
Nanfb' ' luable msoghl mJO "~ 1 lan women answered questions and gave va
status ofNamibian women.

.---~------------------------------.......... --------------------------------- ... j
186 Contemporary Namibia

As an emerging nation, Namibia is experiencing an unprecedented rate
of social change as it struggles to develop and modernise. Namibians are re-
defining their political, legal, economic, religious and social institutions.
including those relating to women. The Namibia of today is very different
from Namibia under apartheid rule (see Pendleton 1994). New laws and
governmental decrees are being drafted and implemented daily while the
average Namibian is redefining his/her own place within society. As this
evaluation and re-definition takes place, previously held norms and values
in relation to women are becoming obsolete, but new norms and values are
slow to be defined, and without a change in norms and values, change in
women's social status cannot fully take place. As male dominance becomes
threatened by the elevation in the legal status of women, men become in-
secure about their own social status and roles in society and may resort to
violence in an attempt to reassert their position (LeBeau 1996: 3). Man~
under-educated and poor women, who still have a lower social status relati\\e
t~ ~en, are frequently the targets of this violence. In addition, men's tra-
ditional roles as breadwinners and providers are undermined by povert)
and_ unemployment (Republic ofNamibia 1994: 26). These threats to the
SOCial status of men, exacerbated by poverty, unemployment and high rates
of alcoholism, contribute to violence against women. It is therefore not
surpnsmg that Namibia has experienced a dramatic increase in cases of
~and ~omestic violence against women since independence (ibid.). Pol_ice
tatls!tes md1cate that every day at least two people in Namibia are at nsk

of bemg seKually assaulted (Martin 1995: 4 ). In 1991 there were 564 rape
and attempted rape cases reported, in 1992 there were 583 and in 1994 there
w~1

740 such cases (ibid.). But these figures do not reflect the severity of the
pro em because many experts believe that less than half of all rapes are
repofdolted 1~ the_ police. Although there are no formal statistics on the number
o mest1c VIolence case · . . arch · d' s smce most mc1dents are not reported, rese
m teates that half th · domest' . e women and children in Namibia may expenence

ICVIOlence(LeBeau 1996: 23).
The following case tud -1 d f< r years and d'd s Y I lustrates how one woman was abuse 0

husband en: ':a ~port the matter to the police, but even stole to keep her
.... ....: .... 1 m43

tmg her. Saara is a 40-year-old Xhosa-speaking woman
.. _,oqo 0 8 ·Year-old Osh' · ·n
a small house with h IWambo-speaking Namibian man. She hves 1_
rtlali- Saara has er husband and their four children plus twelve of hiS

·~. a Std 7 ( · ' band
has IIOeduc.tion. She an nme-y:ar) school education, while her hus
1 housekeeper- w· d her fam1ly are very poor. She currently works as
has Worked 011

111
and lndffhoek, but her husband is not currently working. He

o a few!' · s ·s h~ fortes her 10 shop . lmes s1nce they have been together. aara S... IS asked: hft and beats her when she does not obe} hlrn

The changing status of women in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 187

Do you think that this problem that you have with your husband
forced you to go and steal, for example his drinking problem, or
unemployment? Do you think this gave him a reason to take his
frustration out on you and the children?

Saara replies:

Yes, because he even hit me with an electric pipe and he asked
me what do I think the kids are going to eat. I asked him what
does he think the kids are going to eat. He said I had to go and
make a plan. He actually forced me to steal or he would beat me
for not having food for him. So I had to steal many times_ just to
satiscy him, while I said to myself that I don't want to do 1t agam
and just to hold that good communication between us at home
(LeBeau 1996: 94-95).

The types of violence against women and children are manif~ld. The
violence includes: physical abuse, ranging from beating, punchmg and
burning to murder; psychological abuse, such as yelling and thr_eatemng;
sexual abuse, including rape and genital mutilation; and financial abuse,
where the man refuses to support his wife and children. In a study for the
Women and Law Committee LeBeau (ibid.) documented all the types of
violence against women me~tioned above with data collected from case
studies, surveys, relevant literature and interviews. On the basis of~esel ~alta)
it d h'ldren (espec1al y g1r s . was concluded that violence against women an c I . '(A
15 widespread (ibid.: 23 ). One case study quoted a woman as sayl~g,th .
woman] is not safe anywhere· not in the streets, not in a taxi, not even dm elr

' · · of omes-~-(ibid.: 22). The study reports that women who are vlct:as and all
tic VIOlence come from all ethnic groups, all rural and urban '

age groups. n in the conteKt of
W 1despread violence against women must be see d . . n makl' ng

le J " d CCISIO -
ga change and its effect on the relative positiOn an bbard !991: 6).

JlOwer of men and women within society (Tapscott & Hu the society
In the . . . necessarY step as Process ofNam1b1a's legal reformation, a 'ght the previouS
emerges from the dark cloud of apartheid and attempts to n ed social con-
Imbalances, the rise of violence against women is an une~~ will help to
sequence. It is anticipated that in the future these legal ~ . an .making power
COmbat this violence as their relative position and deciSIOn
111 SOCiety improves.

188 Contemporary Namibia

WOMEN IN TRADITIONAL NAMIBIAN SOCIETIES

Women's gender identity is influenced by their position in 'traditional' Afri-
can society.

2
The word traditional refers to those anitudes and practices

which are handed down from generation to generation, embedded in cultural
beliefs and derived from the history of the ethnic group. Many of these
attitudes and practices have been influenced by colonialism and apartheid.
while others remain relatively unchanged from pre-colonial times. However.
the important point is that these traditional attitudes and practices have the
force of culture behind them and represent a socio-political environment
in which gender identity is constructed, and it is within this environment that
women must negotiate their legal and social status. For many black Namib-
ta~s, especially among the rural population, traditional values and norms
sttll ~ppl~ today. This section is wrinen in the present tense to show the
contmuatton of many of these attitudes and practices.

The legal status of women

The customs and laws of a particular group dictate the legal position of
worn · h' h . en ~~~ m t at group. However, most of these customs and laws strong!)
dts:r.tmmate ag~inst women. Few women traditionally hold positions of
pohttcal power, although Becker points out that some individual women
have l't' 1 · fl
1 po

1 tea m uence through their male relations ( 1993: 67). Customary
aws are those sets of unwritten laws under which traditional African socie-
-~~~i . . . h

h . . r mamages, dtvorces, mheritance land tenure and ot er sue affatrs (Hmz & J 1 ' · h.
. . . oas 995: 9). These sets of laws have evolved wtt 111

Parttcular soctettes ov t' . · , er tme and typtcally reflect the 'collective consctous-
ness of the society h
law h b at t at moment in time (ibid.: 16-17). Many customaf)

s ave een profou dl · · 1 I
C I · 1 . . n Y remterpreted and manipulated by coloma rue. o oma authonttes w'th h . .
used

1 t e cooperatton oftraditionalleaders somettmes
customary laws to ad bl.

of Namibia 1994. 5
van~e South African government policy (Repu tc

· 2l- For mstance, there were floggings in tradttwnal

'The tenns 'African" and 'b . . . . us
people of Namibia. Alth h lack are used Interchangeably to refer to the md1geno ·.
'Afi · oug some Afi k 1 ·s a> ncans·. their traditions are d . n aans·speaking people refer to thcmse \\t:
people of European ancestry . envcd from a European or mixed ancestry. In this chaptt:L
and white will be called 'col:~~ _called 'whites' and people whose ancestry is mixed blac~
thcse tenns are problema~· d s. As Pendleton ( 1994: 2) so accurately points out. all o

J <'-. . 1C ue to the 1 1· . h ·d erJ.
"'--venal lradllional A&i . nequa lly they conveyed dunng the apart Cl .

~but~ i~ only twC: SOCieties'" Namibia had female chiefs in the prc-colomal
fioumh SOCICty to SOCiety fiernaJe h' ~-Although the actual prevalence of female chiefs dllfei>
1 In the ' C IC1S Int-..,.· . her

rule. "aull!onal African societies are the exception rat

The changing status of women in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 189

Owambo courts, but some headmen used the floggings to punish SWAP~
supporters for allegedly holding illegal meetings (Hinz & Joas 1995: 15).
Traditional courts are usually constituted by men in positions of power who
hear disputes within the community and enforce customary laws (Republic
ofNamibia 1994: 53). The following case studies illustrate how men holding
positions in the traditional courts can reinforce discrimination and domestic
violence against women:

During an interview with a Herero community leader, who also
presides over dispute resolution hearings in the Gobabis area, we
learned that violence repeatedly inflicted on a woman does not
serve as a good enough reason to ask for a divorce. This is be-
cause the woman is subordinate to her husband and the husband
has a right to use any means he feels is appropriate to disci~line
or keep her in line. On the issue of marital rape he laughmgly
answered that the woman who refuses to have intercourse with
her husband then deserves to be hurt as she is withholding what
is rightfully the husband's (LeBeau 1996: 85).

The following case study illustrates the imposition of male dominance.
Ellen is a 24-year-old woman of mixed German and coloured ancestry, who
currently lives with her parents and three children. She has a m~tric (1_2 years
of schooling completed) and considers herself a lower-mtddle-mcome
pe~on. She married her childhood sweetheart, who began abusing her fo~r
months after they moved in together. She explains how the abuse began.

F h · · h an should be the rom t e begmnmg he always told met e worn . ht
least and the man is the head and if he wanted to go out at ndtg d'
h I . . . d h people aroun an e cou d. From the begmmng he ltke to pus d d
tell them what to do .... From the beginn~ng he made t~= h:::f
on htm, everything was I just had to beheve he was to what he
the house and if he talked, 1 just had to stt and hsten
was saying (LeBeau 1996: 121 ).

. f ELOC Pastor David
S. 'Soggot (1986: 73) reports that according to the affida:~ourt in J97417S. ·cor-
hlhepo, born in 1884, brought before the South Afncan Su~re ovemment official dubbed

P.""'1 punishment was unknown until introduced by Hahn. g with Soggot's acceptance
Shongola Hahn" ("Sjambok Hahn")'. Other scholars disagree Qwanlbo did have cooporal

of this statement as fact and contend that historical data show~ mmunicatiOO 1997). The
pun,shment before Hahn (Pendleton, Hinz& Becker. pmon~in pre-<:<>lonial Owambo
P<>mt here is that corporal punishment, whether or not It exd" 'ng ........ ;d r11lc.
SOciety . late ....,Je un -~·-, was used as a political tool to mampu r-r

'\\

190 Contemporary lv'amibia

Many customary laws are discriminatory. For example, in Owambo
customary law, a woman can be punished or fined for not cooking or per-
fonming other household chores for her husband. In the following case study.
Venezia, an Owambo woman who married her husband in the traditional
Owambo style, reported that her husband beat her so badly that she has lost
the use of one of her eyes and only has partial use of one of her hands. She
explains why:

Sometimes when he came home he used to ask me, 'Oh, my
clothes- are they washed, as they are here?' If I said, 'Yes, I
washed them,' he used to say, 'No, they are not washed like this'
Ifl hung them, he took them out and put them again in the water
and put powder in. He used to say, 'These things must be washed
again, they are not clean.' He said, '1 beat you because the women
are to be beaten, because marriage is to be beaten [women in
marriage are to be beaten]' (LeBeau 1996: 140, 142).

Under customary law the distribution of common property after death
or_di~orce depends on the particular practices of the society, but many dis·
cnmmate against women (Republic of Namibia 1994: 52). In some traditiO-
nal societies, all common property goes to the husband's kin group, leaving
the wife without means of support. In these cases it is expected that the
woman's adult male children will provide for her or that she will return to
her father's house. In many traditional societies women are not allowed
access t~ land in their own right and only have rights to land through thetr
connecttons to men (ibid.: 52-53). For instance in Owambo society the
headman holds communal land in trust and the household head pays the
headm~ for usufruct rights to the land for his lifetime. When the household
head dtes, these rights to the land revert back to the headman, who rna)
realfrulocate the land as he wishes. The fact that only men hold communal
usu ct land rights · · ther . contnbutes to the subordination of women smce ·
are depnved from . . H · h gwa 1992. 38 s access to thetr own means of productton ( IS on . ).

Tbe culturally d fi
e med status and role of women

There are many d"ffi .
customs and bel" 1 r, erent ethnic groups in Namibia, and they have vanous

le s. Cultural attitudes towards gender in these different

' .,__ . A new draft Communal land . . . . sent
·~"'It may red"~ lh s Bill ts currently under review. If passed 1n 115 pre
s· ·r, ·- " power of h · " have a 'IIJI' ltant impact on lhe abT c le.s and headmen to allocate land and may 11

ty of women to acquire rights to land.

The changing status of \\Vomen in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 191

groups vary from relative equality to rigid inequality. Although pre-colonial
San ('Bushman')6 concepts of egalitarianism have been altered by the
colonial influence, San men and women today still have relatively equal
gender roles. In pre-colonial Herero society the gender distinction between
men and women was weak. but in contemporary Herero society men are
considered 'omuhona · ('lord' or ·master') - a term once reserved for chiefs
(Becker 1993: 86-87). In Ow ambo societies women are and have always
been subordinate to men in all spheres of public and private life (Hishongwa
1992: 38).

7
Cultural attitudes towards gender also vary by urban and rural

location. For example, urban Afrikaner women have a far more egalitarian
position vis-a-vis men than does the typical Afrikaner farmer's wife.

Traditional African societies have a range of cultural practices that
function as effective barriers to women achieving social equality with men.
Traditionally, marriage is regarded as an arrangement between the kinship
groups of the man and woman. The man's kin group pays a bride price
(which the Herero call 'otjitunya', the Nama!Damara call '!gul \\gab' and the
Owambo call 'iigonda') to the woman's kin group (Pendleton 1994: 82-90).
This payment establishes a social relationship between the groups and gives
the man and his kin group certain rights of control over the woman, including
though not limited to the right to her domestic service, sexual access and
productive labour (Lau in Becker 1993: 65)8 Furthermore, as head of the
house and custodian of kin group and household property, the_ husband
makes decisions about livestock and property disposal and acqwsttJOn. The
woman's place is to do as the man says and not to ask questions concemmg
the disposition of property, even if his actions have adverse effects on the
enttre household. In many traditional societies there is rarely a ttme 10 a
woman's life when she is not under the direct control of a man. A woman
typically goes from her father's house to her husband's house, and after her
husband's death or divorce she goes back to her father's house or otherwtse
to an adult male child's house. In Owambo society the husband IS always the
head of the household (or homestead). There are certain instances where a
woman may become head of the household but this is rare, and a dtvorced 0

9
r

Wtdo d ' , (W"IIiams 1994:4 -we woman usually returns to her father s house 1

'F · II
7 or a discussion on group names and labels, see Chapter · r. ial power.

In trad·t· I . . . . . "d I en do have de .acto soc
1\\, ' Jon a Afncan societies mdtvl ua worn . the point omen e . ' th and w1ves. However, is th xert considerable pressure on men both as mo ers d Nama. as well as

at the social and political organisation of the Owambo, Herero an
rnost osther_tra~ition~l groups in Namibia, is t~at of male d~~in~~hildren into (ieSCenl
gr This discussion does not include the Issue of affihatJon 1

. __ " ....~ tnnic 1JeC8USe
oups bee · · . N ·b· this is a comp ,......., -r

th 0 ausen,notcentraltomytop"c.ln wm 'a ha eadoUble~ e wambo K .1. eal theHerero v . sy ' a van go and Capri vi people are matn 10 " d lhe Nama IIC poan·
I. stem, lhe Damara and the San appear to have a bilateral system. 111_!_1·--' '"tal T bership haS ...,.. 1"'"'" · oday, the importance of clan and lineage mem

I :i

192 Contemporary Namibia

50).' It is more common in Herero society than in Owambo society for a
woman to head her own household, but in marriage the husband is still
regarded as head of the household (Becker 1993: 64-65).

Much of the structure of traditional African society is based on a divi-
sion of labour along gender lines. The lives of men and women are very
different. Men spend much of their time with other men and do not see the
world as women do. Men typically do not believe that their women are
discriminated against, nor do they see the need for change. Men believe 'this
is the way it has always been and this is the way it should be'. It is widely
understood that the burden for crop cultivation, household chores and child
care falls disproportionately on women. Women (and female children) do
many more chores much more frequently tllan do men. They are required
to cultivate fields, fetch water and wood, go to the shops and markets.
make and sell baskets, process grains, feed the family and watch over the
children. The following example illustrates how women carry out the task
of crop production while men reap the benefits: In Owambo society men
have control over arable land and divide their land between themselves and
their wives. Although men allocate themselves a larger piece of the land.
women are responsible for crop cultivation on all of the homestead's arable
land. The men keep the produce from their land for their own use (frequently
t? ~ake traditional beer), while women use their produce to feed the family
(tbtd.: 62-63).

Traditional attitude d · . . · n san practices regardmg viOlence agamst wome

The various groups · N "b" h · t · 1 . m arm ta ave differing beliefs about what constitu es vto ence agamst worn . s en versus what constitutes normal cultural practtces.
ortam~ ~oups believe that the man is the head of the household and has

ce 10 nghts of contr 1 11 · h id
H .

0 over a the family members living in the house 0 · owever, most mfo t. · I
com . nna ton sources mdicate that with this power must a so

e compasston lo d t
be a fine 1- b ' ve an tolerance (LeBeau 1996: 4). There appears

0
me etween fam ·1 t ps over the r h" . 1 Y control and family abuse. Once a mans e .

me, ts behavtour · 1 · 1\\
In some tradit" 1 . ts no onger acceptable in any Namibian socte. · "ona Afr1can s · t. 1 · al or sexual impo · · oc"e "es any form of physical, psycho ogtc

Sitton of one' ·11 · ur
(ibid.: 4). A Darnara. s WI onto another is seen as deviant behavto

mfonnant explained that the Damara have a word for

q For exam
man I. . pie, olragumbo is an Osh· . · If a 1ves tn a house. it . "wambo word meaning 'small' or 'l1ttle house ·
denotes a diminutive. An~\\called gumbo, which means 'house'. The normal prefix oko·
coiled olra- l'smaJI') _ bo""!" '"whtch the woman is the head in which no man ltvCS."
lhc d-- f""- gun, ( house') Th d"ffi · . ' . · b 1 rath<' _,.. 0 .,. household. · e t erenttatwn does not tmply stze, u

The changing status of women in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 193

domestic violence, i.e. '\\\\gau 1nabe 'gomsib', meaning 'house problems'.
This informant said, 'It is not acceptable for a man to hit a woman in my
culture.' A Tswana informant indicated that the Tswana have a saying to the
effect that, 'If you cannot protect your wife, who is supposed to do it?'

In other traditional African societies, 'wife-beating' is considered an
appropriate method of correcting a woman's behaviour. However, the act of
'wife-beating' is limited in that the woman is not supposed to show any clear
or visible signs of the incident, thus the use of fists and dangerous weapons
such as guns and knives is not acceptable (ibid.: 4, 74). The Owambo belteve
that the man has the authority to beat his wife for transgressions such as
quarrelling with him, not preparing his meals on time or not washmg hts
clothes. One Owambo woman said 'Wife abuse is a sign that the man loves
the woman; it is expected that the ~ife will feel rejected if not beaten' (ibid.:
73). As a previous example illustrates, many Herero believe t~at. '·:· the
husband has a right to use any means he feels is appropriate to dtsctplme or
keep her [his wife] in line' (ibid.: 85). Traditicnally, if the 'beatings' get out
of hand, the woman can go to family members, especially her in-laws: 10 an
attempt to have the situation reviewed and possibly redressed. If a dtspute
arises between a couple, their extended family is close at hand to_ intervene
and arbitrate the dispute. If one family member's behaviour is soc tally unac-
ceptable, for example a man's excessive drinking or a woman's constant

· d" · 1 urts have quarrellmg, the family, and also the society through tra tttona co . ' .
m h · b · · th back mto lme ec antsms for reproaching that person and rmgmg em .

· h bl when tradt-Wtt accepted norms and values of the society. Pro ems occur .
ft 1 " . 1 appropnateness . ona control mechamsms are no longer m p ace to ensure
m behaviour.

WOMEN UNDER COLONIALISM AND APARTHEID

Alth . . · e subiect to male ough women in most traditional Afncan socteltes wer ' . fu h
do · · · · 1 ding apartheid, rt er mtnance, the superimposition of colomahsm, me u . r h ld
disempowered them (Becker 1993: 115). Women under colont~ 1;,iti~l
a lower legal and social status than they did under any other ~to- d black
Ctrcu . N "bia Both whtte an mstances existing today or in the past m arnt . d but black
wom · . . . h b · s of their gen er, en were dtscnmmated agamst on t e as" . . , ace'
wo . th bas1s of thetr r · men were further discriminated agamst on e

Tbe legal status of women

M . were written with the
OSt ?ennan colonial laws, and later apartheid laws,

1
gaily relegated to

llltnonty white males' interests in mind. Women were e

194 Contemporary lv'amibw

positions as second- or third-class citizens. Under Gennan colonial rule white
women were excluded from political participation and legally discriminated
against. For instance, Gennan women were barred from higher education and
legally prohibited from attending public meetings, and unmarried women
were not allowed to own land. Later, white women under apartheid were
also excluded from political power, and until 1939 they did not have the
right to vote. In theory unmarried women over the age of 21 had most of
the same legal rights as men, but they lost many rights when they married,
due to the legal assumption that women were the dependants of men (ibid.:
80, 91-93). Tapscott and Hubbard report that at independence there were 13
civil laws and statutes that favoured men over women (1991: 4).

Under apartheid law African women were also legally discriminated
against in employment and other aspects of life based on their 'race'. African
women were required to stay in the 'homelands' unless contracted to work
in the 'white' areas, but few African women were contracted to work outside
the 'homelands'. This restricted rural African women's access to money.
African and coloured women who lived in town and who worked as domestic
servants, for example, had no legal protection from inhuman or inappropriate
behaviour on the part of their employers. Many African women were subject
to sexual harassment apart from poor working conditions. Working women
did not have a legal right to maternity leave social security retirement or th b , , 0

er enefits, and they worked for very low wages (Cleaver & Wallace
1990: 34).

, For all women married under civil law 10 the husband had rights of
marital power' over the wife. All control over ~arital property including the

nghts to enter into contractual agreements, to buy or sell p;operty and to
r~edge property as collateral, was therefore the sole domain of the husband
h apscott & Hubbard 1991: 4-5). With couples married under civil law, the usband had the d · · . . t of

ec1s1on-makmg power over the wife m all aspec s
comml una! life. Men therefore had the ability to decide where and how a
coup e would live d · their
Ch.ld " an to make the decisions on matters concernmg ~~~thl' · Ifthe
CO I e a Ienation of communal property (Hubbard 1991: 6). up e was married d [I
oracq · dd . un ercommunityofproperty allpropertyownedbeore

Uire unng th . ' Je
Howeve · e marr1age became the joint property of the coup ·

r,smcethehusbandh d, · · h' ehun
control over 11 th a marital power' over the w1fe, t IS gav .
women w ~ e communal property (ibid.: 6-7). Thus within mamage.

ere ID a legal .. · · ' "d )
pos1110n similar to that of a minor child (1b1 · ·

"
.,. , Both customary and Roman Du h " d still 011"01tcd 1n Nlllll,·b· U It law, referred to here as 'civil law, were an
I""" lB. nder ·~·M" 'd . . d popu· -ons, While Africans w .,....,., " Civil law applied to the white and coloure
laws (ilcpubJk: ofNIIIllib:"t:~~ by a 'confusing web' of both civil and customarY

The changing status of women in Namibia cmd its impact on violence against women 195

Due to the husband's 'marital power', title deeds to a house were required
to be in the husband's name. A woman who obtained her own house prior
to marriage was compelled by law to place the house under her husband's
name. If the couple divorced, the man had an equal claim to the house. Since
the woman's name did not appear on the title deed, the man had the right to
sell the house without her knowledge or consent. Many men planning to
leave their spouse sold the communal residence and left the woman, who
only found out upon being evicted that she no longer had a home.

Divorce was and still is granted on the premise of'guilt' or 'innocence'.
In theory, if a couple married in community of property divorce, the property
should be divided in half, but typically a larger share of the communal assets
are awarded to the 'innocent' party. However, when the 'innocent' party is
a man, he will frequently get a larger share of the communal property than
when the 'innocent' party is a woman. In extreme cases all the communal
assets may be awarded to the 'innocent' party, usually when it is a man. One
explanation for the discriminatory distribution of communal property may
be the prevailing attitude that assets are accumulated by the man's labour,
while another common attitude in African societies is that failure in marriage
is the woman's fault. Under apartheid, if the couple married under customary
law, the 'native' authorities had the right to distribute the communal property
under 'native law and custom', which frequently meant that the husband or
his km group derived the benefit of the communal property (Hubbard
1991: 10-1 1). .

The following example shows how this discriminatory interpretation
of the law is still practised today, since the incident took place in 1996·
One woman interviewed described how her husband left her for another
woman, filed for divorce and through a series of legal actions was able to
obtain I 00% of the com1~unal marital property, while she never spoke one
word in the courtroom (facts corroborated by court documents). Her husband
was able to afford a competent private lawyer while she, having to support
the children, was forced to use an incompetent court-appointed attorne~.

D erience domestic ue to economic considerations, many women exp d
1

the
violence for a long time before deciding to leave an abusive husban · n
foil · h as abused for ten owmg case study Franc ina, an Owambo woman w 0 w .

1
eeds

Ye d · ' h her matena n ars, ec1ded that the risk to her life was greater t an .
and h · · n as follows. s e left her husband Petrus. She views the SJtuatlo

Wh . . al marriage makes en I divorced I noticed that th1s commun k very-
pe_ople to be robbed. I bought many things but ~etrus tr' ca:,e [to
th1ng with him He did not even give me anythmg .... b 'It

1
·
0

the
h. . b 'ld'ng we Ul t IS house] with bare hands .... Even a UI 1 ~~-

15
- h '15, the

h · - · h' the house .... ~ nort 1s h 1s, the house at the north IS 15" the thing into
h · h' To take c a1rs are his, everything, every! mg --- ·

196 Conlemporary Namibia

court? ... Where can I find money to pay for that? I found out
that, ah, it does not matter. Oh, the communal marriage, oh let the
law look at it with big eyes and examine it. They used to blame
the woman, that it is you who went out from the house. What
takes a woman from the house is that she does not have strength.
Will we not be killed? It is only me [a woman] who is powerless.
He beat me deliberately because he knew that if I went out he
would take everything from me (LeBeau 1996: 134-135).

The social status of women

Although white women derived a higher social status than did African and
coloured women by virtue of their 'race', they were gender-stereotyped in
German colonial and apartheid societies. White women were stereotyped
as bearers of children, preservers of civilisation through procreation and
:help-mates' to their men (Becker 1993: 92). Due to the prevailing gender
rdeo!ogy, African women were treated as dependants of men and male
relatrves exercised social control over them (ibid.: 91 ). Urban women under
apartherd faced economic hardship since they were also discriminated against
10 the workplace. Under apartheid, African women's ability to gain formal
employ.ment was restricted and they were typically limited to work as
domestrc servants Wo d · · th r · men were un er-represented m vrrtually every o e
employ~ent sector in Namibia and when they did get paid their wages were
substantrally low th h · ' bbard er ant at oftherr male counterparts (Tapscott & Hu

be
1991 : 12l· As a result, many African women resorted to brewing and selling

er m the privacy of th · h · I
h

err own orne to earn money. However, rt was a so
t e abuse of this al h 1 h · Th co o t at contnbuted to violence against women. e
women were caught · . . . b t th m a vrcrous cycle: they had to sell beer to earn mone}.
u e men for whom th W ey produced beer abused them
vantag~;n, es~cially African women, were also ed~cationally disad:
was d . epubh~ ~fNamibia 1994: 15). The system of'Bantu education

esrgned to mrmm 11 d · Since m st a Y e ucate Africans as workers for white productron.
0 employment · · was seen opportunrtres were for men the education of women

as unnecessary Th ' h ·r education w · us women were not encouraged to further t er
· omen were · . 1· 'td employment .. agam caught m a vicious cycle: due to rmr e

· . opportumhes the · d . · h ' rther hmrted their em lo Y recerve a poor educatiOn, whrc ,u
The P Yment opportunities

re were also man . . '
their low sociD-econom· Y ne~llve stereotypes of women that derived ,rom
Slereolypingat Namib~c.standmg within the community. A study of ethmc
are the strongest d Independence found that 'stereotypes about women
given. Stereoty~ a:bo":t ~emographic attribute ... affects the stereotypes

emales reflect the historical and contemporarY

The changing status of women in Namibia llild its impact on violence against women 197

subordinate position of women in Namibian society. Changes in attitudes
about women in an independent society could have a significant impact in
this area' (LeBeau 1991: 72). The widespread shared nature of stereotypes
of women in Namibia at independence implies that these stereotypes are
learned through the person's culture and reinforced through socialisation,
and are therefore difficult to alter (ibid.: 7-9).

The impact of the contract labour system on the family structure

The colonial and apartheid systems had a devastating impact on the tra-
ditional African family structure and women's lives. Through a series of
Gennan colonial and later apartheid laws, families were separated and men
were forced into servitude. Labour control was a central focus of most of
the apartheid laws (Hishongwa 1992: 12). The migrant labour system, which
started during the German colonial era, was refined and expanded during the
apartheid era with the sole purpose of providing cheap labour for the colonial
economy. Under the notorious 'contract labour system' of the apartherd
regime, males recruited from the rural areas temporarily migrated to the
'white' areas for contract employment, and Africans were forced to stay in
the 'native reserves' unless contracted to work elsewhere. The pass system
prevented a woman from travelling and living with her husband who was
contracted to work in the 'white' areas (ibid.: 60). Men were denied the nght
to dwell permanently in the towns in which they were contracted to wor~,
and they were forced back to the reserves or to other labour sites once thetr
contracts were finished. They were also denied the right to visit t~eir rural
famrhes in times of need. This long separation of a man from hrs famrly
frequently precipitated the break-up of the family. Some men ab.andoned
therr rural family or established a second family in the urban areas (rbrd.: 87-
89) M fi ars thus therr . · any contract workers were away from home or ye ' .
chrldren were deprived of a second parent and frequently did not know thetr
father when he returned home (ibid.: 87-89). On many occasions a ~an had.~
cultural duty to his family and was expected to perform ceremomes (as

trmes of pregnancy and childbirth) but under the contract labour system he
was fr ' equently absent from these important events. tal

Hishongwa states that 'the labour system was the mos! fundamen ,
facto "" . . . f t Namrbtan women r auectmg the economic and socral hves 0 mos came
0992 · 95) t ntract labourers · . In the northern rural area where mos co fro the
from · 1 ere absent m

' 11 was estimated that about half of the adu t men w women were
homesteads on contract labour at any given time (ibid.: 95)· The · laboUr
req · f both domestiC

urred to maintain their households by means 0 . . . ,associated with :d subsrstence agriculture. Traditionally, all acttvttte~ of men (ibid.:
ecrsron-making and livestock-rearing were the dol]UII.O

198 Contemporary ,Vamibia

3 7). Women were required to shoulder these tasks. which further promoted
the break-up of the African family since women gained inde-pendence by
assuming these new responsibilities. A returning husband might find that
the wife had made inappropriate decisions or that his wife was too
independent and could run the household without him (ibid. 98-99). These
circumstances frequently prompted arguments and led to the man's loss of
traditional status. In addition, the colonial era and the contract labour system.
in particular, contributed to widespread alcoholism (ibid.: 94-95). Men in
the urban areas frequently drank due to loneliness and to drown the pain
and embarrassment of living and working in inhuman conditions.
Frequently, a man returning to the rural homestead after enduring such
conditions, found his wife running his homestead. drank too much and
became abusive towards her, causing further disruption in the family.
Female-headed households in the urban areas were also a direct result of the
contract labour system since men on contracts had to live in exclusively
male hostels. For example, it has been estimated that, under apartheid rule,
36% of all households in Katutura were female-headed (Pendleton 1994:
91-92). Similar percentages of female-headed households were found in
other urban areas.

The impact of the liberation struggle on women's status and role

Women from both inside the country ('stayers ') and women who chose to
leave the country ('exiles') were participants in the liberation struggle. Due
to the need for labour during the war and pressure from the SWAPO
~~men's Council, Namibian women took up non-traditional roles both
ms~de and outside the country. The women who chose to leave the country
typtcal~y worked in SW A PO-run refugee camps and many fought in combat
alongstde the men. Many women were also ;rained in male-dominated
occupattons such as aut b"l d · . · · (Tamas & Gl . omo t e an radto mechantcs and electrtctans

. ~Iehmann 1993: ll-15). Within the camps 'women underwent the same
~~~lmgas men in SWAPO and occupied posi~ions at all levels' (Cleaver&

a aced
1990

: 6l- In addition, many exile women studied abroad and
recetve a htgher edu r · · s
Inst"d N "b· ca ton and training in top-level management postllOn ·

e arm ta worn . h"l
them ' en were responstble for running their homesteads w 1 e en were away fi hf
especiall th . tg mg(RepublicofNamibia 1994: 10). Stayer women,

Y ose m the north · and moral support t th .. ern war zones, gave material asststance
and supplies (C~ e Namtbtan liberation fighters, as well as moving guns

w eaver & Wallace 1990· 6-7)
omen's willingness d b. . . . . k nd

roles previously an a thttes in performing wartime tas sa
skills and profess~rv~ for men gained them status. These women learned

ons at were not available to them in Namibia under the

The changing status of wumcn in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 199

apartheid Government. Exile women also had better access to all types of
educational opportunities than women who stayed, and many were speci-
fically targeted for training in western and former eastern-bloc countries.
Of these women, more than 60% had academic qualifications above a Matric,
and another 30% had vocational training (Tamas & Gleichmann 1993: 11,
26-29).

WOMEN IN NAMIBIA TODAY

Namibia's women today are as diverse and unique as Namibia"s cultures.
A comparison between women living either in urban or rural areas yields
the following general results: urban women are younger, not as poor, better
educated, have less children and are more likely to have recently moved to
the areas where they live than rural women. They are also more likely to be
working outside of the home, have better access to many social services and
a range of support networks than rural women. Urban women not only have
the primary responsibility for the household and child-rearing tasks. but are
frequently also involved in income-generating activities. Rural women spend
much of their time doing tasks with other (usually related) wome~1, and
expenence discrimination based on traditional values and nonns oftheor male
counterparts, while urban women are discriminated against by employers
and fellow workers.

Changes in the legal status of women

With the abolition of apartheid and the establishment of an independent
democ t" G . . . , l"ty became enshrmed . ra tc overnment m Namtbta, women s equa " .
"n the Constitution (Article 1 O) which forbids discrimination based on sex.
Furthenm · . . d d position of women ore, It recognises the prevtously dtsa vantage . . ·h· h
and e · t" n pohctes " tc ncourages the implementation of affirmattve ac 10

1 advance women's social status and roles within society (Article lJ). It a so
states th . N ·b· if they do not 111-. at customary laws may be practised 111 amt ta. . . A · 1 fnnge . . . . h th Constotutton ( rttc e upon nghts granted to an mdtvtdual throug e ling 66). Since independence the Government of Namibia has been strugg,.
Wtth h . . ' . ·sect in the Constttu ton.

ow to tnstttutionalise the gender equahty prom" ~
1

address
N ·b· · . · t" legal reoorn1s o . amt ta ts now in the process of mstttu 111g

1
artheid laws

P~Vtous gender imbalances in Roman-Dutch La~. Sever~ ~ks in 1991
w "ch clearly discriminated against women remamed on 're . A ,

1
Labour

and hav 1 · The Income ax ~ '
Cod eon y recently come under revteW. . and Sterilisation Bill

e, Married Persons' Equality Act and the Abort"on

200 Contemporary Namibia

(yet to be passed) are some first steps (Republic of Namibia 1994: 53-55)
However, these strides towards legal equality have been hard won since most
lawmakers, still, are men, while most advocates for gender equality are
women. The emotional pleas against the Married Persons' Equality Act.
which is clearly in line with the Constitution, reflect the deeply ingrained
cultural belief that the man should be the head of the household and have
marital power over his wife. The following quotes demonstrate the prevailing
attitude of male lawmakers (and many men in general): The Hon.
Nathaniel Maxuilili of the National Assembly stated, 'We are not allowed
to change the status of men and women, not at all. That is what God said.
The women must be subject to their husbands as the head .... We must be
very careful of women ... that women want to take over power .... We will
never allow it". The Hon. Asser Han go of the National Assembly declared.
'The move behind this [Bill] is to legalise the women to ruin men in terms
of property and run away after acquiring the property she was in need of
... · We know the desire of certain women to have love affairs with young
boys .... Is that what you are trying to get?'. The Hon. Erastus Hendjala of
the National Council explained, ' ... this Bill is supported mostly by single
women, by women who have problems in their families and by those who
know that they are not going to marry' (Becker 1996: 7-8).

The Married Persons' Equality Act became law in July 1996. It makes
men and women in marriage equal before the law. The Act abolishes mantal
powers which made the husband the head of the house, and provides for
women married in community of property to have equal access to bank loans
and ownership of property. Immovable property such as the communal house
must now be registered in both spouses' names and the sale of such proper!)
needs the consent of both parties. However, there has been confusion on the
part ?fboth men and women as to what rights and obligations the nell Act
e~tatls. Many women are not aware of nor do they understand. their nell
nghts. '

A new draft Abortion and Sterilisation Bill was made public in June

h
1996

and has been the topic of heated debate ever since. Most debates which
ave surf: d · ·

ace tn the local news, centre around the 'pro-life'/'pro-chotce
controversy 'p I" , · med

. · ro- he tssues have been raised by religious groups conce .
wtth the moral · I' · -- ts tmp tcattons of abortion, while the 'pro-choice' posttton
supported by most N ·b· that the
B'll, h amt tan women's organisations which assert .

t "Urt er empowers . . . '
1

thetr
own fenili . women smce tt gtves them more contro over
dur'tng th tyfiand hves. The proposed Bill would legalise abortion on demand

e trst twelve k b ·n the father' wee s of pregnancy without having to o tat .
s consent Unde th ' bortton

is illegal exce t.. r e current Abortion and Sterilisation Act. a d
. P tn extreme · . b rtion an tnfanticide are th ctrcumstances. Currently, tllegal a o

1 women who e only alternatives for desperate mothers, mostly singe
' cannot afford to raise a child, or who have been raped- As

The changing status of\\l.romen in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 20 I

pointed out by a TV news reporter, 'While the debate on the issue of abort_ion
continues, two babies were abandoned on the weekend at the followmg
places .. .' (NBC News at 20h00, 23/9/96).

Namibia has made progress in legally enshrining women's equality,
as promised in the Constitution. However, there is still a discrepancy between
theoretical rights and legal reality. Recent interviews with poor urban women
reveal that these women feel the law says one thing, but reality is different.
Many women say they may have rights, but nobody tells them what their
rights are, nor is there any easy way to access formal systems to secure them.
Most women interviewed express the feeling that nothing has changed for
them and that most women still 'get a raw deal' by both society and men.
Many of these women also expressed frustration at not knowing what to do,
or who to turn to for help. Throughout her interview, Ellen frequently states:

I really felt very desperate and all the things he had done to me
really hurt me and I didn't know what to do (LeBeau 1996: 122) .

Francina also felt she did not know what could be done for her and for other
women in her situation. She states:

... but you know sometimes you do not know what the Govern-
h. h h. must ment must do for us, because you do not know w tc t mgs

be directed to the Government. (I] suppose I have to say that the
Government must scold the men to stop torturing the women
like that ... (ibid. 132).

Women's movements and organisations

In dd' · 1 vernmental, non-a thon to formal legal redress there are severa go d -
gov ' . · h · h were forme smce . emmental and community-based orgamsattons w tc . ts
tndepe d d t 1 bby for tmprovemen · n ence to represent women's interests an . 0 0 the Office
The Department of Women Affairs (DWA), whtch resorts undethr national
of the p ·d · b · der issues mto e rest ent, plays a central role tn rmg gen · deal with
agenda. Both the domestic workers' union and the teachers' un

4
10

4
n-4

6
) The

wo " . 'b' 1994: · men s employment issues (Republic of Namt ta 'des education
Namibia National Women's Organisation (NANAWO) provt adviseS
to parr Le I Assistance Centre tamentarians on gender issues. The ga the Ia Many other
Women d " 'ghts under w. ~_, . an conducts research on women s rt , idaritY have mobili>ou
otgantsattons such as Sister Namibia and Women s So~ . ersityofNamibia
to Jll'ovide relevant counselling and education, and the mv
set up a Gender Training and Research Unit.

202 Contemporary Namibia

Up until the late 1970s, isolation due to apartheid and international
sanctions prevented women from access to knowledge and participation in
women's social movements taking place elsewhere in the world. Thereafter.
when authorities relaxed restrictions, women activists began to organise and
address gender issues within the context of apartheid resistance (Becker
1993: 193). For example: several leading women activists from inside the
country were educated at institutions abroad; the founder of the most impor-
tant women's organisation of the 1980s, namely Namibian Women's Voice.
was sponsored by international donors; churches encouraged women to
unite into women's organisations; and thirty women activists from Namibia
attended the 1985 Women's World Conference (Heike Becker, personal
communication). At the same time, women in exile were also put in touch
with international women's democratic and social movements (Cleaver&
Wallace 1990: 99-101). Since independence Namibia's women's movemen~
have steadily gained momentum. Probably one ofthe single most important
events for these movements was their participation in the Fourth World
Conference on Women in Beijing, China. Namibia sent a 56-person dele·
galion to the conference headed by the Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister.
Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah (Cupido 1995: 12). The major topics addressed
by this delegation were violence against women, alcohol and drug abuse.
teenage pregnancy, poverty among rural women and illiteracy. The prima~
goals of the delegation were to learn from other countries with similar prob-
lems and identity a Platform of Action for Namibia (ibid.: 12). Most ofthese
soctal mov~ments and organisations are spearheaded by urban, educated
wo~en. It ts mainly due to the efforts of women activists in these organt·
sattons a~d social movements that legal changes have come about.

Regtonal hearings on violence against women were held throughout
~he country in November 1996. A second round of hearings is planned for
0~7 and will culminate in a national conference to draw up a Plan of Acuon.
. e ~aJor theme m the hearings was dissatisfaction with the way poltce.
mvesttgators and . b rfs

. . courts deal Wtth cases due to the prevailing gender e te
prevtously dtscussed.

Changes· b 18 1 e social status of women

In six years of ind d · e
women h epen ence, better educated middle- and upper-mcom

ave made strid · · ' · tus tn
SOciety wh'le es 111 tmproving their socio-economtc sta
little ~ne;.t .many under-educated and poor women have experienced ve~

orom changes w'th' h N mtbtan
women who have . 1 tn t e political-legal structure. _a ood
position to compet ~etved secondary and tertiary education are tn a g
Of the returning ~leor employment in the modern economic sector. Some

ext women h · nd em· " w o also received higher educatton a

The changing status of women in Namibia and its impact on violence against \\\\'Omen 203

ployment experience while out of the country, have been able to successfully
compete for and secure good employment. However, since girls and women
inside Namibia frequently study a gender-biased curriculum, which focuses
on leaming skills for traditional female roles such as needlework and cook-
ing, they often have not taken courses necessary to learn modern skills
needed for employment. Such learning patterns are found at the primary,
secondary, vocational and university leveL In addition, more girls than boys
drop out of school at all levels (Republic of Namibia 1994: 15-19).

Women bear the brunt of poverty due to a lack of educational and
employment opportunities. In the rural areas about 60% of the communal
farmers are women. Many of these rural women and children depend on
the remittances of men from the urban areas and mines for access to cash.
Although the contract labour system was officially abolished, the economic
structure continues to reinforce migrant labour today (Tapscott & Hubbard
1991: 13).1n the rural areas there are large proportions of de facto female-
headed households due to the absence of men who have gone to find work.
In the urban areas there are high percentages of de jure female-headed
households since many migrant workers have urban 'families' they l~t:r
abandon when returning to their rural families. 11 In Katutura today tt ts
estimated that 25% of households are headed by women. The percentage
of female-headed households has decreased since independence; however,
they have the lowest income of all household types in Katutura and the
greatest difficulty getting by on scarce resources (Pendleton 1994: 91 -92>·
Wom ' · · · b'J' t rsue better edu-. ens stgmficant workloads handicap thetr a t tty o pu .
catton and higher-paying economic activities than what is currently avatlable
tothem(Cupido 1995: 2). The 1991 Population and Housing Census shows
that the Govemment employs one in every five people, of which only every
th'd I t21% tr employee is female (ibid. J-3). According to the Census, at eas

70
.,

of empl d . · ~ 'I kers of whtch ' 0 oye persons are classtfied as unpatd oamt Y wor ' .
are~ 1 '' en whtle women ema e. · Most office and clerical workers are worn ' .b.d

. ' (1 I ) account for only 20% of people in senior management postttons . th. ·
Furth 11 J'f al levels 111 e ermore, women are under-represented at a po 1 tc . 't' ns
count T - · nd semor pos1 to ry. he Government has given only a few Jumor a J'be tion
to 'ret , - ·b fon to the t ra umee women in recognition for thetr contrt u 1 - the
stru 1 1 16 7% women 111
N gg e. After the most recent elections there are on Y ' than 4% att 1 ·1 h y are Jess " 003 Assembly whereas in the National Counct 1 e R · nal
illtd o 1 ' . - men. In the egiO
C 0 Y 14% of Ministers and Deputy Mtmsters are wo hile there

ouncils women account for about 3% of the total members, w

'' . uachc:d to the household but
~·p·

1
In de facto female-headed households a man 15 "

1
d there is no man anacfocd._ · "",7 absent. while in a de jure female-headed househothoul plY fora reiJlive. 1bos

P<oson An unpaod family worker is someone who works wo p.-oviclod-
onay rete1ve food and housing in exchange for the ill>oU'

204 Contemporary l\\'amibia

are no female Regional Govemors (lipinge, LeBeau & Awa, in press). At the
local level, however, female representation is better. at 31,49% of the total. 11

In the private sector the figures for women in management positions are even
lower than those in the public sector. Affirmative action as provided for in
the Constitution has yet to be put into practice (Republic of Namibia 1994
9, 41-42).

Beyond their disadvantaged position in the education and employment
spheres, women encounter yet other significant social problems. Among
these are the high rates of AIDS and HlV infection, high rates of teenage
pregnancy and low rates of contraceptive use. According to the National
AIDS Control Programme (NACP), as of April 1996 there were 21 737
confirmed cases of AIDS in Namibia. Almost half of all HIV-infected
women are in the 25- to 34-year-old age group, potentially the most econo-
mically productive age group. Although there are equal numbers of men
and women infected, women's inability to enforce condom use puts many
women at risk of contracting the disease from their men, who tend to have
many more different partners. Teenage pregnancy has frequently been dis-
cussed as a growing social problem. Currently a high percentage of girls aged
14-18 years are likely to be expelled from school due to pregnancy (CupidO
1995: 3). Teenage pregnancy, although prevalent, is socially unacceptable
and the girls are blamed for their predicament. However, most males who
get schoolgirls pregnant are not cohort schoolboys, but rather older men and
school teachers. During one research session the author was present when
a family leamed that their teenage relative had fallen pregnant by one of the
school teachers. The family was very angry at the girl, not only for havmg
falle.n pr~gnant, but also for having named the teacher as the father. The
family dtscussed the fact that the teacher could lose his job since this was
the second schoolgirl who had become pregnant by him and, ' ... isn't thiS
a s~;une? This man has a wife and children to feed and now what will the)
d~. (spoken by the schoolgirl's aunt). Although this incident should not be
mtsunderstood as · ·d · sight . representmg a norm in Namibia it does prov1 e 111
tnto the prevailin tt" d ' · due to . g a ttu es. Contraceptive use is a sensitive topiC
~nse199rv2attvecultural beliefs. The Namibian Demographic and Health Surve) 0 found that 23o/c fN · · f ontra-c pt. 0 o amtbtan women were current users o c
e ton, whereas 41 o/c h These

figu 0 ave used a contraception method at least once. .
res are lower tha · ntnes (LeBea & 11 tn many other sub-Saharan African cou

u Black 1995· 3) F .,. d"ffi between men and wo · . · ertt tty preferences and attitudes t er f
children the~:~ Men ~ttll see their masculinity as linked to the number~f
their child y De,. Whtle women tend to concentrate on the well-betng

ren. unng an · t · . young Owambo 111 ervtews concerning contraception, one
woman observed th , some

---;::::-------a-t~, Some men don't feel good because
"Cf C · . hapter 3 In this volume.

The changing status of\\'v'Omcn in Namibia and its impact on violence against women 205

men believe that women using contraceptives are prostitutes,' while another
woman stated that,' A man will think his partner is not faithful if they use
contraceptives because they think the woman does not care about the family.'
Men frequently said that, 'Women are weak and will stray if they do not
have to worry about becoming pregnant.' When asked why they would use
contraceptives, women typically said contraceptives were good for their
health and helped them to 'rest' (between pregnancies), while men said when
they used contraceptives, it was because it was good for financial reasons,
such as the high cost of a big family in an urban area (ibid. 21 ).

CONCLUSION

In Namibia, violence against women has been influenced by the legal and
social context of traditional African societies, the legacy of colonialism and
apartheid, and the current situation of rapid social change. However, und~r
educated and poor women continue to be discriminated against in most soc tal

'spheres, including employment, politics and decision-making. These women
have the least ability to improve their socio-economic status through net-
works, and they have not been able to access the reformed legal system to
exercise their rights. . .

Women experienced violence in the past but are experienctng tt tod~y
on an unprecedented scale. Major factors within the context of raptd sOCI~I
change are urbanisation and changes in the extended family and close-kmt

· h · reoo social order, as well as the fact that traditional control mec amsms 3
lo · · t be implemen-nger 1n place: new external social control mechamsms mus
t:d by the nation state, which has assumed responsibility for those aspects of
hfe. Unemployment, poverty and alcoholism, together with the effects .of war,
have been eroding men's traditional status of patriarchal supertortty and
ha · · n 's legal status ve made them feel vulnerable. The recent elevation tn wome
further fuels fears and frustrations and hence violence. th gh

v· ' . "despread rou -lolence against women takes on many fonns, ts Wt .
11

ire
out th · . · cord It wt requ e soctety and is not going to substde of 1ts own ac . ·

1
f s beg

long-te d . . . . d the posstble so u ton rm stu y as to tts ongms and tmpact, an
complex social policies. beh. d political and

1 So far, social change for Namibia's women lags
111 for change

degal change. Women's ability to access and improve struc=ot legislate
oes not match their aspirations. More importantly, ~ne ·ntluence them.

people's attitudes, but only the parameters that more .0 r. es~ 1 and modified
Gend · . ed d · g soctahsatton t er attttudes are core values, acqutr unn f

1
al structure. Many

~so~~ extent by life experience and the nonns 0 ~ itself as well as on
ilfntbtans call on the Government to act on the prob

206 Contemporary l'v'amibia

its causes, namely unemployment, poverty and alcoholism, in order to
bring about equality for all, as promised by the Namibian Constitution.

207

Culture: which culture?

Werner Hillebrecht

Instead of an introduction, a personal anecdote. In early 1995 I visited
South Africa for the first time. Pretoria, to be precise. This was supposed
to be the new South Africa, even in Pretoria. And while walking around
the streets to get an impression of the city, a most strange feeling crept
upon me, something of a deja vu, out of time, something definitely wrong.
It took me a while to realise what it actually was. Coming from Windhoek,
there was so much that was familiar, like the shops and advertisements-
no wonder: almost all Namibian consumer goods come from South Africa.
But the people looked different: 1 was missing the beautifully plaited hair-
styles and the colourful West African attire that makes a lunch-time stroll
through Windhoek such a pleasant experience. Everybody in Pretoria seemed
to have a close-cropped haircut and to be wearing second-hand clothes from
the 1950s. And the deja vu effect? 1 had the same feeling of familiarity. and
strangeness combined when visiting the German Democratic Repubhc 10
the 1980s.
. This anecdote has nothing to do with South Africa, actually. It only
Illustrates that things have changed in Namibia; in fact, that the culture has
changed. Seven years ago this experience could not have happened. But
what else exactly has changed in Namibia? Thej/dneur's impress"omst"c
experience has to be substantiated. Which culture? Talking of culture 10
Namib· 1 d · . . 1 actJy? Is there 13 o ay IS a rather puzzlmg affair. What cu ture ex ·
someth · l'k . . d' t 1 ast? Where does . mg ' e a Nam1b1an culture? In statu nascen 'a e · .
It show up, besides on the streets at lunch time? Or is there rathe.r a var"et
of cultures, unconnected without dialogue or even without not"cmg el ac
other h ' . partment? Is cu ture
be

. 'eac one comfortably snug in its respect1ve corn ·
mg P . erce1ved and discussed at all? . bo t culture in

N
One can quite safely say that there is little d"scourse 3 u tlecled

am·b· h ncept "s re ·
Th 1 Ia today. The more the word is used, the less t e ~0 d reactionary
co e term 'culture' pops up most frequently in a repres~"ve ~cone to make

ntext, together with the term 'tradition' whenever '1 sUits 50 1 ·shment. a Stand " · · · fi r corpora pum "or patnarchy, against women's hberat"on, 0

208 Contemporary Samibia

against children's rights, against homosexuality. or whatever the agenda
where the dominant patriarchy feels threatened. Most strangely, the same
argumentation is usually invoked by people who sec themselves as African
traditionalists. against what they perceive as western influences, and b)
Afrikaner 'Christian Nationalists'. who see themselves as outposts of Euro-
pean civilisation on a hostile. heathen and barbaric continent. The Janer
discourse has ceased to be the dominant one and is rarely formulated open!)
anymore, but it keeps cropping up from an underlying attitude or from a
hidden agenda. Only second in frequency to the ancient morality context
is culture mentioned in connection with tourism. ·African culture' as a value-
adding asset to Namibia's second-biggest industry is certainly an important
factor. Local culture is being set up in remote museum villages to benefit
community-based tourism- but more on this later. A third context where
'culture' pops up is national reconciliation and nation-building: culture as
a vehicle for the political unification of a nation scarred by decades of apart-
heid and officially promoted tribal ism. The idea is that by learning about
each other's cultural traits, mutual understanding and a common feeling of
:unity in diversity' will be fostered. This reasoning plays a significant role
111 offic~al culture promotion, be it from the Ministry of Basic Educatton
and Culture, or in 'cultural festivals' organised by the University ofNamibia
or the Polytechnic. Only seldom is there discussion on a more genuine vte"
of culture, not as a vehicle for achieving moral, economic or political goals.
but~ a _human right and fundamental means of human expression. com·
mumcatJon, recreation and achievement. One will sometimes come across
such deliberations in the regular satirical column " Ekse Kuume', written in
tAhe local newspaper The Namibian by playwright Lazarus Jacobs. or i~1

mbrosiUs Amuteny ' 0 h' · · ·eko as s twambo column 'Omunamakutsl n uul ·

THE APARTHEID LEGACY

One cannot he! retl . h d
on the cultu 1 t . ectmg on the disastrous effect that apartheid has a
shortcomin ra lfe 111 Namibia. While it is too convenient to blame all current
. gs on the aparth ·d 1 . . t nly on mfrastructu b eJ egacy, the far-reachmg 1mpact no o

rem~oo"·td · db~k must be reco - 1 u es and perceptions of both wh1te an
gmsed The utirt · d d·rectll to the Afrikan · 1 anan attitude to culture can be trace 1 ·
er use of 'kultu " h · · com· mon to all hum k' ur " w 1ch is not the means of express1on

an md b t h. · sa means of disting · h' ' u w lch rather denotes 'Europese kultuur a
b 'd Uls mg betwe " " · d of a n ge. In the fi 1 en us and 'them' - a boundary 1nstea
driven to the~~ te; Years of apartheid rule in Namibia this concept was
1980, Which made? ~bsurdity With the infamous Proclamation AG 8 0;

cu lura! affairs' the exclusive administrative domain °

Culture: \\\\hich culture? 209

each ·population group'. In effect this proclamation reserved all money for
cultural activities for the use of the Administration for Whites. which more-
over claimed all cultural assets such as public libraries. the Conservatoire and
the Theatre for itself. A body called the Department of Cultural Promotion
(Kultuur-bevorderim;) of the Administration for Whites was created ad hoc,
and it contented its~ if with little more than issuing a newsletter featuring
recipes, the correct use of crockery and cutlery. and table manners. This was
supposedly the 'Europese kultuur' that elevated whites high above Africans
who eat with their fingers. It is difficult not to be sarcastic about this concept.
since it was followed with such doggedness that in 1990, just before the new
Govemment took over, the Administration for Whites managed to 'donate'
RS million to a private foundation ·for European culture' named Kultura
2000. This act of unashamed corruption was contested in court by the new
Government, against an international mafia which included the late Esche!
Rhoodie of the South African 'lnfogate' scandal, and Professors Blaustem
and Oriani-Ambrosini, the American constitutional advisers of lnkatha. The
case dragged on over years and was settled only in 1995. In line with the
provisions of Article 141 of the Namibian Constitution, the Government
had to continue employing all public servants promoting this kind of culture.
Although a few of them disappeared to South Africa literally ov~rmght, ~he
Mmister of Education and Culture, Nahas Angula, was faced w1th tacklmg
the mammoth task of integrating into a national service thousands of teachers
and bureaucrats who had never wanted to integrate anything or anybody.
In this task, basic education had to come first, while the unwilling 'culture'
bureaucrats were perceived with justified suspicion and left in the cold as
an unwanted and neglected appendage to the Ministry. Outside observers get
the impression that this attitude persists, although the personnel set-up has
definitely changed for the better in the meantime, in particular through earl~
retirement packages. However despite valiant efforts- especially by A~dre
Strauss. a former activist ofth~ Katutura-based Bricks Community ProJect
- t c · t'll cannot speak of a 0 "ormulate elements of a cultural policy, one s 1
cultural policy being followed within the Ministry of Education and Culture
(and since 1995 the Ministry of Basic Education and Culture). Though nbsot

h . · · · . LazarUS Jaco muc debated in public, it has come under scathmg cntlclsm. .. t"
spe k " d th erseas to represen a s of bureaucrats flying every secon mon ov b d t of
Namibia. We know that all these things are done to balanc.~ the u ge
the Department of Culture to keep the bureaucracy gomg.

1 - " The Namibian lfJ/96).
Lazarus Jacobs: ·culture -the unfinished revolutoon (

210 Contemporary Namibia

THE FORMS OF CULTURAL EXPRESSION

Writing and the book sector

Writing and publishing certainly belong to the most dynamic sectors of the
new Namibian cultural life. While at independence there were three major
publishers (one of them commercial), four larger commercial publishers plus
a number of smaller publishing operations (including a substantial scientific
output) have since emerged. The most recent Namibian Books in Print boasts
I 330 titles, including almost 600 in local African languages, which is quite
substantial in view ofNamibia's small and partly illiterate population. This
success story has been made possible mainly by two factors: the expansion
of the education budget, which affected the printing and buying of text-
books as well as local-language literature used as prescribed reading; and
the skilful entrepreneurial use of foreign aid, particularly for the publishing
ofchrldren's books. The publishers are now organised in the Association
of~amibian Publishers (ANP), which was founded in 1991 and which is
qulle an active and unanimous body despite fierce competition in the market.
Thrs d~s not mean that the industry is beyond reproach; in fact, local writers
co~plam that the publishers' cupboards are full of their unpublished manu-
~r~p~, and altemati~e venues for cheap self-publishing have yet to be found.

hrs rs one of the arms of the Namibian Book Development Councrl, an
NGO founded with the aim of bringing the various role-players in the book
sector together. Unfortunately the same favourable picture cannot be drawn
for the book trade, which remains disorganised and has not kept pace with
cultural ~hallenges in the new Namibia. Bookshops are geared mainly to
serve th t d' · err ra rtronal (and predominantly German-speaking) clientele, or to
~p~ly textbook. An ill-advised textbook tender policy that the Ministry of

asrc Ed~cat~on and Culture introduced in 1994 has already resulted in trade
tmhonobpohsatro~ trends and thP closing of small bookshops in rural areas. ere Y worsenmg th · · · h h a

II . e srtuatron. As writing in an environment wrt sue sma potentral re d h' . · ·t rs
them 1 h a ers

1P does not really pay off in royaltres, the wrr e
se ves ave thu n ffi · ell (cf. infra). s arnot managed to organise themselves e ectrv ·

Libraries

Th . .
e prcture rn relation to l'b · · h e~

Government ·rnh . d 1 ranes rs also not very encouraging. Here t e n
erne a part· 1 1 . dence public libraries had be rcu ar Y skewed service: all pre-rndepen .

no public library. en run by the Administration for Whites; there was
10

any black township; and worse still, not a single pubhc

Culture: which cullure? 211

library north ofTsumeb, where more than 60% of the country's population
reside. Radical changes to this picture were expected, but actual moves were
very slow, apparently for two reasons, as follows. Firstly, public libraries are
subsumed under the Directorate of Heritage and Culture Programmes in the
Ministry of Basic Education and Culture, and this Directorate is generally
poorly funded due to the Ministry's understandable emphasis on primary
education. The fact that literacy skills acquired in basic education must be
sustained through continued exposure to reading has been verbally acknow-
ledged, but not translated into budgetary action. The other reason has to do
with staffing problems. Despite all goodwill, the management structure in
this sector, which was largely taken over from the defunct Administration
for Whites, appears to lack the necessary vision and determination to initiate
radical changes. The library profession is chronically underpaid in relation
to comparable professions, so that especially young black foreign-trained
librarians with qualifications and initiative tend not to take up jobs in the
government library service. Instead they opt of jobs with NGOs, parastatals
and tertiary education institutions which offer better pay, or otherwise they
leave the profession altogether to take up managerial posts. A recent sala?'
structure reform has rather worsened the situation. The result is that after srx
Years of independence, only one new public library has been opened in the
north (in Oshakati), mainly funded by Swedish foreign aid. Another library
was taken over from a different ministry, while preparations for two more
northern libraries are fairly advanced. These improvements are but a drop
10 the ocean, however. The only state-funded public library in Wind~o~k's
Katutura township was established by another ministry, namely the Mmrstry
of Youth and Sport.

Theatre and dance

The National Theatre of Namibia (NTN) had to develop o~t of the South
West African Performing Arts Council (SWAPAC), an instJtutron created
25 years ago to wrestle theatre and music theatre out of the hands 0~ the
Arts A · · h atters under drrect ssocratron, a private NGO, in order to have sue m . NTN
South African control. Despite some encouraging own productrons, the h'l
seern t . . ~ . panres Meanw r e, . s o survrve mainly on shows featurmg .orergn com . · k l'ke
rnvate and amateur theatres sometimes stage highly acclar;;;d :or ad~!
ocal playwright Freddie Philander's King of the Dump, the /

0
na7 Radio

of Which was awarded a gold medal in the New York Intema 10

Cornpetition.2

"K· " 'b' 7/6/96). mg of the Dump wins award (The Namt tan

212 Contemporary Namibia

Music

In music Namibia has a rich indigenous cultural heritage- though some
traditions, such as the reed-flute music of the Nama people, were almost
completely destroyed already during the last century through missionary
intervention and the introduction ofwestem instruments. Until quite recently
this heritage was of concem only to ethnographers and ethnomusicologists.
but it is gaining status now, for example on local TV which regularly features
video recordings of local dance and music. Entirely unconnected to these
traditional roots is Namibia's very strong and qualitatively high tradition
of performing western classical music. This being practically the only music
to be officially sponsored before independence, it naturally had to suffer a
partial setback, although the Conservatoire of the erstwhile Administration
for Whites continues to function today as the well-funded College of the
Arts, with a strong focus on classical music and dance. Pop music might be
the most interesting facet of current Namibian music life because here, far
frctm succumbing to the overpowering pressure of the international music
market, a real cross-fertilisation of cultures is taking place. It was already
takt~g shap~ in exile when the multilingual and multi-talented Jackson
~auJeua delighted audiences with his funky version of the San traditional
~oremandende'. Another bright star is Ras Sheehama, who did well to use

hts study years in Jamaica during exile not for studying his academic subjects
but for. absorbing Jamaican rhythms. Sheehama's creation of a distinct
Namtbtan reggae, sung in a blend ofOshiwambo and English, is worth a
much large~ audience than his local fan club. Unfortunately, the TV section
of the Namtbian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) is entirely incompetent
as regards the effect' · .. . ing . . tve promolton ofNamtbtan pop mustc. The most mov
r~ndttton ofSheehama's lyrical 'Kassinga' ballad dedicated to the victims
Co th~ massacre of 4 May 1978,3 was performed by, him a capella at the 1996 assmga Day mem · 1 · w· ded
b th ona m mdhoek's Independence Arena (and recor Y eNBC) In ·
in wh· h Sh · contrast, however, the NBC continues to screen a verston

tc eehama · · · as
'tfh smgs tn front of a huge plush pink theatre curtatn, e were perfi · " "

ormmg an Italian operetta solo.

' Cassinga was an ab d It
was liS<d by SWAPQ an oned mining town 250 km north of the Angolan border
Cnm-"" ~ as a transu cam r. N · . ards th' - .... _.,Headquarters f h P or amtbtans in exile and from 1976 onw .
of the town. The South ~fit e People's Liberation Army ofN~mibia were in the proximtt~
also on lhe Chetequera ncan alrcran and paratrooper raid of that day on Cassinga. but
the main exploit at Cass~mp some 30 km inside Angola. killed a number of HQ staff bul
8'<11 - tnga PFopcr was th · ·1· wtth a c ··-"Y WOmen and childn:n e massacre of more than 600 ctvl tans . .

f. HeywOOd 0994) on t11cnts b::: them (Brown 1995: 29-30; Saul & Leys 1995. 55·
by propaganda from both sides).

Culture: which culture? 213

Visual arts

The Namibian visual arts are still waiting for another world-class artist of
the visionary power of the late John Ndevasia Muafangejo. Nonetheless,
compared with the pre-independence scene, the picture is now incomparably
more varied. Muafangejo was an outsider to the South West Afncan art
scene. The galleries were dominated by escapist 'wide open spaces' land-
scape painting, botany and wildlife, and the occasional Herero woman
portrayed as a faceless tailor's dummy in Victorian dress. As the escaptst
mentality is far from dead among the cash-canrying white minority, and as tl
continues to be promoted by the tourism industry, this type of art contmues
to find its flourishing market. Such art has clearly lost its exclustve role,
however with more and more local talent emerging, and sometimes even
making~ meagre living out of their art. A Tulipamwe ('We are together')
workshop ofNamibian and foreign guest artists has become an annual event
in southern Africa, and goes a long way towards exposing artists, techmques
and ideas to fellow artists, and subsequently to the public.

Rural crafts

The artistic quality of rural crafts and the individuality of its producers has
finally been recognised to some extent. Galleries display works of rural arttsts
W'th h · · · h · h be orne a household 1 I etr names and the potter Angelma Stmus t as c d

· ' h 1 leaf bowls an name tn the art business. This does not apply tot epa m- .
b k · h ale for tourtsts as ets and the handcrafted unglazed pottery whtc are on s h
e h · " · rtart' ashasmuc veryw ere, but still they have not degenerated mto atrpo f
ofth fi · for this· the nature o e tgurat1ve carving. There could be two reasons . · . . d
the · .1 tyf'stic dtstorttons, an " matenals used does not lend itself east Y to 5 1 .

11
ry

h 'terns are sit ve per aps more importantly, bowls, baskets and pottery .1 " thus they have
much tn everyday household use in rural northern Namtbta,
retained their functionality.

Monuments

T . is one of the sadder
he protection of cultural and natural history relt~s (>ecause corning to

chapters in the life of independent Namibia- possibly t really mastered·
tenns with its own history is something the nation has not 6, neil along with
The new Administration inherited a National Monu~ts :efinitely worth
a list o: declared national monuments, most ~f~:~jr::re. However: the
Protectmg, ~hough with a stron~ bias on col?ma d rving relics w1th 8
Pracess of 1dentil)dng and actively protectmg an prese

I
I 214 Con temporary l\\'amibia

potential to correct this bias is painfully slow. This became public when a
property developer tore down the last remains of previous black presence in
a posh Windhoek suburb, in the form of the old Catholic Mission Church.
The National Monuments Council made some noise but was not able to
protect the building. This ineptitude and ambivalence towards what was to
be considered a valuable heritage site became much more evident when the
most spectacular reminder of the joy and exuberance of Namibian inde-
pendence, the Independence Mural at the Katutura Community Centre.'
was destroyed. The new tenant of the complex, the Namibian Red Cross
Society, simply painted over 200 m of collective artwork in clinical white.
One of the most photographed. internationally publicised symbols of inde-
pendence was blotted out, and the National Monuments Council did not utter
a word in response because it was obviously unaware of the symbolic, artistic
and historical value of this muraL

Science

In terms of natural and cultural sciences Namibia is one of the world's most
intere~ting countries. This potential ha~ been exploited by foreign vi~itors
ever smce the French naturalist Levaillant's travels in the 1780s. Namtbtan
independence, ending the international cultural boycott and making previous
war zones accessible to researchers has seen an ever-increasing rate of ' . ,
sctence tourism'. Unfortunately, this boom leaves only some crumbs 10

benefit ~amibia. Despite nicely worded university cooperation agreements.
there ts httle spin-off in terms ofNamibian capacity-building and even the
availabi_lity of research results. The problem lies in the struct~ral weakness
ofNamtbtan mstitutions. Understaffed university departments are too bogged
down. d., b . w·h"n m at Y astc teaching routine to bother much about research. tt 1
th~ ~~tverstty's Multi-Disciplinaty Research Centre only the Social Sciences
Dtvtston has re 11 ' · tiona! d . a Y come off the ground, mainly because of the mterna
o~or ~enctes' requirements for feasibility and impact studies. As for non·

untverstty research institutions NEPRU s DERU 6 CASS 'the Geologtcal
Survey 8 theN · 9 ' ' ' ts 10

' attonal Museum and some other government departmen

"
It was painted on th . · at artists

and spontaneo . . e eve of tndependence as a joint effort of profess1on s us parttcJpants
Namibian &on · · . d · t9'Xl

'Dcsen E 1 omtc Pohcy Research Unit, an independent institute founde 111 1 Centre f:~::~~~ Research Unit, located at Gobabeb. .
1990

_
1

A government
1

Soctal Sctences, an independent institute founded 10 . baCk
to the German col . body! ~nder the Ministry of Mines and Energy, its origins daung

' A 0018 adm"ntstration
government bod d · . which

Conducts research · 1 .Y un er the Mtnistry of Basic Education and Culture. matn Y '" the fi ld f te so archaeology and zoology.

Culture: which culture? 215

have built a substantial research capacity, often with dedicated long-term
resident expatriates, and with structures to train Namibians. However, more
often than not- and particularly in disciplines not catered for by well-
established Namibian institutions, like ethnological and historical research
-the countty is treated as an easily exploitable quarty for research data for
academic degrees. As in the mining industty, it amounts to foreign capital
reaping foreign profits. Although the Namibia Scientific Society has an
impressive record of involving interested 'amateurs' in scientific research
and broadening the basis of knowledge and expertise, it unfortunately does
not live up to current requirements because it tends to narrow itself down
to a Gennan tradition club, and it would require a major effort to put itself
back on the track to fulfilling the promise of its name.

Odds and ends ...

Because of the Protean character of culture, one is tempted to talk about
everything under the sun; One subject that deserves a chapter of its own_ is
architecture. Namibia, and Windhoek in particular, has been endowed wtth
all kinds of blessings and curses over the last few years, according to the
taste of the respective developers. This ranges from the decidedly cheerful
hght-green post-modernist San lam Building in the centre of town, throu_gh
the harmlessly anachronistic Wernhil shopping centre whose fa~ade tnes
to evoke Europe's half-timbered (Fachwerk) buildings, to the lates~ land-
mark, the Supreme Court, a shameless demonstration of power pam fully
reminiscent of Albert Speer's Nuremberg.

Another cultural trait namely food tended to be most unremarkable
in Namibia. If asked for a ~ational dish, 'most Namibians would probably
SetVe up pap en vleis (thick maize porridge served with, usually, gnlled beef
ormutton).lt tastesJ·ust like it sounds. On the other hand, restaurants would

· · · notto seiVe standard export varieties of German, Italian or Chmese cUtstne, an
mention the ubiquitous Kentucky Fried Chic~en. H~wever ~a~~ ~:':lso
mfluence from exile) the first restaurant wtth Afncan cutsm . d
opened in Windhoek 'which offers some well-prepared West Afncan a_n
local Namibian dishe~ and even dried mopane worms as snacks. It re~a~s
lob ' ., II d Jfl want toea -e seen whether this is a trend that will be ,o owe · . . . h made
called Owamboland's delicious freshly-harvested eembidt spma~ ~lyon
from th fth plan~ 1 still have o m e aromatic leaves of a relative o e caper Ohangwena Region,

becau
y own garden sown with self-collected seeds from the_ from pre-cooked

se the new restaurant only prepares the ekako vartety

" . itule, the Sea fisheries lnstitul<
illld lh for example, the National Botantca! Research Ins!

e Depanment of Environmental Atfatrs.

216 Contemporary Namibia

and dried herbs, which cannot be compared to the fresh vegetable. There is
definitely room for improvement.

Do pardon the culinary excursion, but the matter is not as frivolously
light-hearted as it may appear. Not only is the pap-en-vleis diet probabl)
responsible for the shockingly high incidence of high blood pressure among
Namibians, but the local spinach is also a most important ingredient in a
balanced diet in northern Namibia. Recognising the value of, and culturally
promoting healthy and tasty local foods such as eembidi, may serve cultural,
medical, and economic goals all in one. Unfortunately this is rarely seen in
a broader perspective. While medical authorities try to play their part and
sometimes promote healthy local foodstuffs in boring educative brochures,
culinary issues are hardly ever treated as part of culture, and agricultural!
economic initiatives on the promotion of local foods are largely restricted
to the staple food, namely mahangu (pearl millet).

GOVERNMENT ACTION

As already noted, the Ministry of Basic Education and Culture 11 is official!)
responsible for cultural affairs, through its Directorate for Culture. 12 Also
as already noted, for historical reasons culture was treated as somewhat of an
append~ge to education, and then usually with much suspicion and neglect.
L?lslatlon on cultural affairs since independence included the Archives Act
0
b

1
_992, a rather outdated piece in the South African tradition, which in its

as1cs had been d b · ·
h prepare Y the ancien regime which made no proviSIOn w atsoever for th · ' ' th
d . . . e protectiOn of personality rights and is a headache ,or e a m1mstrat1on ofth N · ' d

and th' . e allonal Archives. A Library Bill is being prepare ·
Is prom1ses t b 1 ds Ii'k od 0 e reasonably up to date catering for badly-fe t nee

em em legald · ' d'
in the . eposlt and the involvement of local government bo 1es

.;;:nmng. of public libraries.
e Mlmstry oflnfi · · ' ch important 1 ormatiOn and Broadcasting is responsible ,or su cu lura) matte · the

press is beyond th rs as mass media and copyright. While covermg
mentioned Th e scope of this article, the electronic media have to be

· e state-owned NBC · dcaster that does inde d IS the only local radio and TV broa .
e promote ltu · 1 1th shallow music cu re; other frequencies are commercia w
PTO&rarnmes, or religious with an equally shallow touch. The

S The Ministry ofEducat' d .f."".,.,.. sptil off1o const't Ion, Culture, Youth and Sport at independence. Youth~
Iaher Education, Yocatio~.~~ aseparate ministry in a Cabinet reshuffle in !992. whl:
~ministry in 1995. rammg, Science and Technology were split off to form

The adnli .
not become "'Sirative structure · did

very clear even to · was subjected to frequent rearrangement, whiCh
'"lerested outsiders.

Culture: which culture' 217

grassroots Katutura Community Radio 13 has come under much criticism for
slavishly adopting current US trends. While much can be criticised in detail
about the NBC's approach, it must in all fairness be noted that this
parastatal has made enormous progress since 1990. Namibian and other
African music from north of the Orange and Limpopo Rivers is no longer
1gnored. Namibian pop music, and traditional stories and dances that used
to be relegated to the Otiiherero and Oshiwambo broadcasting services now
feature regularly on TV and the English-language radio service, although
these are still inadequately presented. There is also an increasing output of
documentary videos, produced by private companies but often commissioned
b) the NBC. Most notably, Richard Pakleppa of On Land Productions made
a name for himself with his well-researched and convincingly produced
documentaries. 14 By contrast, non-documentary films from Namibia are still
few and of lesser quality.

New copyright legislation- promulgated in 1994 and in effect since
1996- laid the foundations for making the writing, publishing and per-
forming of literary and musical works a little more financially rewarding.
The Namibian Society for Composers and Authors of Music (NASCAM),
established recently with considerable backing from the Ministry oflnfor-
ITiation and Broadcasting with a view to collecting copyright fees, should
make life somewhat easier on the musical side of creativity. The literary
authors' inability to set up a similar representative organisation has s~ f~
depnved them from taking advantage of the new legal framework. T.hts .'s
highly regrettable, for given the actual practice of massive photocopymgm
'-amlb1a, a levy on copying as in other countries would create substant.al
relenue for writers as well as for a programme of promoting literature.

Archives, oral tradition, and the lack of a policy

The preservation of written records has a long history in Namibia: it can~
dated back to the archives of traditional leaders such as Maharero ~·
Hendrik Witbooi in the 19th Century. 15 The National Archives ofNarm Ja
IS a well-established institution with a good record of preserving doc.umethntary
e11denc · . . 'd h N tiona) Arch1ves ere e, mamly of government ongm. Bes1 est e a . f<
are a number of other archives of churches and private societies cat;,nng;
non-governmental documents. Even if some of those are without pro e5SIO

"Established in 1995. of the forced removal oflhe
R. The latest example Those glowing eyes. tells the story 1ern\\-·as ak ' ears later.

15 m er community in 1974, and their return t~enty Y red docUfDCiltsarcnow
hou . Maharero's archives of correspondence, treauesand captui's world-fimOUSdiar)'

sed In the National Archives ofNamibia. So is Hendnk Witboo · acruau. 1 . ' a etter-copymg book.

218 Contemporary Namibia

supervision, they are usually kept reasonably safe, and efforts to organise and
catalogue them better them are stepping up. The same cannot be said for un-
written traditions: the collection of' orature' (a blend of oral and literature)
in Namibia is entirely uncoordinated, haphazard and undocumented. There
has been a proliferation of oral tradition collection exercises by NGOs,
university departments, ministerial departments, broadcasters and foreign
researchers, and in most cases it is almost impossible to establish where the
records have been deposited or where they have disappeared to. This state
of affairs not only defeats the purpose of orature collection, but also under-
mines the willingness of the communities to contribute. There is an urgent
need for coordinating and regulatory measures.

The impact of resistance culture

Unlike in South Africa, Namibia's 'resistance culture' before independence
never grew to the extent that it could more than marginally influence cultural
de~elopment. It definitely had an impact on theatre, however, where the
vah~t efforts made at a grassroots community theatre during the 1980s
provtded the training ground for a number of stage artists who remain active
today m the ~TN and elsewhere. John Muafangejo' s art, the inspiration and
referenc~ ~mt for many contemporary Namibian artists, carmot be classified
as constttutmg an_organised resistance culture, even though his works were
portrayed worldwtde as icons of the Namibian liberation struggle. His works
are rather the highly· d' ·d 1· · . . h I ss . . m tvt ua tsttc express ton of an arttst who never! e e
tdenttfied with his pe 1 d h · · d art
fr

. op e an t etr emot10ns hopes and struggles, an ap
om thetr purely art' t' 1. . ' · · ts tc qua tty, that ts what makes them so convmcmg.

The impact of exile

Exile had a much gr t . fl . .
t · . ea er m uence, though diffuse by exposing Namtbtans
o an mtemattonal cultural d. . , thr gh

out this art' 1 tVerstty. Some examples are mentioned ou " tc e, such as the e · h and Jackson K . . xpenences of musicians Ras Shee ama
'cultural graUJe~Na. ~-htle the 'fighting' songs performed by Kaujeua, the

oup dtltrn ·"" d 1 · the socialisatio f ant an other cultural groups were instrumenta tn
Namibians 'ba:~ :C, wh~Ie generation ofNamibian exiles (and also of those
Namibia broad )me who were able to listen to SWAPO's Votce of

casts 'they fell victim to 'reconciliation' and are hardly heard

----,~,:N:d:.,.---------------
1 Jmani means 'd .

Shilongo ofUukwaJnbi thefamtte'.Itwas also the honorary name given to lpumbu ya
African colonialism during th:S:~:."btan traditional leader who openly resisted South

Culture: which culture? 219

anymore. A song like Kaujeua's 'We shall retaliate', convincing and electri-
lj:ing as it was in the days of the liberation struggle, is not what the state-
owned broadcaster wishes to promote these days. A visible exile influence,
though only worn by a minority, is West African attire. Not only a cultural
statement of African identity but also perfectly suited to Namibia's climatic
conditions, West African dress has pervaded and is accepted in both daily
life and at official occasions to a much higher degree than in those southern
African countries with a British colonial tradition. In fact, the famous three-
piece suit of the Zimbabwean or Zambian politician or administrator is to
some extent made fun of in Namibia. A judge with a white wig, rather than
imposing authority, would provoke hilarious laughter. The above-mentioned
variety of plaited hairstyles are a revival of local traditions reinforced by
recent influences from the rest of Africa." However, perhaps the biggest-
though hardly measurable- impact of exile was the exposure ofNamibia's
educated elite to a variety of world cultures (even if most of that was west~m
or western-dominated), thereby rendering into relativity the overpowenng
influence that a single model of metropolitan culture had and continues to
have on former French or British colonies.

Tourism and culture

The combination of tourism and culture is a sore point, and one boun~ to
become more controversial as the current policy of promoting 'community-
based tourism' is stepped up. The bulk of the income derived from the sub-
stantial number of tourists to Namibia as yet accrues to very few local and
overseas tour operators and it is suspected that the lion's share of the money

'd ' th country and pat by overseas (mainly German) tourists never even enters e '
is th < · . " 'b' M eover the cream of ere,ore netther taxed nor mvested m Namt ta. or '
wh · t be skimmed off by a at money does flow into the country contmues 0

small and almost exclusively white-owned industry. . d 'd
I . . .11 edy thts an provt e t IS hoped that community-based tounsm WI rem . d from the

local rural communities with a better share of the profits den_ve f 'ldl'fc
t . . . ,. r· thecreanono wt te
ounsm mdustry. 'Community-based tounsm unp tes · ·1· . · of cultural acttVI tes
conservancies in communal areas and the explmtatton . t
~ ' . . ct wtth horror, ou
or the entertainment oftourists. Purists vtew thts prospe pectacle
f · trad' · to meres · 0 fear that it will reduce culturally meanmgful tttonsffi . lly sanctified

In th · d an uno tela e case of communities which have attame ah' ba, thefear
' d s dtheOv 1m en angered minority status', such as the an an

. . hool admini-
" . bb opposttton from "' .

st Note that hairstyle questions, meeu~g stu . 0 ':.,d striking for their right to thiS
rators, recently escalated into several puptls notmg

creative expression of individuality.

220 Contemporary Namibia

of debasing an entire society to a museum piece of 'showcase savages' is
particularly relevant. On the other hand, the annual Herero Day parade at
Okahandja has been a well-marketed tourist attraction for decades but has
not lost its character as a central cultural (and political) rallying ~oint for
the Herero community. Just how skewed and dishonest the discourse around
cultural concerns may become is currently being indicated by the opposition
to the construction of the Epupa Hydropower Scheme on the Kunene River.
In this particular case, a coalition of environmentalists, tour operators and
defenders of local culture are trying to block the project by adding a mix of
cultural arg~ments (e.g. the flooding of ancestral graves) to the existing
senous environmental considerations and economic impacts (e.g. loss of
revenue from tourism). Considering that the mass appeal for tourism to the
area stems from glossy coffee-table books depicting bare-breasted beauties,
one wonders for how long such a 'cultural tourism' can be sustained without
serious damage being done to the presumably protected culture.

Financing culture

Financing culture is a problem even in the richest of nations. Culture costs
money. The bottom line in Namibia so far seems to be that the State provides
a framework- some coordinating bureaucracy some survival funding for
the f 1 h ' to

1
na 1?n.a. t. eatre,. att gallery, museum and libraries- and leaves the rest
ocallnttlattve, pnvate enthusiasm and foreign donor funding. Appropriate

stat1sttcs are not ava'l bl b d · d' d F h . 1 a e, ut a1ly news items suggest that Nor IC an
. rene fundmg, followed by German, British American and Canadian
mvolvement seem t '
ofth h ' 0 sponsor most cultural institutions and events. Some

ese ave brought cultu 1 1 d b ra awareness and development forward by eaps
an ounds, such as the N · 't' Co t' · . orweg1an-sponsored Traditional Story-wn mg

mpe 1t1on wh1ch not on! h d h . · e
time but 1 h Y a t e pnze-winning stories televised at pnm

' a so ad them de 1 d · ·11 ted children' books ve ope mto a series of beautifully 1 ustra
are little ms th and the.first Namibian-produced animated cartoons. Others

ore an pub! 1 " · exhibition . IC re at10ns exercises or even in the case ofcertam
proJects the vanity f ' ' d b)

acquaintances · h 0 several foreign individuals booste
and business s~ t e rehl?vant e~bassy. Financing culture through private
complained 'S ns.ors lp IS sttll in its infancy. As Jackson Kaujeua has

, portmg act' · f . . · ·
and as he points out th. ."v" les .are recetvmg considerably more fundtng.
the Independence A, 1~81s desptte the fact that 'One only needs to look at

rena which is k d nor<e grandstand at a sportin eve pac e to capacity, as opposed to a sr-.;0
----;:-::-----g=-=n=t,:to know where people really want to be.

II
A favourite venue fi

"" At the College or.;:' z:'s~tar music concerts.
of the Arts. June t995: t2-n\\ annual prize-giving ceremony, 29.tl.l994' (College

Culture: which culture? 221

This is obvious to the careful observer but not at all to the banks, insurance
companies and car dealers who support local sport.

OUTLOOK: A NATIONAL CULTURE?

There does not seem to be much of a 'national culture' that Namibia can
claim. I am saying this without regret. Coming from a German background,
11here it is evident that the greatest achievements of German-based culture
have a distinct international flavour while artists have been exiled, perse-
cuted and burned in the darkest h~urs of recent history in the name of
nationalism and racist ideology, 1 do not see much merit in labels such as
·national culture'. After all, who could claim them? Undoubtedly the greatest
ofNamibia's artists to date, John Muafangejo, was born in Angola and got
his art training from Swedes in South Africa. Yes, he died in Namtbta, but
undervalued, struggling for his subsistence, and before he could witness the
independence of the country he identified with. Jackson Kaujeua recently put
it perfectly)0

And while many people are calling for the Namibian culture or
the Namibian identity- this would be foolhardy. The Namtbtan
culture is a collage, a kind of patchwork, if you like, of western
cultures and influences, synthesised with African cultural tradi-
tions, customs and skills. A little like the quilts the Nama women
from Gibeon make, or the masterful patchwork dresses of the
Herero women. But while this might serve us for the moment as
a metaphor for contemporary Namibian culture, we also .have to
develop our vision and future. After all, we are still. growmg asda
nation, and our society is still in the process ofbemg moulde ·

On culture in
independent Namibia

Andre du Pisani

223

Conquest and domination may have been perennial in human history, but
as P1eterse and Parekh ( 1995: 1) remind us, 'Western imperialism differs
from other episodes of domination in that it involved a different mode of
production (capitalism) and technology (industrialisation), and became al-
most un1versal in its reach.' Western imperialism is a much more complex
and intrusive process than any previous mode of domination.

While colonialism ended in Namibia, we are still in need of a com-
prehensive analysis of its socio-economic, political, psychological and
cultural impact. The latter, its cultural impact, in the words of Pieterse and
Parekh (ibid.), 'raises even more complex issues'.lt is widely argued that
~olomahsm brought with it ideas associated with rampant individualism,
mdustrialisation and the centralised nation state. If one probes deeper, how-
ever, the picture becomes more opaque. First, it is not entirely c~r~ec~ to
argue that colonialism introduced 'modern values'. The juxtaposltJOnmg
of'modern' and 'tradition' itself is highly problematic. Colonial rulers. ':"ere
prmclpally concerned with creating and maintaining the basic conditions
of their hegemony. In many cases, the imperatives of social control dictated
that the prevailing values and institutions should not be profoundly altered,
:d that values, which were ultimately subversive of coloni.al rule, should

Introduced selectively. This means that colonial rule both mtroduced and
arrested some new ideas and values and also that it both changed and froze
their't d' · ' ra lllonal' counterparts.

Secondly, values and institutions introduced by colonial rule could not
last o b Ionia I narratives r e understood unless they were grafted onto pre-co . .
and i t' · · h' ~ who w1th the1r ns ltUtlons. This created a special role for ethmc c 1e's : .
colonial masters shaped the colonial trajectory. Thirdly, coloma! ru~e did
not represent as deep a rupture in the history and culture of former c~ ,omel s
as· · fi' loma rue

IS often made out No doubt German and South A ncan co .. h t
had · th 1 had their m eren

an extensive reach and did penetrate, but bo 8 50

224 Contemporary Namibia

limitations. These derived from the inability of the colonial (neocolonial)
state to capture every social formation, but also, from the elites to effectively
capture the state. The fact that neither the German nor the South African
colonisers were able to rupture and transform local orature, traditions and
institutions, especially in the northern regions, further restricted their
influence. To talk of the erosion of traditional identities, of the need to
cope with the dislocation induced by the irrevocable conflict between
'traditional' and 'modern' identities, is to misrepresent our history.

DECOLONISATION

Since colonisation was a multifarious process, decolonisation in Namibia
lacks a clear focus and is characterised by a depressing absence of public
discourse over its meaning. It is easy to resent and attack 'foreign' ideas,
culture and values- or 'foreigners' for that matter- but it becomes more
difficult to identifY what values, institutions and identities are 'foreign' and
part of the colonial legacy. If colonialism did not involve the imposition of
·~omething entirely new and foreign, decolonisation cannot consist in
dtscarding what is deemed to be alien' (Pieterse & Parekh 1995: 3). By the
same logic, if colonialism constructed a new consciousness and new images.
but. of a subtle (and not so subtle) mixture of the old and the new, decoloni·
s~llon. has to follow the same logic too. It requires not the restoration of a
htstoncally continuous and allegedly 'authentic' and uncontaminated pre·
~olo~ial past or culture, nor what Arnold (1981: 122) refers to as 'pastoral
tdylhsm' " but an imaginative creation of a new form of human consciousness.
and a way of life embedded in a vibrant and diverse civil society.

The 'd I · · k ·m . eco omsatton of imagination' to paraphrase a recent boo WI
thesamettl 1 ' ' " " I

" " 1" e, mvolves both the colonisers and the colonised. Ltke nattona
n:concthatton, it should involve both the perpetrators and the victims of
vtolence. In ~amibia, like elsewhere, decolonisation has been viewed in
~=wly ~httcal (national liberation) or economic terms (as in dependency
'devryl), while as a cultural project it means engaging the agencies that guide

e opment' d . · I rec .
1
. . an construct tdentity. Moreover the politics of nattona

onct tat ton was intend d , . est ot
the old d th . e as a class project: harmonising the mter

W anh . e new ehtes. Accommodation not transformation, is its ke).
at ts called for · d . ' . ss of pro.,_. d mstea ts to engage the interacttve proce .

... ~~an power and to fl · · uatton.
Eno.oing the II '. re ect on the role of culture m thts eq

. .-.. co ecllve record d . · both the unJVe!Sal and the . . . an memory requtres confrontmg .
particularist dtmensions of colonialism. In these reflections.

--~.:p·=-~--------
ICiersc, Ncdcmceu & Parekh t99S.

On culture in independent Namibia 225

'decolonisation' has both a concrete historical and metaphorical meaning.
In the historical sense it refers to the primal moment of political decoloni-
sation, a process that has largely been completed in our case. In an economic
sense it has come to mean self-reliance, sustainable national development,
and capacity-building. A process of intellectual decolonisation has also been
underway, in the form of critical perspectives on colonialism both at home
and beyond. More recently, cultural decolonisation has been recognised as
a concern, as for example in the work of Franz Fanon (1967), Cheik Anta
Diop (1991), Leopold Senghor, Aime Cesaire and Ngugi wa Thiong'o
(1993).1n the words ofMehrez (1991: 259):

Decolonisation comes to be understood as an act of exorcism for
both the coloniser and the colonised. For both parties it must be a
process ofliberation: from dependency, in the case of the colonised,
and from imperialist, racist perceptions, representations, and institu-
tions ... in the case of the coloniser.

There are different modes of decolonisation, as indeed there are diffe-
rent modes of colonisation and ways of conceptual ising them. I~ a his_to~ical
sense, anticolonialism is the opposition force to colonialism and tmpenah~m.
Interestingly, the notion of colonialism has taken on a wider, metapho.n~l
meaning in the West to describe modes of domination and central wlthm
the Wes~ for example in Jiirgen Habermas' concept of the ·~olonisation of
the life-world' to describe the impact and spread of the cap1tahst ~ode of
Production and mindless consumerism and commodification. t.n this m~ta
phorical sense one may well speak of any number of 'colonisauons' havmg
to do with alienation culture identity region, class, race and gender.

. ' ' ' · · f ulture whal Commg specifically to the matter of the decolomsatton ° c .' .
· · . ltu between dommat1on 15 at ISSue IS the relationship between power and cu re, f
and th · f · · ation· the matter o . e tmaginary. There is also the rich seam o 1magm ..

· · such as stereOI)'PeS, "mage versus reality, or the false imagery of dommatton. .
1

bels and
othermg, orientalism and other 'images of.lmages function as a If and
create · 1 · · · boundaries between se SOCta differentiations in constttutmg rnetaJll!orical 'pri-
other, us and them normal and abnormal. Images create . . and . great
sons· ' · dence Nam1b.a tn a , and these are widespread in post-mdepen . . , 2
many books on our history and on the 'people ofNamlbta ·

2 " . JS Malin (Roodcf10'119951
A recent example includes Peop/u of Na"ubio by

226 Contemporary Namibia

FREEING THE IMAGINATION

Political liberation requires psychological liberation for its success and com-
pletion- a theme extensively explored in the work of Fanon, among other;.
'Freeing the imagination' has been a recurrent theme in many liberation
struggles and across cultures. Political liberation, while of primal importance,
is not complete without cultural emancipation.

One of the earliest attempts at cultural decolonisation in Africa was
negritude, or the philosophy of an authentic African otherness and humanity,
articulated by Leopold Senghor, A ime Cesaire and others in Paris in the
1930s. Negritude lives on in debates on reimagining African history, for
example in the work of Cheikh Anta Diop (1991 ), and in philosophies of
Africanite and African authenticity. In the Pan-Africanism of Kwame
Nkrumah we find the convergence of three strains: nationalism, socialism
and.conti~entalism. Decolonisation imagery also permeates the ideasofthe
Afncan dtaspora in the West Indies and the United States of America.

In Namibia too, voices for a return to 'authenticity' have resonated. In
a reflective. piece, Edward Ndopu (1994), for example, lamented the role of
!he Nam.tbt~n Bro~dcasting Corporation (NBC) in aiding western 'cultural
tmpenahsm · On hts analysis ( 1994a: 1 1 ), the choice and division ' ... should
no ~on~er be race, but Western or national identity, if we are to survive and
mamtam African ,cultural standards and a genuine culture, in at least some
Parts_ ofNamtbta . In the same article, Ndopu argued for an 'Afncan en-
tertamment programme' on NBC TV as well as the transmission of'full
programmes in the Oshiwambo, Here~o, Nama!Damara languages'. Now,
some two years 1 t N ·b · ' , . a er, BC TV screens programmes like 'Boma Namt ta "
Tutalem' 'Pend ka' d , . . d ·ce f' h ' .. , u an Kalanamt', all (presumably) m search an servt 0 aut entlctty and 'nation-building'

Shortly aft h · · b-. 1. ert ts lamentation Ndopu (1994b· II) pronounced Namt tan tterature as " · . . ' · .
. mcreasmgly wmdblown' with writers tindmg themselves.

once agam 'i th . " ·
Once . ' n e cockpit of a disturbed and orderless literary culture ·

agam, the nat' · f · " t !),. and 'cultu .. tVts tc tmpulse was strong, the craving for mys e

A re, tr~tttons and unique values' a communion with the past. s opposttlonal d · . its
more odio fl tscourse, nattonalism (with political correctness
logic of thus

1rm~ as well as nativism, tends to reproduce the underlytng e co ontal pro· t d . . wer
structure. In thew ~ec_ an tmagmary: adjusting to the new po

ords of Pteterse and Parekh ( 1995: 9):

... The logic is that f' . . . . .
may involve the esse~ .m~tg:msatton and this process of mtmests
not unlike that of col tt~hsatl~n of difference- according to a logtc
the self and the

1
on tal ractsm, except that the other has became

va ues are reversed.

On culture in independent Namibia 227

Thus, discourses of difference, such as Afrocentrism, harness the same
themes as right-wing discourses in the West- white supremacism, white
power and cultural exclusivity. While acknowledging the importance of
self-affirmation, Afrocentrism may reproduce the structure of colonialist
thought and epistemology in replicating its racist categories. The con-
sequences of this view have been characterised as 'universal otherhood',
that is, 'the world as an archipelago of particularisms which can inter-
communicate only on the basis of difference' (ibid.).

SYNCRETISM

Another approach, one that potentially transcends nationalism and nativism
and the confluence between politics and culture as in nation-building, is
that of syncretism or hybridisation. This implies some form of synthesis
between western and local culture. In practice, however, the issues are often
less clear-cut. Chinweizu and his co-authors (1983), for example, opine that
such a synthesis 'must be within the parameters of the African tradition'.
They characterise their project as 'traditionalist', that is, 'experimentation
for the purpose of modernising and revitalising the tradition' (ibid.: 239).
They quality their position by arguing that tradition must not be
romanticised, for a 'mystical portrait of traditional Africa can prove to be
anew prison' (ibid.: 257).

POST-COLONIALITY

In studies on the cultural dimensions of colonialism, Eurocentris~ h~ drawn
the m fi . . f 1 ·al imagmanes have ost tre, and understandably so. Cnttques o co om . .
targ t d · . hy modemtsatton e e onentaltsm Victorian anthropology, ethnograp ' C

1 thea . ' . . I 1 CNN Coca o a, ry, modem tty, western htstonography, globa cu ture, '
MacDonald's and global consumerism. . On fthese

Dl. h . . fEurocentnsm. eo . verse streams converge in t e cnttques o _
tnvol . . . tr' s -such as our own ves revtstOnist history in post-coloma! coun te . . ften

· 1 dent1ty- o engaged in building and rebuilding the profile of nattona 1 . nature
on i . . bat fan emanc1patory

nsecure foundatiOns. It also mvolves de es 0 . . hts affirmative
such as racism, stereotyping, patriarchy, gay and lesbtfan rflg lu~lism. Hist-
actlon a t' · . . 'd trty' and cu tura P . . . " n 1-ractsm, rac1sm-m-reverse, I en ver ed Nam1b1a
Ortcally these and other currents have often met and con g ·
finds itself in this crucible.

228 Contemporary Namibia

The rejection of Eurocentrism opens the way to polycentrism and,
hopefully, to a more radical claim for the recognition of a diversity of
knowledges and cultures. Polycentrism is interactive, talks dangerously and
generates the possibility for more transcendent interaction. For Pieterse and
Parekh (19~5: II), 'colonialism meant the imposition of boundaries, and
decolo_msatJon consisted in their appropriation'. Post-coloniality- a term
that ongmates from literature studies- is both a condition as well as a raft
of perspectives. If properly understood, it can transcend social constructs
~d boundaries. It questions cultural national ism and statist decolonisation.
m the name of multiple identity, travelling theory, migration, diaspora,
cultural synthesis and mutation. It addresses issues of despair and embodies
hope. It leaves room for popular culture as a hybrid mode that cannot be
captured by 'national culture'. Post-coloniality is informed by various theo-
retical currents A th . . h. . . · mong em are post-structuralism, deconstruction, new

IStoncJsm and postmodernism.

'!he post-colonial is an open-ended field of discursive practices cha-
ractensed by both b d . ·
h

. . oun ary and border crossmgs. Several human agenc1es
s ape Its discourse· art' ts · . .
I . · IS , m1grants, ex1les, returnees women, ethmc groups, c asses JO I' · ' . ' urna Ists, mtellectuals (a rare breed in our country), interest for-

mations and the stor I N .b. . . . · e. n am1 1a, mdeed like elsewhere decolomsatJon
IS ensnared by 1 d. . . ' . · 1 con ra !chon by 1ts oppositional mode of appropriation. It 1s a so often bmary d' h . . ,
'na1·10 1 1

' IC oto.m1smg and contrasting 'colonial culture to
na cu ture' 'h , , · d

'mod . ' eroes to puppets' 'exiles' to those who stayed behm "
em1ty' to 'trad'f 1· " ' I Land c ~ 1 Jona Ism (much in evidence at the recent Communa

on,erence) 'I' be · , .
process of .' ~ rahon to 'slavery', and so on. Deco Ionisation JS a

emanc1pahon th h · · · · often displaces
0

. . roug mmormg. The politics of decolomsatJon
forces· wo pposJhon from Without to within carried by popular socJal , menandeth . . , ...
development, nation-b nJc ~roups, m ~he name of equal rights, socJaiJUStJce,
on the proposed CCNUJldmg and nahonal reconciliation. The recent debates
Blood Waters 0 Conference on Reconciliation as well as on TheJr . . ur Freedom fl . , p-
poSJhonaJ mode f . " _re ects such bmary logic and such an o

0 appropnatJon.

CRITICAL

There is much h
P id ope for the d'ffi · · rov ed that they rem - 1 erent cultures in post-colonial NamJbJa.
~::ntry where poJitici~~ and become more self-critical. How I long for a
the gero~ly! Increasingly ~ts, art~sts, students and intellectuals can talk

b
. ~1n&sub_iect(lll0stly" or~ while now, the 'other' gives definition to

o ~echfM:S 1 N . politician ) . uage · n Bm1bia the s " and th1s often means that lang ll:!::iJt.. tumour mill works overtime. It becomes ever

On culture in independent Namibia 229

more difficult to talk, and judgement seems virtually impossible; gossiping,
on the other hand, becomes constantly easier. Deco ionisation has been so
preoccupied with enemies, that it left little room for self-questioning. It has
also been profoundly permeated by commodification, class zoning (with most
of the poor dumped over the horizon into slums) and mindless consumerism.

Culture, however, creates reflective space for human encounters of
various kinds. There is clear evidence of this in the work of Dorian Haarhoff,
Lazarus Jacobs, Sifiso Nyati and Piet van Rooyen, and in the art of Joseph
Madisia, Andrew van Wyk, Alpheus Mvula, Shiya Karuseb, Lukas Amakali,
Dorte Berner, Jo Rogge and Yoba Jonathan, among others.

Within civil society there is space for diversity of interests and values.
Rather than attempting to impose an artificial unity or approach the debate
from one perspective only, it may be more useful to consider the complexities
of the eclectic nature of the debate about culture in post-apartheid Namibia.

Writing on post-colonial influence in the work of black Zimbabwean
artists, Anthony Chennells (1996: 7-19) has this to say:

In the post-colonial age, all cultures are hybrid and necessarily
so because any culture shaped from the accretions of history and
post-colonial history grows from many different roots.

Chennells concludes, in my view correctly, that-

... even when black Zimbabweans are celebrating a nationhood
won through war, they use, and quite correctly use, among other
'd· · fthe co-
l Joms and perspectives, the idioms and perspectives 0

loniser to make their claims and assertions. In the act of appro-
priation, however, these cease to be the intellectual property of
the coloniser.

M I . . . . akness · it is the only u hple consciousness and JdentJty JS not a we · d
w · . h · h has create our ay m Which Namibians can apprehend the past w JC
complex and constantly changing identities.

Ethnicity and nation-building:
towards unity respectful of

heterogeneity?

IngolfDiener

INTRODUCTION

231

The first problem is the very term 'ethnicity'. It has been multi-layered at
Will and comprises the whole range of so-called 'ethnic phenomena'. It is
denved from the Greek term 'ethnos', which in Aristotle's usage is a nega-
tive definition based on a criterion of political organisation. It is reserved for
all those who are not organised in the manner of the polis (integration, self-
sufficiency, division of labour), whether they be speakers of Greek or of a
barbanan language. Resumed in Latin by the Christian church, the term
'etnicus', and later 'etne' continues its career as a definition by default: 'the
nations, gentiles, pagans 'as opposed to Christians' (Amselle I 990: I 6-17).
Taken up again and introduced into French in I 896 by Vacher de Lapouge,
an authority on Social Darwinism the noun ethnie designates something
betw ' · · een 'race', a term which associates morphological charactenstJcs to
psyc?ological qualities but the scientific pretensions of which ru:e by now
dismissed, and 'nation', a type of political organisation which has 1~Jfbeen
controversial as to its foundations ever since the French Revolution. The
question was how to recreate a body politic once the king had ~n beheaded
(M~Jret 1976: 67-72). For some (Herder), the term 'nation', denv~ from ~e
Latm 'nascere', is something already born, that is, a people's splfll Jongm~
to embody itself in a territory headed by a state, while for others (Re~an), 1
IS something yet to be born and reared, that is, a political project restmg oldn
freely c · t' " as Habennas wou onsented adherence- 'constitutional patno Jsm ' . . ks f
say. The French term 'ethnie' has come to mean 'groups With lin ° 8

232 Contemporary Namibia

cultural and linguistic description'- in short, neither a 'race' nor a 'nation','
but something vague right in the midst of vagueness.

The term 'ethnology' came into being prior to that of'ethnie' which
designates its object (Chretien 1989: 6). As a social science of populations
to be colonised or in the process of being colonised, its intellectual approach
and its object can hardly be distinguished from the need, and indeed the
power, o.f colonial authorities to sort out, classifY, and name in view of a
more efficient administration on behalf of and for the profit of the home
country. In fact, ethnologists and colonial administrators were often one and
the same persons. The criteria adopted for such classifications were common
cultural features, namely language, and of a common origin, be it real or
sup~sed. The results of this ethnic carving up should be subjected to critical
revtew.

The term 'ethnicity', which has been in vogue in the United States for
so.me ~enty years, broke away from the mainstream of interest-ridden
~elficat1on by bringing to attention the relational and contingent character
~nv?lved. In whatever situation of designating somebody, when a hand points
Its mdex finger to somebody else, three curved fingers point back to the
~rson who identifies. Explicit identification and implicit self-identification
10 one and the same gesture! At a pinch, everybody is an ethnic being to
somebody else. It also brought to the fore that collective (self-)identifications
cannot escape from all sorts of situations of competition and struggle for
morepowe N h 1 .. . r. onet e ess, the lack of precision the vagueness ofdefm1t1ons,
contm b ' h. ues una ated. However, one might think positively and find that t IS
state of affairs 'has t 1 h . . . . rages d' . a east t e ment of avo1dmg dogmatism, and encou
IVe~~ed approaches' (cited in Poutignat & Streiff-Fenart 1995: 94).

th ay~I as such twisting in conceptual chewing-gum may be at times,
ere remams a seriou ·d · edv . s s1 e to 1t: 'The important question of how to rem ·

poverty 1s a question th t · · bo all'
(Hegel) 2 N . a agitates and torments modern societies a ve .
ofl~r m:ada~s "t does so in the new setting of galloping globalisaUon
of nation state:S G~bs ~becoming rarer and the job market more volatde),
a Planetary dwm~Img capaci~ to control, and against the backdrop of
inhabitants~m 1~ d~ger of Imbalance- to the detriment of 1ts human
be they sed "'"'quest."on IS how to arbitrate the demands of the excluded,

en_, or mtgrati r, · 1 reasons
who perceive themse[ ng or economic, political and ecolog1ca '
everywhere on ves. as competitors and (re)organise themselves almost
gress" had thou::~nlty or 'eth~ic' patterns which the doctrine of'Pr:
and mukifarious mobil'

0~ the dechn~. In such a set-up, open to polansauo
1 lsatlon strategies, treating the aspirations for surv"va

----;,:::F =.-::-:----' ranc:os 094 7), cited in Po .
im G GnurdJinitn <kr Phi!"' utognat & Streiff-Fenan ( 1995: 34-35).

1 rulfdrU.t (244 add). oph, <ks Rechts oder Naturrecht und StaatswissenJchafi

Elhnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 233

and well-being in ethnic terms will hardly create jobs, but certainly scape-
goats. A rational analysis will have to account for the apparently irration~l
forms of organisation if one does not share Huntington's fateful belief m
a 'war of cultures'.

Another argument for not dismissing wholesale the reasoning in ethnic
terms is the fact that ethnology, while struggling for a clearly identifiable
object, brought together many observations which may contribute to a better
understanding of many a social process.

The second problem here is that post-apartheid Namibia is prone to
tensions which the Prime Minister described in 1993 as 'ethnic tensions' and
as being 'on the rise'. So much so, indeed, that ever more voices of warning
are being raised, recalling the spectre ofRwanda.3 The question, therefore,
is how these tensions came about and what is going to become of the~.

Did the apartheid experience of institutionalised ethnic ism leave tJ_ehmd
in the Namibian body politic and social set-up particularly virulent VIruses
of'tribalism'? Or did it, on the contrary, serve as an inoculation?

4
Or was

it a matter of instilling the poison and its antidote at the same time?

ETHNIC GROUPS ON DISPLAY

A glance at the following map of Namibia on the eve of indepen~e~ce
gives credit to the idea that the country's inhabitants consist of I 0 dtstmct
'popu-lation groups' each having a territory of its own. h. h

' · · (1964) W IC The map is the product of the Odendaal Commtsston . d, tral
s I . . ' one mtxe cen pe t out the apartheid credo in the followmg terms. ... . f If.
a th · ti h the proper atms o se " u onty for the whole Territory would not urt er . . d

1
hes'

determination' but rather it would produce 'endless fnctton an. ~ ced
(Odendaall9M· 55) If a 'system of one man one vote were to be 10. at u the
in the Territory. on." group the Owambo, would completely dt?:e [esic]
oth , , d . th t 'wherever prac tc , er groups'. Hence the recommen atJOn a . hich it alone
a homeland must be created for each population .group, 10h: exclusion of
would have residential, political and language ngh: ~ t to develop self-
other population groups, so that each group would a e
determination' (ibid.: 61).

J . . in ethnic Jer111S ofHutu or Tutsi.
This African holocaust cannot be explaoned somp~ and the boSS of the tnJUtJ/ramWt

Amongst the very first victims were many 'modernle Hutu '
5

. . . .
5 kolters IS homselfa Tutsi (die tageszeitung, Berhn, 161619 >. m 81 the Unoversoty of Pan

V
4

Question asked by African participants on ° symposou
Ill in June 1993. A.

234 Contemporary Namibia

Map 7 : Ethnic sections in Katutura ( 1960)

H Herero Section

N Nama Section

0 Oamara Section

0 Ovambo Section

X Other African groups

c Ovambo- contract
wockers· compoundS

Source. Grp-/V'.
· ~w"-'lJunen 198!

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 235

This distribution of the population by means of ethnic territories was
replicated in the urban layout of the country's capital, Windhoek(cf. map):
to each 'population group' an area of its own. In the black township of
Katutura, the inhabitants' ethnic identification was displayed on each house
door: D for Damar a, N for Nama, H for Herero, OD for Ovambanderu (an
Otjiherero-speaking group), 0 for Ow ambo, and G for Gem eng (an Afri-
kaans term and catch-all for the rest, e.g. some Tswana people and African
people from other countries whose further classification would have been
too troublesome. Furthermore, everyone's identity documents had a personal
number with two ciphers marking the holder's ethnic group.

There are two striking features in this treatment of the 'population
groups'. The 'white' territory (ca. 60% of total surface area) is on the whole
located between the two deserts where there is water and where the mining
sites are located. The Odendaal Commission itself recognised that the 'home-
lands' were unable to feed their respective populations (Diener 1986: 169,
174). Also, the racial classification (white/black/coloured) put everybody in
his/her place, but only the blacks found themselves further categorised into
ethnic groups. The whites, who were dominant across the board and ran the
entire set-up to their own greater benefit, took good care not to divide th~m
selves any further administratively into subgroups along criteria ofongm
and/or social and cultural features (e.g. Afrikaner, English-speakin~, Gerrn:m,
Jewtsh). In their case, to divide would have been harmful to the tmperattve
and rule!

The Odendaal Commission's ethnic sorting did not carry its clas~ifi
catory care beyond the limits of what was 'practicable'. Thus the populations
grouped together under the label 'Bushmen' were left to remain scattered:
98% of them found themselves on territories allotted to other groups, where
they were useful here and there as game conservators, or as labourers on
white-owned farms. As one of them said, 'We are not even on the map ofthts
country.' (cited in Widlock 1994: 4-5). The cutting up of the north was not
very consistent either.' Furthermore, while there is m~nti?n of the May:;~
group in the Caprivi (Odendaal 1964: para 367), nothmg ts to be fou~d.
the Bakalahari. Over the last few years these two groups have been clatmmg
their official recognition as 'tribes' in their own right.

s . . hed Qwamboland and the
K

lromcally, the Odendaal Commission had hardly estabhs . a1 -nmmending
avang . d · est· on its rauon e, 1"""' h o as separate homelands when 1t calle mto qu 1

1
f Owamboland and

t at, 'Since there is a close ethnic relationship between the peop es ~ d ccH)pcration
!hose ofOkavangoland and since their territories border on one~: :O:towards closer
already exists within the Owarnbokavango Church, a move shou prepated and willing
PDlilicai liaison between these peoples according as they beCDme

4
mol rethe -·ntime pretoria

lotak · '( ara32) n ,_. " ""
h e such a step and as they themselvesdeterrn~ne. P ·on'. For an account of u~
ad decided to go alhead with the creation of the Kavan go naU Cb S)

events and ceremonies, cf. Diescho's novel, Troubled Waters ( · ·

236 Contemporary Namibia

Let us take the Odendaal map as the starting point for a double inter-
rogation. Let us first look back to the past: what about the historical consis-
tency of these ethnic groups? Or, reversing the perspective, from what socio-
economic, political and cultural constellations in pre-colonial times, and
through what processes of identification, did we end up with the Odendaal
nomenclature? Then let us look towards the future: what are, and may yet be,
the normative effects of this historically produced make-up on the balance of
power- which is in the making within the new framework of citizenship?

In the first place let us avoid the methodological pitfall of reasoning in
circles. Although the present ethnic nomenclature, a subdivision of the
racist category of 'black', will tum out to be an interest-ridden reification,
its reif)'ing force remains intact. In accounting for the pre-colonial dynamics,
there is the temptation to do so in terms of just this nomenclature projected
back onto the past. Talking about 'multi-ethnic' configurations is to give
credence to the very categories whose status is being questioned. On the other
hand, the present state of research on this long period has as yet not yielded
duly conceptualised certainties which would allow a simpler approach. As
for Namibia, we still lack a critical synopsis ofthe numerous criss-crossing
(self-)identifications which can be traced. The intentions of this paper, while
deconstructing these categories, some of which are still claimed today, is not
so much to wipe them out, but rather to caution against pretensions which
take them at face value - in a figurative sense in the first instance, while
perhaps hoping for a possible conversion into a cash value.

THE LONG TERM OR THE INTERLACEMENT OF
CONTINUITIES AND BREAKS6

~~-u~trrst note the shifts in South African terminology over the decades.
011~ Y called 'reserves' or 'tribal areas' since their consolidation the
~~~~~n~?fland left over to the colonised h;d been baptised after the apart-
n

1
as 10~ as 'homelands' (also known as 'Bantustans') and during the

eo-aPMthetd years · N -b · ' · 1 had
always been th 1~ amt ta, as 'regions' .7 Yet the basic princtp e
above, it is that eo~~· apW: from the principle of divide and rule ~entiOn~
which provid th amtammg the collective or communal ownershtpoflan
for a 'traditio~al' e ~oun? for 'traditional' economic activity and the baSIS
Called 'trad't' chteftamcy paid and monitored by the colonial state.

t tonal' in co trad" . . · · the ' n tstmct10n to 'civilised' orgamsatwn, I.e. --:::---__
'Expression boJTowcd fro . . ofth<

Angol~ SOCiety. m Barbe1tos (1997), who renders a subtle portrait
For"

IICO-aJ>artheid' ef o· ' · Iener(l986) and Fritz (1991).

Eihnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 237

colonisers' state and capitalist economy, the world of the colonised seemed,
from the colonial point of view, peopled by distinct and separate 'tribes'
seen as irreducible to one another, and busy killing each other without rhyme
or reason. While the term 'tribe' was held in honour for quite some time,
having taken over from that of 'savages', which had become too deprecatory
and did not allow for differentiation, it gradually gave way to the term 'ethnic
group'. However, this terminological change during the I 960s and I 970s did
not do away with the difficulty of objectively determining groups for whom
linguistic, cultural, political, and economic boundaries do in fact coincide, in
pre-colonial southern Africa and elsewhere. 8 This difficulty had already been
pointed out by the South African government ethnographer, Van Warmeloo,
in the 1930s, who sought instead to redefine the 'tribes' in southern Africa
solely as political entities. His successor, Jackson, was very specific: 'Tribe
... refers to a chiefdom, i.e. a body of people ruled by a chief.' (cited in
Skalnik I 988: 72). With the progress in recent historiography on the pre-
colonial past in South Africa, it becomes ever clearer that the colonisers'
traditional representation ofthe African past partakes in as much of the rei-
fication that underlies the isolating approach of anthropologists as it does
of the classic policy of divide and rule. What is gradually taking shape
mstead is a picture of continuities overlapping in time and space, with many
splits and incorporations, on a background of slow migrations: a setting. of
remarkable plasticity rather than one of everlasting collective identttl.es
opposing one another in their respective immutability;9 an image of a flutdrty
Whtch the process of colonial conquest and administration had gradual~y
frozen, until the fictitious fixity achieved administrative reality in the ethntc
maps above. Seen from this angle, 'tribes' and 'ethnic groups' indeed emerge
as colonial creations. Driving home this point, Skalnilk (ibid.: 75) recalls. that
the Native Administration Act No. 38 of I 927,10 although amended 32 times
up ti11I986, had upheld the p;inciple that 'tribes' can be 'divided' " 'amal-
gamated' and have chiefs 'appointed' to them by the state. Once created-

' . . 'sf category that Introduced in 1930 by J Schapera, the tenn 'Khoisan' IS a hngui IC .
roups together the languages ofthe Khoi-khoi (Nama) and the San ~ound thei;::
eature, I.e. the click sounds. The other major class is that of the·~ tan~es. 'human

In commo th d' ' 'h being plural BanJu.
be. n era acal-ntu (e.g. singular 'muntu , uman ' 1

. d fditferent mgs') Th . . , ·0 the mu btu eo
1 · ese cntena are indeed useful to find one s way I ofsouth-
.:~uages. Yet the two classes overlap since clicks occur in vari~:'~1 ~= Herl>ert 1995~ca, such as Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho or Swazi (Oiderogge 1 fab,.guageofeitberclass · oreover, the geographical areas mhab1ted by speakers 0 with ~.,_..,_of overt p· . 'de " ..,.,.,_ .. ·-·
h ap. Inally, the linguistic category 'Khoisan' does not ooUICI dier becaiJSC of their

p YSJcal appearance: while the Nama and the San resemble each~ suggests. instad.
solhmewhat reddish complexion the Damara are black. This statt ofth . ~- intenelion.
e hyPoth . ' 1 term, WJ m~-

9 esas of migrations stretching over a very ong
,.For South Africa, cf. Maylam (1986). . N IS of 1928.

Extended to South West Africa by Proclama!IOO o.

---

238 Contemporary Namibia

albeit not from scratch- the 'tribes' have in the post-colonial era become
platforms for bargaining and reservoirs for mobilisation, and proved their
'effectiveness in many ways subversive of the state' (Davidson 1992: 225).

The pre-colonial dynamic in Namibia is today taking a clearer shape
owing to recent research on written documents, oral traditions, and archae-
ology. As to the population in the northern areas and more particularly the
Owambo, the studies of Williams (1991) on oral traditions yield insight.
However, hardly anything has as come to light as yet from research in the
archives of the Finnish Mission (after a presence of 120 years!), and a com-
parative analysis with Portuguese archives remains to be done. Indeed, the
Oshiwambo-speaking population found itself split in two by a colonial
border, the effects of which are not readily accepted even today, at least not
on the Namibian side (Amutenya & Vander Linden 1993). As to the popu-
lation of the central!southem areas and of the Cape, written documents are
available to a fair extent, and the critical research undertaken by Lau (1987),
Kinahan (1991, 1992), Fuller (1993) and Boonzaier et aL (1996) provide a
far more detailed understanding. Let us here content ourselves with a sum-
mary of some of the results as yet incomplete, while illustrating the approac~
set out above by retracing the emergence of the 'Herero' and 'Damara
ethnic groups.

It is difficult to reconstruct the succession of events unaccompanied
by wr~tten traces (signs), broadly speaking before the 19th Century. However,
there IS ever more evidence that two major dynamics, separated from each
other by IS centuries, had been orienting migrations and encounters all over
the subcontinent. These are the emergence of iron technology around the
Great Lakes at around the beginning of the Christian era on the one hand.
and European colonisation of the Cape on the other.

As to the northern parts of Namibia the presence of Iron Age sites
some t e be~ ' · ·tt·ams nn "Ore the tum of the first millennium AD is established (WI 1 199

th
1
: ?2). At the beginning ofthe first millennium there had been strong

sou bound mo od y the vements of Bantu-speaking people from what are t a
central!eastem Parts f A d among
oth 0 ngola. On their way they encountere ,
'B~~· peo~171they n~ed 'Aakwankala' (later catalogued by Europeans 35
Aak anka

men ), as teshfied by the Owambo myth of creation (ibid.: 85)· The
w laandth B f gm man e antu-speaking immigrants had been interac m
Y ways, also through b . . . d other

agricultural od . arter tradmg m rron arrowheads, beans an Th
Aakwankal pr ucts m exchange for hides and venison (ibid.: 88). the
19th Cen~ ~~trolled the cupriferous Otavi region until the middle of e
Speaking mi~~n:~ 986: 59)._ ~ith regard to the dynamics arn?ng Ban~;

mselves, It IS Certain that the present-day Qwaffi

--~.~.~----------------A Bantu-language 'th d<P'
recatory COnnoialions (oral :,nn meaning 'crab' (De Almeida 1964: 159-185), WI

mmun,cat"on by Barbeitos).

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 239

and 'Kavango' populations are very close as to their origin and history,
linked by trade and war alike. The Ndonga (Owambo) and Kwangali (Ka-
vango) kingdoms had a common royal clan (Williams 1991: 72ff, 79). It is
also clear that the Ow ambo on the one hand, and the Herero and Mbanderu
on the other, all speaking Bantu languages which are mutually intelligible to
this day, share a common ancestry. They are co-migrants whose area of origin
might be on the banks of the Okavango River in present-day Angola. Large
trading caravans upheld a regular link between the Ndonga(Owambo) and
the Herero (ibid.: 78). The occupants of so-called Owamboland today share
a common language and culture, but they-

... might not have a common origin, neither are they perhaps
from the same linguistic and ethnic group. This is suggested by
the sheer duration of the process of migration which was a product
of different 'phases' since the early period of human movements
in the region which probably date back to the first millennium
A.D. (ibid.: 69-70).

Their relatively common identity certainly came about by intra- as well
as trans-clan dynamics. .

As regards the central/southern areas, Boonzaier et al. ( 1996) pomt out
the mechanisms which started at the Cape and which, region after region,
destabilised and finally disrupted the social organisation of the indigenous
population, which the authors cautiously designate by their sole economiC

t. · 1 t' who spoke one ac lVIty, namely the Cape herders. Among these popu a Ions .
or h 1 , d h combined to vanous anot er anguage later termed 'Khoisan an w o
degrees semi-nomadic herding, hunting and gathering-

... [the] tribes, as social units, were fluid. They could changeFin
· II th need for land. or response to changing situations, espec1a Y e . ld

1
-t

I . ry large 1t cou sp " examp e, when a partiCular clan became ve ' f
to form new clans within the tribe, or it might even move outt 0

1 th . . d dence ultima e Y e area. Elsewhere it might assert Its m epen ' l'f 1
becoming a new tribe .... The clan remained the strongest po 1 Jca
unit of the Khoikhoi (Boonzaier et al. 1996: 40).

d' ( d certainly not 'Hotten-
A 'collective name was probably not use an ld have been

tot'). 'The names they would have used for themselves w_oMu any of them
th· h'aetc eJr clan names, such as Cochoqua, Goring _a1qu ' e bec.use ditTeren-
m"ght have accepted 'Khoikhoi' 12 for a collective n:re pie living otT
tlal!ng oneself from the San (Soaqua, Sonqua) who peo

12 " ., 'the real people'.
'Khoi' means 'human being·. 'lchOJkhOI means

240 Contemporary .\\'amibia

the open country and who had no cattle 11 (ibid.: 1-3), seemed important.
According to Elphick's cyclical model, the distinction between 'Khoikhor
and 'San' was made on an economic criterion: 'with or without cattle'. While
the loss of stock in the fragile environment (by theft, disease or drought)
reduced many a herder to San status, catching up again by rebuilding a
herd was not easy: raiding cattle from other herding groups was risky, and
rendering services to wealthy stock-owners rather unrewarding. The wealth
gap tended to reproduce itself and to widen. In these circumstances, taking up
paid employment with European settlers was a new option, or in the end a
necessity for many people, once their clan communities had broken up
under colonial pressure (ibid.: 15-17,40, 42).

Let us bear in mind here that establishing 'San' and 'Khoikhoi' (or
'Nama') as separate ethnic groups is arbitrary and hardly in keeping with the
~-nter~a said to be constitutive of ethnic groups, i.e. cultural and in particular
mgmstlc features, and real or supposed common origin.

c T~e racistenvironment of the Cape Colony prompted many of the so-
ailed detnbahsed' Khoisan people to turn northwards, particularly small

groups of'Orlam', that is, people of mixed descent from Boer settlers and
KhOI~an women. 14 Yet they did not sever their links of cooperation with
coloma! society. Used to horses and guns and therefore superior to the local
clans T ' h 111 mt llary terms, the Orlam played the role of a buffer force on t e
edges of the e~tending Cape Colony, from where they continued to suppl)
themselves Wtth firearms and ammunition in exchange for cattle raided fur·
ther north What h . 1 up
1 d · evert e exact crrcumstances may have been, an Or am gro . ~I by Jonker Afrikaner managed to establish its hegemony over virtuall)
a the so~thern and central parts ofNamibia around 1840 with Windhoek
as 1ts capttal 15 Wh . ' . ·
c d · ether they hked it or not most of the local Khotsan group>
toun themselve · 1 " ' d b1
II. s mvo ved m a process of merging that was advance · a tances and marr · . . . dos

wh· h tages as well as by settmg up mixed ra1dmg comman
IC were sent 0 t b · rto hunt 1 h u to ro cattle from Bantu-speaking pastorahsts

0
e ep ants and tr · h · · from

a clan-based s . os tc es. Lau analyses the rapid general trans111on
ubslstence economy towards a commodity economy With two

. A derogatory te d . 'tical
discu~ion of the tenn .;;n enotm~ !.ower status, i.e. 'vagabond' or 'tramp'· f?racn e of
coloma! German be uschmann m the ethnological and anthropological !Iteratur _
· Y tween 1905 d · ~''" "thallhere is not on h . _an 1914, cf. Prudhomme ( 1997). The gist of hiS an · ··
The Buschma"n not~ c a;:ctenstJc to be agreed upon by the different contemporary auth:
about the people to ;~it e~efore tells us more about the mental frame of its inventors '

"cr. Andre Br ~~ 11 was supposed to refer.
"One of the ~n~ nov~!, A Chain of Voices (1982). . th~

he had been called upon b vt.'rSions, apparently that of Jonker Afrikaner himself, has ~-515 who had moved southwarJ'" ocal group to help push back Otjiherero-speaking pasto ~
them in 183S (lau 1987: ~~tdertosavetheirherds from drough~ and thathehadde

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 241

major outlets, namely the Cape and the port of Walvis Bay, which Jonker had
been quick to link to Windhoek by the construction of a road. The dominant
features of Jonker Afrikaner's new polity which had started from raiding
and trading were:

"
"
"

a complex division of labour destined to guarantee the regular supply
of external markets (always cattle, but also elephant tusks and ostrich
feathers), to control the circulation of all description of imported goods
and to secure the transport infrastructure;
a merit-based military organisation;
emerging private ownership of cattle, firearms and ox wagons;
copper-mining, started in 1857; and
constitutions defining the hierarchical status for citizens, by owners
and servants.

All these devices mingled most of the Khoisan clans and beyond in a
·patchwork of cooperation, incorporation, trade, dispossession, and conflict
····(Fuller 1993: 65), and in the case of Bantu-speaking pastoralists, often
at the barrel of a gun (Lau 1987: 30-31 ).

THE INVENTION OF THE HERERO AND DAMARA ETHNIC
GROUPS AS AN EXAMPLE

At that stage the north-western areas of the Cape Colony were called 'Little
\\amaqualand'- named after the first clans that the Europeans had met, i.e.
the Namaqua, and whose name they had generalised. From there up to
\\\\ mdhoek, by and large, extended 'Great Namaqualand', and farth~r north,
Damaraland'. The Khoisan term 'damara' means 'black', hence country

of the black people'.
As for the Damara, the first European travellers had already come

across some groups in the southern parts. Fuller (1993: 65-66) pomts 10 an
economic differentiation in the Namibian south towards the end of the !Sth
Centurv·

' .

N . 1 set of relations ama cattle herders were engaged m a comp ex
· k th same lan-Wtth Zambdama or Zountama people who spo e e

1 guage as the Nama but were darker in skin colour. These peop e
' od The Zoun-were apparently =Nu Khoen the Damara oft ay ... · f

' . k'ngattherateo lama, however, were engaged as smiths, wor I
one 'she-goat' per day .... 16

16 " (ed )(l9JS~ TMJoornofs of
w,*ar Fuller quotes the traveller HJ Wikar m E MOSSO.':,...,k Soc:iel)', Vol. 15. p. 77.1n

· Coetse, and Van Reenen, Cape Town, The Van Ri

'.\\

....

242 Contemporary Namibia

Fuller further noted that the Zountama were shrewd traders. They un-
dertook commercial expeditions to the coast, where they exchanged their
goats for pearls. The Damara exchanged the pearls, at a very good rate, for
goats from the Nama, while discouraging their trading partners at the coast
from entering into direct contact with the Nama, whom they depicted as a
ferocious people living far beyond the desert. The Zountama's reported
wealth was no more than a recollection of the past in the account of another
traveller who had encountered the =Nu Khoen groups only 19 years later:
they were people without sheep or cattle, living off roots and bulbs, occa-
sionally smelting copper into bracelets and beads traded in exchange for
cattle from the Nama, even rendering service to the Nama as slaves, and
replying thatthey used to have a wealth of livestock (sheep, goats and homed
catt~e), but that the Nama had taken it away from them and had threatened
to ktll cattle owners. This radical change is due to Jonker Afrikaner's inter-
vention (ibid.: 67). Other travellers mention =Nu Khoen groups with large
herds of cattle in mountainous areas. Wherever they were reduced to sub-
servience by Bantu-speaking pastoralists moving in from the north, they
could often emancipate themselves and become full members of the dom-
inant community. Between subjugation, retreat, and incorporation there was a
wtde and complex range of situations (ibid.).

As for the other Damara, to whose legendary herds Jonker Afrikaner,
~the strongman of the time, used to amply help himself, they were the
G~maxa-Damara', 17 that is, the 'cattle Damara'. The economic differen-

~IatiOn then in common practice was between blacks 'with' cattle and blacks
Without' cattle, the latter having retreated into remote mountainous places

and referred to by Europeans as 'K/ippkaffir' or 'Bergdamara' ('mountain
Damara').

. . Such an identification calls for several remarks Firstly on skin colour:
II IS not kno h . ' tly
~ . . wn w ether the various Khoi or San clans who were mos
"atrer m compl · h ' the . exiOn t an the Bantu-speaking immigrants had over
centunesoftheiren - - . . . - : ~ amin" H . . counters made this mto a dtstmcllve cntenon ,or n ,.

!however, It
1_s not surprising that the Or lam should have done so- after all,

etr perception h d b k ad and ft a een framed in the Cape manner and they spo e, re
0 en wrote th c ' d thev had th e ape Dutch language. 18 Moreover as overlor s '

epowertodefin s . . . ' - d d The question ar· e. econdly, the economic cntenon IS stan ar ·
Isesastohowth 1 b 1 , · · touse-e a e of Herero' progressively carne m

198 -8 and in the same are - nth's
wage for a black flann a, the price of a goat was roughly the equivalent of a mo

" . Worker.
" Menlioned by Mission H

, Thctenn 'kqQ;," ori . ary ahn (IS/12/1842), for example. , "infi·
del )bywbichthcMusJimsC::ates from a bad pronunciation of the Arab word 'kajir ~-

l!llated the blacks, and it entered Cape Dutch v1a Portu"-

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 243

Established in 1828, the Rhenish Missionary Society had taken the
Cape as the starting point of its activities and in 1841 decided, in agreement
with the London Missionary Society, to extend them into Great Namaqua-
land. On arriving at Windhoek in 1842, their missionaries found themselves
engaged in a 'race' with Methodist missionaries, but the Rhenish strategy
aimed for goals lying beyond: Damaraland was to be the base for advancing a
chain of mission stations into the interior of Africa (Engel 1972: 341, 353).
However, beside the quarrel with the Methodists, this enterprise encountered
two major obstacles: first there were Jonker Afrikaner's political interests,
and keeping a tight control over the commercial circulation of firearms and
ammunition, he opposed the missionaries' wish to swann out amongst the
Gomaxa-Damara out of his hold; and then there was the language barrier,
and according to CH Hahn -

... translating was quite painful, because one had to translate from
Dutch into the Namaqua language in the first place, and from
there into the Damara language (25/12/1842, Vol. I: 97).

Experiencing his first years among the Gomaxa-Damara as an ordeal
and waiting for an opportunity to explore the north (two trips to the Owarnbo
country- in 1857 and 1866), Hahn had noticed that the Gomaxa-Darnara
spoke a distinct language in which the designation 'Herero' played an
Important role. 19 On 19 August 1844 he wrote 'Omohereroland' in his diary
for the first time and two months later he referred to its inhabitants as
'omoherero', an ~xpression that was soon picked up in the correspondence
and the official reports of the Rhenish Mission. Yet in 1861 the unsuccessful
work of what was by then officially called the 'Hereromission', carne to_ an
end. Ready for a final go two years later, Hahn decided to cut the Gordian
knot. He entered into an alliance with Swedish trader, adventurer and copper

· d fthe mtne boss Andersson and thereafter came the 'war ofindepen ence 0
H ' - ' r d The erero · Havmg been identified, the latter now had to be centra 1se. ·
comment of amateur historian Vedder (1934: 416), himself a ~~~stonary
befo · fN · is exphc"t· re actmg as an inspector for the League o attons, ·

" , 2{)

'Nun hatte Andersson einen Mann ... verantwortlich zu sem ·

19 . " , " d nnined not to return, and
Th1s term means 'those who are detenmned " I.e. ete called thcmS"Ivcs

refers to a p · . . · h"story Their forebearS .
.\\.f romment event m the group'sm1grauon I · . m 'Bantu'. meanmg
.· bandua' or 'Mbandu' (Vedder 1934: 135-136), a term denfvedM froltassoux t987: 19-20).
people' " - deed (c c1

20 or persons'. A very common phenomenon an H · hief amongst olhers.
Mabarero, orKamaharero who died in 1890, was a ~c (Samuel Malulr<rO

some of h ' also Ibc , ... M o w om were more powerful than he. He was
Who led the · · · 1904 upnsmg against the Gennans m ·

244 Contemporary Namibia

Owing to his mercenaries recruited in the Cape as well as among the
'Ovatjimba' (the term used by the Gomaxa-Damara to denote 'cattleless
people') on the spot, Andersson carried the day in the battles at Oljimbingwe
in 1863/64. In summing up this eventful period, Lau (1987: 130-131)
concludes that-

" as far as the Herero chiefs of central Namibia were con-
cerned, the seven years of the 'war of liberation' (1863-
1870) are reduced to exactly seven months, involving only a
very small fraction of the bulk of the Herero- possibly less
than I 0% (p.l34 ); and

" the European witnesses and agents ... emerge from their
own records as the 'freedom fighters' they claimed the He-
rero to be. They fought for freedom from the limitations and
controls which the powerful Oorlam Afrikaner alliance was
able to impose on them. Their allies were not only one or
two Herero chiefs but all those chiefs who were equally in-
terested in undermining Jonker's power, first and foremost
among them ... (a list ofOrlam and Nama chiefs follows)
(p.l20).

The new para<hgm launched by the missionaries, i.e. identification by
way of a linguistic criterion and paramount chieftaincy, took several decades
before it was imposed. While the term 'Herero' made its way into official
German circles and came back forcefully with German colonisation, people
did not drop the term 'Gomaxa-Damara' (or simply 'Damara') on the spo:
In his letter of 3 October 1884 to the Governor of South Africa m Cap
Town, Kamaherero introduced himself as 'Chief of the Herero tribe m
Damaraland' and concluded as 'Chief of the Damaras'. 21 Quite under-
standably: for a population of herders to be identified by their wealth m
cattle could only fill them with deligh~· and by posing as the chief of the
Herero and Dam l'k ' hief who . ara a I e, Kamaherero caught unawares any c
ffilght have tried to take advantage of a semantic shift in order to escape
fro1~. an authority which he purported to be supreme. It is probable that po l!ical ce tral' · · s for
h . n . lsatiOn made real headway only during the preparatwn .
~ e .anll-~olomal military action launched in 1904. As for the fluctuatJng

estlgnatlon Pfllctice,
22

the 'Great General of the Mighty Kaiser', Von Trotha.
pu an end to 1t:

21
In Pat

"Inth grave(Sials(ed.) 1991:403) Jh)
elrtestimoniesofQ be · . ( ntrelsou

and even the District C cto r 1904 the German settlers at G1beon ce , . h Jh<
exception of them· · ommander, Von Burgsdorff still used the term 'Damara " Wit

ISSIOD&ry Wh had ' 0 employed the term " Herero'.

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 245

... every Herero, whether found armed or unarmed, ... will be
shot .... There are my words to the Herero people (Drechsler
1980: 156-157).

The distinct Herero identity was brought about by the genocidal cam-
paign and the collective traumatism among the survivors. In fact, there is
no generic name comprising all groups ofOtjiherero-speaking pastoralists,
namely the Vakuvale (after a geographical designation) of south-western
Angola, the Ovahimba of north-western Namibia and the Mbanderu near
Botswana.

As a result, the only people to whom the designation 'Damara' could
henceforth be applied were the former 'blacks without cattle' whom the
German Governor Leutwein had already intended to set up as an ent1ty of
its own by creatin~ a 'Dama~a king' at Okombahe in 1894. In so doing,
Leutwein released the group under Cornelius Goroseb from having to pay
tribute to a Herero chief, and engaged them in wage labour at h1s own
disposal. Fuller (1993: 70) comments as follows:

This probably came as something of a surprise to most 'Dama-
ras' at the time because many may not have known they were
Damaras in the first place; and in the second, they may not have
heard about a single headman living in a remote Native Reserve.

Ten years later 'King' Cornelius's group came to the assistance of the
' · 'd fth Herero Gennan troops while other Damara died fightmg on the s1 eo e

and Nama. Ins~ far as they had been under the thumb of Herero or Nama
chiefs, German colonisation set them free by employing them as wage
labourers and by utterly destroying Herero and Nama power.

ETHNIC BOLTING-IN

Th d't' nal fluidity of col-e colonial conquest abruptly put an end to the tra 1 10. . . h ent in
I f · · f h ontrad1ct1ons m er ec lYe Identities. Driven by the dynamiCS o t e c d ndone
the lineage mode of production2' they had continued to be rna el, u broke
a d ' c Ionia! conquest a so n recreated over the medium and long term. 0 . and in its
the 1· · - th ughout the terntory " . po llical autonomy of the populat1ons ro
stnde, placed them into different situations. . . d.

1
two parts: the

Let us recall that the territory was officially dlvldfe hm
0

unm.· and the
· r th' dso t eco "J' Po ICe zone' ( 1911) which covered about two ;arl as

190
6. In what was

north, which had been proclaimed as a reserve as Y

C~""tes< societies. ll hT Rey(I97I)OO wo-C[, for example, the research by Pierre-P 1 "ppe

246 Contemporary Namibia

to become the police zone, about three quarters of the Herero were
exterminated, and nearly halfofthe Nama." The confiscation of land and
chattels, the dissolution of social and political structures, and dispersal all
over the police zone, amounted to attempts at creating 'one single coloured
labouring class' (according to Commissioner Rohrbach). The latter policy
of full-scale proletarianisation was progressively dropped and superseded,
from 1912 onwards, by the creation of' reserves'. Some small Nama/Orlam
groups escaped this harsh treatment because the Germans had made some
concessions after 1907 in order to end the endemic guerrilla warfare. The
Rehoboth Basters were not affected: they were able to keep the territory
they had obtained at the Okahandja Peace Treaty of 1870 as well as their
internal political organisation.

As to the highly centralised and well-armed populations in the north
(in particular the Owambo ), the Germans had abstained from military con-
quest and preferred to tap this 'precious labour reservoir' after the 'labour
material' of the police zone had been decimated. Hence, there was no des-
poilment of land and the political structures were left intact. Instead, an
organisation for a regular supply of migrant workers was set up in agreement
With the chiefs. But the latter were anxious to keep the absence of their
dependants compatible with the agricultural work schedule and conceded
only migration periods of six months. This obstacle was removed only after
a Joint military operation by South African and Portuguese forces in 191].

The 'Caprivi Strip', an outstanding colonial oddity," came under Ger-
man control only in 1909. Occupied in as early as 1914 by troops from
Southern Rhodesia, it was soon administered as part of British Bechuana-
land,_ until the authorities of the South African mandatory territory took
over 1? l930. Due to its remoteness from Windhoek however, the Strip was
effectively d · · ' '

a m1mstered from Pretoria 'as another South African bantustan
~l th~ way up to 1980 when AG 8 brought it administratively back into
1 :nlbla (Fosse 1992: 21 ). Marginalised and less submitted to the migrant
: otur_ s;s~em than the rest of the north, the Strip became the turntable of

re ona s total str t ' · 1 ver
Th a egy , With a military base as the major local emp o, . ·

hierar he c~nquered populations were stereotyped by Vedder ( 1934 ). In hiS
c y t e Herero 'occupy the first place amongst the natives'; they are

Some 20 000 Herer . 0 b fore the
war, and some 10 000 N ° surv.'vors out of a population estimated at 80 00 e 21

It was added 1 arna survtvors out of an estimated 20 000. th
Ponuguese consent It~ the Protectorate in 1890 by an Anglo-German agreement ~~
Nonh Sea off the G ~ad been exchanged, together with the Isle of Heligoland '" ~
access to the Zambee . R_coast, for the islands ofPemba and Zanzibar The Germans wan
Afrj ZI tver · d · EaSt ca. However th 10 or er to create a better link with their protectorate,
,.__ . , ey Were unaware f th . 60 "-- do\\111·
~--·" Whtch rendered . 0 e extstence of the Victoria Falls "'" 'ded
tnforming them. any navtgation impossible - and the British carefully avot

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 24 7

·mostly tall', have 'well-formed bodies' and a 'striking appearance'- 'a real
ruling race' ('Herrenvolk' in German) (ibid.: 45), sort of 'lost cousins of
Aryan supermen' (Fuller 1993: 68). Next on his scale come the Nama. 'The
Nama does not possess the striking appearance of the Herero. Physically he is
of medium height.' While some people are tall, others, in cases 'where
there is probably a strain of Bushman blood', do not reach the average height.
The shape of their nose and their face, which is triangular especially in older
persons, seell! 'ugly' to us (Vedder 1934: 50-51). 'The Nama is intelligent,
grasps and learns a thing quickly, has a good memory and is handy and
skilful in performing light tasks .... This race is the most gifted of all ... ·
Their feelings are easily moved and they are very easily swayed for good or
evil. Hatred makes the Nama a dangerous opponent and a merciless enemy.
Endurance of any kind is not one of his hereditary characteristics, nor IS
careful thrift with a view to the future within his category of virtues' (ibid.:
55-56). As to the Damara characterised as a 'people of the netherworlds'
(Fuller 1993: 68), Vedder ~laborates on the 'impenetrable darkness' wh~ch
'lies over the origin and descent of the mysterious race' (1934: I 07). Owrng
to their 'geistige Unbeholfenheit', the Damara 'steht seiner Anlage und
Begabung nach we it unter dem Volk der Hottentotten' (ibid.: I 08). Insofar
as they came to know some culture this was ascribed solely to the Damara's
contact with the Nama and Herero 'whose traditional slaves and servants they

, h ' d rstood usedtobe(ibid.: 59ft). TheywereevenbelowtheBushmenw o un e .
how to keep and treat [them] as slaves' (ibid.: 118-119). Owing to a~m-~llc
confusion, Vedder saw fit to portray his Chau-Dama as 'dirty Damara (Ibid::
23 " 59, 62), whereas to the indigenous ear he really presents them as 'sh_lt
D ' ' D ara~ amara' (Fuller 1993: 71 ). 'Being used to subservience, the Berg am
happiest when under a firm hand .... On the whole ... the Berg Damara h~
d · · rtant economiC a apted h 1mself best ... and may be regarded as an 1mpo

1993
.
6
9)

factor in the cultural development of South West.' (c1ted m Fuller ·d .
A ' dl ver encountere m · s "Or the Owambo, whom the Europeans had h":' ye

1934
: 72-73).

the old days, Vedder insists on the cruelty of the1r chiefs ( d b hool
Vedder's book became the standard ethnograph~ sprea / :erly

~ooks, and his hierarchy was appropriated by the colo~·sedt: (u~le~ (1993:
) many Herero, grudgingly among the Damara. A ceo mg 'Damara pride'

73 l, the efforts undertaken since the late 1940s to advance 'be' ·
0

!986
IS 0 f . fthe 'Damar& tTl I

. ne o the reasons for the official creall?n _0 . favour. However,
lltthtnthe 'homeland' structure withamaJontyofvotes_mh had cam'ed the

. · ' 'I wh1C
gomg tr1bal did not prevent the Damara CounCI '

1
tely in favour of

motion, from condemning apartheid and coming out reso u better access to
SWAPO's independence discourse. The oth~r reaso~inthepastshared
financial resources which the Damara Council had al
With SWAPO sup~orters also (ibid.: 72, 74)·

248 Contemporary Namibia

The framework for interaction among the colonised kept in reserves had
become more rigid in urban areas as well. While it seems thatthe locations
for indigenous people at the fringes of Windhoek before 1905 had some kind
of 'ethnic areas' (Ridgeway eta!. 1991: 3), the Windhoek Municipality,
which had regrouped these locations in 1912 on two sites with the bigger
one called 'Main Location', had made this into its organisation principle and
formally established it in 1932. However, 'in practice, the residential seg·
regation according to ethnic groups [was] not strictly enforced' (Wagner
1951: 104).

26
The occurrence of marriages and unions between persons of

different ethnic origins contributed to smoother social relations. Another
important fact was that the inhabitants had the right to own their houses,
hence a real estate market existed which did not strictly follow the ethnic
layout (ibid.). Wagner reports:

The vast majority of Natives, however, live, and prefer to live,
among their own people [p.l 04], [but] ... the typical atmosphere
of' li.ve and let live' ... seems to be the key note in the every-day
relatiOns between the various ethnic groups [p.l3 7]. In 1927, a
Non-European Advisory Board had been created and ... while a
boards~an can, in principle, represent only his own ethnic group
or sect10n, candidates are eligible from members of all ethnic
groups ... · [Since] small groups or sections, like the Nama or the
B~ters a~d the coloureds, stand only a small chance of getting
thetr candtdates elected ... the Municipality usually appoints its
boardsmen from among those groups that did not get their
candtdates through. This system undoubtedly has its weak points,
but so has its alternative, viz. to conduct separate elections for
each ethnic group. Apart from complicating the election pro-
cedu~, this would serve to strengthen the separatist spirit amongst
~ dtfferent groups [p.l 07, Wagner's emphasis]. The Windhoek

tsory Board is remarkable also in that it unites a number of
representatives o'fi 1 h . · · h ·c . , - ormer Y osttle or at least antagomsttc et m
groups mto onep t· · 1 b d 'b I . o tltca ody. Tensions due to deep-roote trt a antagomsm an h .
d . ,;pear, owever, to be very rare, and the only evt-

ence whtch I could b · . · h
. . o tam on thts question pointing rather m 1 e oppostle dtrectio [ 1 · ofth . n ... p. 12, Wagner's emphasis]. The mmutes

e proceedmgs [' Afr'k I
to leadingNativ . tn 1 aans and English] are ... sent ... a so
a close ey thes tn the reserves [p.l 08], who were eager to keep

eon eurban .d f . .
sr e o therr dependants' lives.

..
Survey for the 0eparm,

ent of Bantu Administration and Development.

Elhnicily and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 249

There were two more instruments for bringing people of different
ethnic description closer to each other: the schools of mixed composition
(ibid.: 223-224), and the club and association scene (ibid.: 115ff). By and
by the ingredients of an animate neighbourhood life came together, and the
Main Location was re-baptised 'Old Location' after the forced removal of
its inhabitants began in 1959. The Main Location is still remembered today
with some nostalgia. In the collective memory of Windhoek's non:whrte
population, the Old Location takes the place of South Africa's Sophr~town
and District Six that were multi-ethnic and marginally even multiracral
crucibles before 'the imposition of apartheid. Wagner's portrait is both cr~
cumspect and contradictory: a dynamic tendency towards mixing in elastrc
inlerstices coexists with mutual perceptions in terms of stereotypes close to
those laid down by Vedder (ibid.: 132ff).27

1 The apartheid-type layout of the capital in three separate areas, ~arne Y
white Windhoek coloured Khomasdal, and blackKatutura wrth Its mtemal
elhnic sectioning: had done away with any interstices for mixity. Henceforth,
all social relations in Katutura became monolithically mono-ethmc, from
the classroom situation and sporting life (with matches between. local teams
taking on a character ofHerero playing Owambo, Owambo pla~mgD~ara,

) . . . . II !Teet ofthrs ethnrc en-etc. to the churches' pansh acttvrttes. The overa e . h .
closure of all walks of life was that the Katutura-dwellers of a grven et me

. h · ctions as abstract sect ron came to know the inhabitants of other et nrc se . h .
· 'fon of multiple et nrc rmages rather than as neighbours, thus the superposr 1 . The fact
boundaries fostered the sense of belonging to an exclusrve gro~ th d
of being relegated to inferior and poorly paid employment foste k ~ ~=d
~ rt' roximity networ a or group solidarity to get by, and the suppo mg P . d' to others
w · h h · Th utcome rs rstance " as m t ese conditions necessarily et me. e 0 . d b LeBeau in
suspicion, and fear. The record of mutual prejudices hste y earlier As
199] roughly reproduces the pattern reported by Wagne~ 40 ye::t Namlbia
Pendleton had warned the future power-bearers of an 10 epen
10 as early as 1979 (p.l40):

. . . .b. and when the country
Ethmcrty is a serious problem m Namr ra, ment it will
eventually achieves independence and self-goOvem bo ~ill not

rt' s The warn assume even more critical propo ron · reds and whites will
trust the Herero Africans will not trust co lou ' -,

, n which was linked to some
"The highly complex legal status of a 'coloured pe~ ,;.,us in case a new separate

~d\\'antages, and the perspective of enjoying hous~-ow;;ers :e vote of ·about 93% of the
coloured, township was set up, certainly contnbute to han option. Yet the nme-)-eaT·

Coloured community' (Wagner 1951: 132) in favour ofsuced to ·coloured' people as well.
long stubborn resistance to forcible removal was in~~ =formations with a trans..cthmc
and this move coincided with the emergence of po ltl
stance.

250 Contemporary Namibia

not trust nonwhites. This lack of trust is reflected in the fact that
members of one group will not allow members of other groups
to make political decisions for them: each group feels that other
groups will only act out of self-interest. Unless steps are taken to
decrease the importance of ethnicity and increase intergroup
interaction and confidence, the consequences could be serious
ethnic group conflicts in the post-independence period.

Stereotyping has become a conditioned reflex. To pick out just one
example: addressing a public of young people in the Ongandjera(Owambo)
~rea in 1993, the Minister of Youth and Sport cautioned them against get·
tmg mvolved in crime by saying that if they did, they would bring shame
on the President (President Nujoma is an Ongandjera himself). The following
day all ofNamibia was in an uproar: a minister had treated the Ongandjera
a:' thieves! In fact, most informal political analysis in Namibia is ethnic-
ndden, especially when it comes to the internals of SWAPO, which right
from its inception in 1960 had made it a principle that ethnic divisions were
to be overcome (Leys & Saul 1995: 13, 15).

What turns out as an eventful play of identities in the medium- and
long-term perspective and in the shortcut of an historical account appears to
the immediate perception of an individual's life as a rather sluggish process.
lnd~d, the P_ec~liar feature of apartheid was to stiffen wherever possible the
reahty of flutd Identities and the angles of its perception alike- so much so
that they would reproduce one another. Apartheid: a self-fulfilling prophecy?

Before dealing 'th . . 1 me WI post-aparthetd perspecltves let us ana yse so concepts. While th d · . ' . d
d . e YDamtcs of the hneage mode of productiOn, once passe un er artstocratic infl . h the

S th uence, produced tis own lot of poor people ( ere an, ere the Ova!" b ~ m
1975) 1 . . Jim a "or Owambo societies· cf. Clarence & Moorso , co omsatton had 1 . ' 1 · ans and 't rfu eager Y taken m these poor dropouts as pro etart 1 powe llyb d . ·
category of Afr' oos~e thts tendency. Hence the emergence of a growmg
outside the I' "can~ m a position to secure their material reproductiOn

meage hterarch Th' n as 'detribalisat' , A . y. IS new phenomenon came to be know
~- -~~ ~ Owambo chiefs had . 0 prevent the erosion of their power base,

bulkofamanpo re~<hlyparticipated in managing the migration of the
Wer Whtch th G k' for desperately. They or . e erman recruiting officials were loa tng

in caravans as they gantsed the workers' departure from and return home
' Would hav d d" al caravans in Iong-distan e one when raising carriers for the tra I!Ion

ce trade. These efforts in the opposite direction, which

Ethnicity and nation-buildirig: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 251

were soon also bolstered by the colonial administration, came to be referred
to as 'retribalisation'. The interest of the chiefs overlap here with that of
colonial capitalism. Indeed, this way of linking the dominant capitalist
mode of production to the dominated lineage mode of production turns out
to be profitable. The wages for such semi-proletarians may be brought down
to the price of the consumption volume necessary for merely reconstituting
their labour force on a day-to-day basis, because for the rest of their time
they are elsewhere (supposed to be) busy in agricultural work within the
family unit, which in turn reproduces itself wholly outside the market. If
compared to full-time proletarians of the metropolitan type, whose wages
must at least be equivalent to the price of subsistence-level consumption
for themselves and their families the cost advantage is obvious. By thus
submitting the lineage mode of p~oduction, the capitalist sector cashes in
on a labour income.28 The entire apartheid legislation -from recru1tmg
migrant labour and influx control measures to the ethnic framing ofpubhc
life- constituted a regulation mode aimed at preserving this type of lin~~g~.
Let us also stress here that the 'homelands' that were wiped out on Namibia s
new administrative map endure under the label of 'communal areas'. ~he

· · · I' t duct1on fomner white zone continues to serve as the footmg of capita IS pro
relations, and the linkage of the two modes of production continues to be
the basic framework. . .

The efforts towards retribalisation did not prevent there bemg mcrea-
sing numbers of Africans whose links to chiefly power were loosened. B~t,
despite slipping partly or wholly away from this latter authority, they did

. . N aiD ara The detnbal-not stop speakmg Otjiherero Osh1wambo or am am · . .
.. ' . , . . ti 't 'bal' orgamsat1on. Ismg trend started uncoupling 'ethmc 1dent1ty rom ri . h .
I f: , . . . . f od fon _declines, et mc nso ar as tribal' orgamsalton- as a relation o pr uc 1 .
'd .. · · 'ffi fi one another to varymg 1entities emerge as cultural entities wh1ch d1 er rom . 'd

1
-
1
-

d · olomal 1 en 1 1es egrees. The cultural dimension of the respective pre-c .
1

.
b · economiC rna nx. ecomes gradually detached from their common sociO- . d' si'ons

'b I d the ethmc Imen Separated on the analytical level, the trr a ~n
1

.
1

relation as
open a scale of combinations reaching from thetr pre-co 0013

1
paration

. . h ge) to factua se · corseted by the law of 1928 (m wh1ch case t ey mer ' fi But
A · . 'd , 1 a Darnara or sure. s one high-ranking government official sa1 , am rk t ,z" Why
I don't care for chiefs or cattle. I buy my milk in the srrrn~pl~~g which
not take stock on such a scale of the various degrees_ 0 du~ctr~butions today
C . '/'.., h · pecttVe IS I oex1st today? One might try to quanti.; t etr res . d b II kinds of

h'I · penence Y a
w I e trying to measure the slide ove~ tr~e ~x the different roles which
people. This exercise would yield some ms1ght mto

"Cf. Diener et at. ( 1982: 32-33). ld be c:allcd an 'mbuti'. 29
In the Oshiwambo language, such a per>an wou

252 Contemporary Namibia

the various types of ethnic identification are liable to play in the new socio-
economic and political dispensation of independent Namibia.

UNBOLTING? THE SURFACE, INTERFACE AND HIDDEN FACE
OF ETHNICITY

At a superficial glance, the ethnic structuring of pub I ic I ife has disappeared.
The institutions and regional subdivisions of the state have become 'de-
ethnicised'. On identity documents, the ethnicity-denoting ciphers have been
replaced by '00', and in Aprill996 the Minister of Home Affairs suggested
scra~pin~ them altogether. The state knows only citizens, and in the new
offic1al d1scourse 'ethnic diversity' and 'citizen equality' are combined into
;xpress1ons hke 'Oshiwambo-speaking citizen', 'German-speaking woman'.
N~a!Damara-speaking man', etc. As the employer for public services, in

particular_ the coercive structures (police and armed forces), the State will
see to the1r 'balanced structuring' (Constitution Articles 23 113 116, 119,
122) H · ' : . ' · er~ anses a first paradox: how does one make prov1s10n for such a
balance Without taking cognisance of the different identities to be balanced'
The same bl · · · pro em crops up with affirmative action: the former 'non-wh1tes
surface again as ' h . · 11 du· . . persons ... w o have been socmlly, econom1ca Yore
catJonally disadvantaged by past discriminatory laws or practices' (Article
23

)- Yet these quandaries are inevitable if the majority of citizens do not
accept yesterday's discriminations as eternal.

h ~s for the two principal political parties their respective electorates
stranow "mP?rtant regional differences. Howeve; while SWAPO has been a

s-ethmc party fi · · . . ' aged
to tta' rom "ts very mcepllon m 1960 the DT A never man

a m the same status.'o ,

of a~~rding to Article 23 of the Constitution 'the practice and ideolog)
denoting~~~--- shall be prohibited'. So why are there, still in 1996, ethnicit)·
do municipa~~ on the doors of houses in the old parts of Katutura, and wh!
'Herero" and 'Owuses contmue to run to Katutura stops classified as 'Darnara ·
f ambo'? Inas h h . h · character o Katutura's . . · muc as t estill largely mono-et mc

selves: more m~:ons IS receding, this is only due to the inhabitants them·
causes and eff:ts 7arriages and a more tolerant attitude are simultaneous~
by the inhabitan .

0 8 spontaneous unbolting. The ethnic stamp IS dlshk
declare themseJ ts. th~y- believe in the policy of national reconciliation and

ves Wllhng to h · up-- go a ead with it. They want the opemng

il P<>st:~ only half-hearted Sle · h mad<
lhe

1
10 become a DTA P was a change in its constiiUiion in 1991 wh!C f
~ elhnic Plnies ~mber or office-bearer without being a member of one 0

'" the firs1 place.

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 253

and are aftaid of it at the same time (prejudices!). However, their grudge does
not push them to act: they believe that they are not entitled to do so.

31
For

SWAPO, with its majority in government and among the local councillors
elected in 1992, this was an opportunity to make the national prevail over
the ethnic dimension beyond the level of discourse and programmes, on
favourable ground and at I ittle cost.

In the communal areas this is not quite so easy. In future the Minister
of Home Affairs would like to deploy his policemen irrespective of an ethnic
criterion, and has recommended to the other ministers to follow suit. Yet his
attempts to obtain understanding and cooperation ftom the communities and
their leaders reveal the scope of the task: 'Don't regard policemen from other
tribal groups as an invasion ... or another form of neo-colonialism.' (New Era
28/3-3/4/96). In the Caprivi32 the appointment by the Education Minister of
two school inspectors of Subiya origin, with jurisdiction also over the sch_ools
located in the Mafwe area, was opposed by the council of Mafwe ch1efs,
which called for the withdrawal of all Subiya teachers from Mafwe areas.
Matters became even more complicated: the new 'Bayeyi tribal council'-
heading a group which in 1990 requested official recognition as an autono-
mous tribe- defied the Mafwe chiefs' call, thereby demonstratmg the
group's independence. The tensions exploded into violence (July/Augu~t
1993).1n 1995 the Regional Governor narrowly escaped an attempt on his
life. Let us recall that the delimitation between Mafwe and Sublya areas ~as
been a bone of contention since the 1930s. The two versions, each !nvokmg
a long historical tradition, are diametrically opposite. However, this nest_dof

bl . . . 1 'tory Yet on the s1 e pro ems does not bring mto quest1on the nat10na tem · .
993 of the Rehoboth Basters, the faction in favour of a break-away on I~ m 1

ga k. · h ·dor to the AtlantiC Ocean, ve up as mg for an independent state w1t a com
1 00

000
and decided instead to take the land conflict with the state over some . .
h . · h ·ew to obtammg a ectares to the International Court of Justice Wit a VI 1 · . · 1 · h f indigenous peop e. conventiOn favouring the original terntona ng ts 0 h

1
the ter-

Th . · ·1 rvants throug ou . e Republican policy of deploymg CIVI se inst Jan-
ntOJy, irrespective of ethnic considerations, will soon come u~ aga arkably
guage problems. It is true that Namibia's policy on language IS 7s~ mother
flex·bl h 1· done m the pupl ' e: t e first three years of schoo mg are h. h as instituted
ton . . 1 English w IC w gue together w1th a progress1ve passage 0 :s mother tongue. But.
as the 'official language' because it is hardly anybodyd d English only.
While the State decided that as from !996 it would un erstan

3) - Diener ( 199S " - . · Seplcmber 199 · '" Enqu1ry on lhe ethnic leiter (32 mterv~ews.
3~8 1- after it had been rejected

" The name · Liambe:i' for the new region was droppeddenli"' is today dainned '"
locall}· I I . the Caprman I ., . cennlism · mposed by the lasl-but-one co omser. . ld like to assert liS
order 10 mark a diSiance fi-om the capilal, Windhoek. .. tuch wou
on the grounds of authenticily.

254 Contemporary Namibia

this is certainly not the case for simple citizens. Possible blunders by police
due to a lack of linguistic understanding will not make inter-ethnic relations
easier. Also, clearing up the intricacies of criminal cases where inspecto~.
suspects and witnesses do not properly understand each other broaches the
problem of the efficiency of the Central Government's services.

In the Herero areas, the shortcomings of the Central Government posing
as the sole guarantor of public security and justice engendered a new state
of affairs which was afterwards accommodated in the institutional edifice.
Since 1993, 'Epango' (meaning 'unity and force'), a sort of tribal militia
parallel to the police force- which is badly under-equipped- and created
on the initiative of certain chiefs linked to the opposition, has been in action
to combat the rise of stock theft. While Epango is perhaps more efficient.
it is certainly more suited to speedy performance. Another grievance was
seized on: since 'modem' justice does not accept hearsay evidence, suspec~
are released on the benefit of the doubt where customary justice would have
convicted them; and the fine imposed on the culprit goes to the State,
whereas customary justice grants it to the aggrieved party as compensation
(Keulder 1993: 20-21 ). Since 1995 an entire part of public security has been
subcontracted to traditional authorities, which also recovered the penal side
of c~stomary justice. Should the latter once again serve generally as the
first judicial instance in the communal areas on condition that the funda·
mental rights entrenched in the Constitution. shall be overriding?

Pragmatically, the Government left the chiefs in place at independence.
and replaced the formerly wide pay-scale ( 1 :35) with a salary ofN$700
~cross the b?ard (as of the end of 1994). The Kozonguizi report of 1991
n ~he creatiOn of the 'Council of Traditional Leaders' (cf. Consutuuon.

Article I02, subarticle (5)), stating that the majority ofNamibians wanted
to see the chiefs retained with some modifications made the proposal that
they should be 1 t d b 1 ' · ctive . . . . e ec e Y a I those supposed to come under their respe
~~~~"ctJons.' and that ho!ding a traditional authority and a political office
cam same time be made mcompatible. Legislation on the aforesa"d Counc"l e under royal" t Ch · f of
th H IS pressure. Pretending to the title of Paramount "e eereroK· · Jd
he sits in' u~"maR"ruakochanged it to 'King' in as early as 199 ,an
Kautw· Parliament for the DT A. In 1993 Senior Headman Gabnel

"maofthe U k ' · h ed
over to SW APO u wanyama Owambo, a DT A stalwart h!vmg c. an~i
wh1"ch d" 'launched the restoration of the Uukwanyama kmgs P "sappeared · ·b an
side (them · 111 1917 and has now been completed on the Nam" 1

border). In~~~~ of the former kingdom lying on the Angolan side ofth~
party leader ofth a so,.Justus Garoeb, Paramount Chief of the Damara an
'King' by an e Umted Democratic Front (UDF) had himself elected as
former royal c~mBbly whose legitimacy was forthwith challenged byalthf~
,.__ an. Y 1997 th N 'b· ood h """"'"kings. e am1 "an Republic could boast a g

Ethnicity and nation-building: towards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 255

An important step in legislative evolution was the Traditional Authori-
ties Act of 1995. It recognises the traditional leaders in service, stipulates
that their succession or removal shall be ruled by the respective customary
law, and declares incompatible the simultaneous holding of a traditional
office and a political office. All titles, including 'King', may be used, with
the proviso that this does not imply any change in status, powers and
functions. The latter are to, inter alia: supervise and ensure the observance
of customary law by the members of their community; assist in its codifi-
cation; uphold and promote the culture, language and traditional values;
promote affirmative action, in particular by promoting women to leadership
positions; register practising traditional healers; assist the police; inform their
community about development projects initiated by central, regional and
local government; and ensure the sustainable use of land to preserve the
ecosystem. A community trust fund may be operated under the Central
Government's supervision, with books and accounts submitted to inspection
by the Auditor-General. One domain, however, is completely missing: their
relation to land!

The slow assembling of the interface between the State and its citizens
meanders on, but it has to be stressed that the innovating proposal to combine
sovereign citizenship with communal land tenure managed by chiefs was
defeated by the lobby of'blue blood' (cited in Kozonguizi 1991: 6). Hence-
forth, rural Namibians are Janus-faced: on the one side they are citizens of
the State, on the other subjects of different ethnic kings. The latter will hardly
Want to end up with operetta-style walk-on parts, and try instead to se~ thw
leg"llmacy on a better footing by gathering around the themes of particular
traditions and loyalty. Insomuch as this rhetoric tells on people, they are
hable to be interesting partners for conditioning the electorate. The trend 15

towards stressing ethnicity in public life, and the temptatiOn IS towa~ds
underhand dealings between ambitious politicians and kings marketmg
their local influence.

The hidden side of public life is rife with inter-ethnic suspicion: In the
Press independent from SW APO the ruling party is accused of cullivatmg
amb' · · ' . · · 1 fd" 'de and rule even 1gU1t1es and of practising the classiC prmc1p eo lVI . ured
better than apartheid: monarchy, a bagful of bones of contention ~and
Into every ethnic group (Windhoek Advertiser 22/9/93). On the other h ·
SWAPO's own press (New Era editorial, 2-4/8/96) denounces thosed w 0
"beh· . h · card m or er to llld the scenes are eager to play the tr1bal or et me h
e . ... · · · names ow-ntrench the1r political or economic power'- w1thout giVIng. . . ' dl
ever be . . . d SWAPO poht1c1ans an or

. : cause among the individuals mvolve are dth and width
mm"sters. They further point out that 'Right across the brea 'bal ethnic
of ou · stances oftr1 or . r country and out of the public eye, there are 10
dJshannony each passing day.'

256 Contemporary Jl.lamibia

'The Namibian defence forces are composed of 80% Owambo,' says
a letter to the Editor claiming an informed source (Windhoek Observer
20/7/96). 'The University of Namibia is an Herero institution,' affirms
another newspaper reader (The Namibian 1211 1/93 ). And so on ad infini·
tum.'' A reader from Oshikango near the Angolan border (The Namibian
7 16/96),

34
points to the proliferation of racist speech in the Owambo area

'unheard of before independence':

We hear that, according to acceptable African values, especially
in the Oshikwanyama tradition, to qualify as a leader a person
should be tall and huge so that all people can see and respect him.
And Kwanyamas, as tall people, are born to rule other tribes.

Then come the Ndonga:

We hear that for an intelligent and brave man in Ondonga to
qualifY as a leader, he must be bald-headed ....

The other Owambo groups, for example the Uukwambi,3s Ombalantu
~Mb' 'h . anJa, could not be considered as rulers of the country. Some htg ·
rankmg l't' · · d po 1 tctans were brought into disrepute because they were mame
to non-Owambo women36 Some of them were only 'mbuti' ('detribalised').
The true heroes and leaders of the anti-colonial struggle would necessarily
be Uukwanyama and Ndonga having been in exile As to the Herero and
the Damar th h · . · h a, ey ad only produced 'fake heroes' and just like the whttes.
t ey had no particular constituency (ibid.). '

We are cert · 1 · 'd t'al
1 . . am Y m the pre-campaign phase for the next prest en

e ectton. Prestdent N · h · . 1 d out
b h UJoma, w o ts satd to covet a third mandate-rue Y t e Constitut' d s

ton- an to canvass among the smaller Owambo group ·

"s·
I nee the citizens " th · · her th~

claims of this k' d . e me background is no longer officially registered. neJt
I. '" nor thetr d · 1 . based on 1sts of names wh· h en ~a scan be refuted. At best they are guesstimates h

. · "c are then rei t d h · · · lnasmuc as m1xed marriag b a e to t e1r more or less typical area of ongm.
14 es ecome mo fi d

Letters to the Ed" re requent, the name/origin link is blurre .
0 NaluJse' ('Down with A nor ~e often signed under pseudonyms. in this case ·Ok.atong

"T Panhetd')
he 'royal' Uukw b' · . who

was the pet hate ofth . am 1 clan ts trying to restore the image of ·King' lpumbu.
· bo e mass10na · d sidencc

""" mbardect by th S nes an the colonial administration and whose re
hh eouthAfi' · rtdth$
e ad defended t-A'tt' . ncan AJT Force in 1932. The public statement asse e

1
.

Puben · ·~ "on Wh1ch 'd'd . xua s. Y ntes which 'p 1 not allow htm to tolerate witches and homose. ed
girls fr~m becoming p';;~~~~re~nancy before marriage', and polygamy which ·prevent

ToJVo ya Toivo S~s (The Nam"bian 19/7/96). d
;t Present Minister ofM{n a APQ veteran, imprisoned for 17 years on Robben lslan .:

rtsident Nujoma, an on::.andd Energy, is accused of being married to a ·etA merceflill) ·
c-" ~era Owamb · . o, IS marned to a Herero woman.

Ethnicity and nation-building: tmvards unity respectful of heterogeneity? 257

finds himselfdestabilised. By the underlying type of reasoning, however,
one is reminded of a famous song of the American war of secession, adapted
lo Namibian circumstances: 'Vedder's body lies a-moulderin' in the grave,
but his soul goes marching on .... "'

CONCLUDING REMARKS

In their struggle against colonialism and apartheid, the Namibians won the
first round: over gross white racism in their own country. The second round
is to be fought all over the world, and of course against racism among
Namibians themselves. To become aware of its existence beyond day-to-
day situations, suffice it to read - against the grain - the famous protest
levelled in 1924 by Herero Chief Hosea Kutako against South African plans
to settle the Herero on (semi-)desert land on the north-eastern fringes of the
territory- a much-quoted document in anti-apartheid and solidarity literature:

We are a big nation and as such we shall not develop in country
like this where there is only deep borehole water. In fact it is a
desert where no human being ever lived before. It is a country
only good for wild beasts. We are the original inhabitants of
South West Africa and we know the best and worst of the whole
country. We know the parts which are good for wild beasts. We
are human beings and we do not want to be changed mt~ wtld
beasts ... (cited in First 1963: 1 13-114; Diener's emphaSIS).

With his intimate knowledge of the country, Hosea Kutako was aware
that these worst parts of the country were inhabited by San people. While
he was certainly right to claim against the Germans and the South Afncans
h · h t al ·ongmal ts rtght of being the first occupant he wrote off as a loss t e ac u .
inhabitants', namely the San, deb~ed to the level of'wild beasts'. RaCISm
ts also to be found on the victims' side.

n II the same side. John Rro"n
118 The souls of dead people marching on are not a on ult against the llarpcrs
F 00-1859). a white abolitionist, took part m the fatled tS~9t~ uprising. Senten<c:d to
derry arms depot in Virginia, destined to spark otT 3 generaU sa uoops fighting agamst
eath and executed, John Brown became the hero of the mon

slavery· h 1" t e Southern States.

-~--
..

The land question in Namibia

Wolfgang Werner

INTRODUCTION

'We fought for the land. We supported SWAPO because of our land. We
Will continue to fight for our land.' 1 These simple words, attributed to a
Namibian peasant, sum up the perceived centrality of land in the struggle
for national liberation in Namibia. Land reform is widely regarded as the
precondition for meaningful rural development and poverty alleviation ac-
ross the party spectrum. The South West Africa National Union (SW ANU),
for example, expressed the view that 'No meaningful rural development,
resettlement and national reconciliation can take place until the Government
confronts the political, economic and social imbalances which are directly
lmked to the unresolved land question. '2 The land question and calls for land
reform or land redistribution continue to surface at regular intervals both
msJde and outside the National Assembly, Namibia's highest legislative
body.

At a practical level, however, government actions do not bear_ out the
urgency attributed to the land question at the political level. After SIX years
of independence, Namibia still does not have an approved land policy.J
While the Agricultural (Commercial) Land Reform Act of 1995 was gazetted
m March 1995, only parts of it have been implemented so far. No legislation
exists as yet on communal or non-freehold land. Also, the Government has
bought only approximately 85 000 ha of land in the freehold farmmg areas
for redistribution, amounting to 17 commercial farms.' Thus the qu~stlon
anses whether the land question is as important as politicians make It out
to be d · ·1y th 1 political rhetonc ' an whether its resolution enjoys the pnon a
would suggest.

I sz ' " "b. Today 7/3/90).
2

Mbako, 'The Land Question: What next? (,.am" 10

'Resolve the Land Issue' (Times o'Namibia 815/90). ___ __. Draft Land
2 T " abT ( rei.,.,... a

p . he Ministry of Lands, Resettlement and Reh ' 118 "on
ohcy/?r public consideration at the time ~fw~iting. . . 2f7/96.

Taks slaan kloue in oormaat-grond, D~e Repub/ium 2

260 Contemporary \\.Jmtf!hJ

The first part of this chapl~r w iII P"" 1ck a brief historical discussion
of the land question in Namib1a. ThiS will t<: t<>llc,wcd b\\ a discussion of the
debates on this question t<:forc and 'ince independence .. and of the processes
through which the high I! ''~wed diStrihullc>n ,,f land mas be addressed. A
brief discussion of ecological Ctllld 11 ">n s 111 '\\ '"'" h 1a w i ll.h igh I ight some of
the env~eonmental constraints affecting land rd<>rm Th~ land question in
communal areas will be discussed in the final pari of this chapter.

THE LAND QUESTION IN NAMIIIIA

Land and labour in colonial South West Africa were closely connected.
Large-scale dispossession of African land was as much intended to supply
white settlers with agricultural land as it was to deprive Africans of access
to the same land, in order to force large numbers of the latter into wage
labour m the fledglin ttl ' . . . g se er economv. Land d1spossess10n, however, was
highly uneve~1 · In contrast to some oth~r fom1er settler .:olonies. for example
Kenya and Zimbabwe, settlers in Namibia appropriated essentially marginal
agncultural land_ s ·1 bl ~ . . . La . Ul a e 10r extens1ve livestock ranch mg only.

h nd dispossession mainly affected indigenous pastoralist communities
~uc has the Ovaherero, Nama and Damara livestock farmers. Communities
111 1 e northern and north-eastern parts of former South West Africa which
pracllsed ramfed cult' 1· . · 1
ffi . IVa 1on and livestock husbandry. were not dtrecty a ected by d1sposse · wh· 'd th SSIOn. 1le early German colonialists did not canst er
ese areas to have suffi · · 1 · 1 small G . ICient mmeral and farming potential, there auve Y

militari~rmadn garnson also did not have the military might to subjugate the
Y an politically fi 1 · t

6
As power u kmgdoms in the north of the coun ry.

a result of the G " · · · · the colonial G ermans mab1hty to subdue those kmgdoms,
overnment anno d · h ld be confined to th unce Ill 1907 that police protections ou

line or main osde areas falling within the sphere of influence of the railway
roa s. This ar h · ' Land disposse . ea was enceforth referred to as the 'police rone ·

SSion and colo · 1 1 · the police zone. nta settlement occurred exclusive Y Ill

Formal colonial r I
cession compani h u e b~gan in 1884. By the early 1890s, eight con·
pastoralist commes . ~d acqu~red rights to virtually all the land utilised by
189 unlttes How . t of 7 that the acq · .. · ever, 1t was not until after the rinderpes
only 38% of the 1~;:;11

10~ of land by settlers started in all earnest. By 19°2
an area remained in black hands. 7 The rapid loss of

~::.:-::------: The following is b
7

lbid., p.I39. 8Sed on Wemer(l993).
Ibid., p.I3S.

The land question in Namibia 261

land contributed greatly to the Nama and Herero war of resistance against
the German colonial forces in 1904. which led to the large-scale extermin-
ation ofHerero and Nama pastoralists. Regulations enacted in 1906 and 1907
empowered the German colonial authorities to expropriate nearly all land
of the Herero and Nan1a. As a result. Gennan settlers owned I 331 farms and
some 90% of all livestock in the police zone by 1913.8

Atthe outbreak of World War I. troops fi-otn the Union of South Africa
conquered the Gennan colonial forces in South West Africa. The new colo-
nial regime continued with the establishment of white farms in the police
zone after 1915. By the early 1950s the process of white settlement had
largely been concluded. The total number of farms established by then was
5 2149

Simultaneously with the process of white settlemen~ the South African
colonial Govemment began to set aside land for the exclusive use of dispos-
sessed, black communities. These areas became known as 'native reserves',
and by 1926, sixteen such reserves -covering 2,4 million hectares- had
been established. While these reserves reversed the total ban by the Germans
on land possession by blacks, most reserves were established on marginal
land. 10

The South African reserve policies culminated in the mid-1960s in
proposals put forward by the Commission of Enquiry into South West
Africa Affairs 11 to consolidate existing native reserves into tribally-based
'homelands'. In time these homelands were to obtain some measure of
autonomy through the establishment of tribally-based legislative assemblt.es
and executive committees. The recommendations of the Odendaal Com~~s
sion completed the system of racially-structured access to land in Namibia.

·b· G ernment . The result of these policies was that the new Nam1 1an ov.
lllherited a highly skewed distribution of land at independence 111 1990·
Approximately 36,2 million hectares, representing 44% of the total land
are 5 . · b h td under freehold t1tle. a or 2% of agnculturalland contmue to e e
Th' 1 · ' · 1 fi ·ng sector'. Under IS and IS commonly referred to as the 'commercia arml .
P · . 1 d reserved for wh 1te rev1ous apartheid policies access to th1s an was . d
t ' · 'II d · ted by wh1te Ian -anners, so that the freehold farming sector IS st1 omma
owners 12

B · d s 'communal areas' Y contrast former reserves referred to to ay a 48cy.
comprise about 3J,4 million ha, representing 41% of total land area or '

8
Ibid .. p.l40.

'Ibid., p. 144.
10 lb'd
II ' . h name of its Chairman. Odendaal.
12

The Commission is commonly known ~Y. t e
991

National Conference on Land
'Land tenure data', in Republic ofNrumbta. I "

Reform and the Land Question, Vol. I. P· 147.

262 Contemporary 1\\''amibia

of agricultural land.
13

But these aggregate figures overstate the agriculturally
usable land in communal areas, as large tracts of communal land are situated
in semi-desert areas with a mean annual rainfall ranging from 50-100 mm,
or they are rendered unusable for agricultural purposes due to the absence
of exploitable groundwater. If these factors are taken into consideration, the
commercial farming sector (36 million ha) comprises 57% of agriculturally
usable land, and communal areas only 43% or 27 million ha. 14

Land and agriculture in Namibia are not particularly important in tenns
of contribution to GOP (ca. 10-1 5%), exports, investible surplus generation
or contributions to Government's fiscal account (Green 1990: II). In terms
of providing employment and/or income through small-scale agricultural
production, however, land is central. A )though commercial farms are owned
by just over 4 000 predominantly white fanners, in the early 1990s this sector
employed approximately 50 000 workers. Together with their dependants,
this represents about 230 000 people who derive some kind of livelihood
from commercial farms. By contrast, approximately 150 000 households, or
close to one million people, make a living on communal land, predominantly
as subsistence farmers. 15

DEBATES ABOUT LAND REFORM BEFORE INDEPENDENCE

Prior to independence, two distinct approaches dominated political debates
about land reform. These can be grouped broadly around equity concerns on
the one hand and d · ·

'. pro ucttvtty concerns on the other. .
. ~sa nattonalliberation movement SW APO was guided in its strategtc

thmkmg by eq "ty ' . · land . Ut concerns. The movement proposed tmplementmg
r~form 111 order to bring about 'thorough-going socio-economic transforma·
!ton_ th~ough 1 !he elimination of exploitative relations both traditional and capttahshc' H . ' · t ans-
' . · owever, desptte radical rhetoric on socio-economiC r
'ormahon SWAPO' h" . atic
and at 1- '

5 t mkmg on land reform was essentially pragm '
tmes even amb · . . . . made

dependent_ tguous. Its ulttmate posttton on the tssue was

··· on the attitude of h · th
t" f. w tle settlers towards the government at e
tme o mdepende If d

nee. they decide to run away and aban on

--~11=-------------The remaining I 5o/. f h 14
Ibid.

0 0 1 e land area consists of desert and game reserve.
"R

epublic ofNamibi 19 mal
Farmland, p.l. a. 92. Report of the Technical Committee on Comme

·~~u.
R nued Nations Instil t r. . fi National

econsrruction and D 1 u e or Namibia, 1986, Namibia: Perspecttves or e>e opment, p.134.

The land question in Namibia 263

their farms, the state will have to act quickly with the nationalisa-
tion of these farms. If they remain, the government may have to
consider the ways of nationalising their property and compen-
"h' "h 17 satmg t e 1armers m t e process.

Apart from the possible nationalisation of abandoned land following
independence, nationalisation was only envisaged for land held by absentee
owners and foreigners as well as for 'excessively large ranches [which] could
become state prope-rty'. 18 At the same time, a more gradualist policy towards
land acquisition, similar to that of Zimbabwe where the State bought land
at market prices, was not excluded. 19 To a large extent SWAPO's thinking
on land reform was modelled on the Zimbabwean experience. This was not
only true for the method of land acquisition, but also regarding models for
resettlement. 20

Interestingly, SWAPO argued that farms in the southern part of the
country needed to be kept large in order to be viable and efficient. In order
to marry equity concerns with the need to retain large farms, the movement
felt that it was necessary to promote state farms and co-operatives, and 'to
a certain extent' commercial farming. 21 ""

For SW APO, a programme of land redistribution was _a preconditiOn
for improving the welfare ofNamibians. The party's main pohttcal opponent,
the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DT A), as well as some smaller, pre-
dominantly white political parties, also identified a need to address t~e _land
q t. . . . d 1. · ndt"tions for Namtbtans. ues ton m order to brmg about 1m prove tvmg co f.
H . . . . d lack of access to su -owever, these poht1cal groupmgs dtd not regar a h" be
ficient land as the main cause of rural poverty, but rather they saw t ts to

a matter of 'traditional' ways of farming. th ·dentt.
. . flndwas us1 -Subststence farmmg rather than a shortage 0 a ' . . frural

fied . ' tl the allevtatton o 1 as the mam cause of rural poverty. Consequen y, .
. . . f land as m the trans-poverty did not lie so much in the redtstnbutton ° ld

1
th early

fi · h" tofi"eeho . n e ormahon of 'communal' patterns ofland owners 1P rage
1 · did ot want to encou
, 980s the leader of the DTA argued that hts_party ~bia, Debates of the
communal property ownership' (Republic of Na communal

National Assembly, 1980: 185). Rather, it wanted to encourage
farmers to become property owners:

11
Ibid., p.l34.

"lb" ld., pp. 128, 134.
"lb" td., p.l28.
20

Ibid., p.l28tf.
21

Ibid., p.IJI.

264 Contemporary Namibia

We want to create a land class, a property owners class and l
would like to say here today that we don't only want to create a
land class by putting one person in a position to buy another
person'sfarm. He can buy it but at the same time we want to say
that the existing communal property should be acquired by
private individuals.

The DTA was joined in its analysis ofthe land question by the all·
white National Party, which also identified subsistence production in the
communal areas as the major stumbling block in the development of private·
initiative, free-property ownership and a free market. Communal land tenure
thus had to be changed to freehold at all cost (Werner 1987: 77). The long·
term policy objectives of these groupings was therefore to transfonn com·
munal producers into commercial farmers by converting customary land
tenure into freehold. More successful farmers in the communal areas were
encouraged to purchase farms in the freehold areas in order to relieve the
pressures on communal land. 22

. In line with these policy concerns, the enclosure of communal lands,
~art1cularly in the eastern cattle-farming areas was encouraged by the pre-
Independence regime. Wealthy cattle owners were permitted to drill their
own boreholes, and if successfu I, privatise the land. Apart from supportmg
such private initiatives to develop and fence in communal land, the coloma!
Government began with the official enclosure of communal land. Dunng
the 1980s, 56 farms in the Herero communal areas were developed and
surveyed for individual use. This was followed by a similar scheme in the
far north of the country, where 98 farms of approximately 4 000 ha each
were developed on communal land. 21 At the time of independence, another 44

farms were in the process of being surveyed in the Kavango Mangertl
for a! location to aspirant black commercial farmers. In addition, agricultural
cred1t was d · · farms
. rna e ava1lable to wealthier communal farmers to acqwre
m the freehold sector.

At th r f · · nd to e lme o Independence therefore most political parties a
some extent org · d . ' ' d for land ~ . amse commerc~al agriculture agreed to the nee
re,orm mNam"b· A · sWAPO.
had I

1 .1a s pomted out above the new ruling party,
ongcom · d · ' red~

the· b 1 mme Itself to a programme ofland reform 'in order to .. 1m a ance creat d b h . . . ·al basiS e Y t e pohc1es of land allocatiOn on a racl

" On these points se . . . . amens die
DTA van Namibie b . e, mter aha,_ "Toespraak get ewer deur PM Jum~s. n. ol van
landbou-ontwikkeli Yd"~ LEVSWA Stmposium te Windhoek, t8/7/t989; Dte ~SW~
Simposium, Windhng ~ n onafhanktike Suidwes-Atrika: ACN Landboubeteid'. LE h UesJ
,fjrica, Chapter 7 oe 1817189: and The National Development Strategy of Soul " . Ibid., p. 78.

The land question in Namibia 265

(Towards an Independent Namibia, SWAPO 1989: 28). 24 In a similar vein,
the DTA agreed to the proposal 'that a special programme, supported by
legislation, be set up to redress the imbalances of the past' 25 What set
political parties apart was the exact nature of land reform.

INDEPENDENCE AND LAND REFORM

Not surprisingly, the land question and calls for land reform were raised
within the first month ofNamibia's first independent National Assembly
sitting. On I June 1990 a motion 'request(ing) the Government through the
Prime Minister to call a National Conference on the Land Question and Land
Refonm under the direct auspices of the President of the Republic ... to
decide on the future of this very important question' was tabled in the
Assembly (Debates of the National Assembly Vol. I, 1990: 44-45). The
Prime Minister gave the motion his wholehearted support and committed
his Government to organising a national conference in which the land is~ue
would be addressed on the basis of. inter alia, 'papers and scientific sttudtes'
(Debates of the National Assembly' Vol. 2, 1990: 6). The 'Land Conference'
was eventually held in Windhoek from 25 June to I July 1992, and_ ~as
chaired by the Prime Minister, which indicated the enormous pohttcal
Importance that the Government attached to the issue.

The objectives of the Land Conference were undoubtedly shaped by
Namibia's policy of national reconciliation and the provisions of the
Constitution. On a general level the 'objective of the conference ~was] to

h. h 1 d questiOn' and ac 1eve the greatest possible national consensus on t e an
to provide 'a solid basis for the formulation of a policy on land reform a~2~
a programme of action to implement the necessary measures and changes.
M · · k b tter understandmg of ore specifically the conference atmed to see a e d
th · t · research data an e ISsues at stake in two ways: firstly, by presen mg fi.
fi d · d f, ftom other A ncan 1" mgs, as well as relevant experiences on ian re orm . d

. .. ., the presentation an countnes; and secondly by provtdmg a forum ,or 21
d" · ' II arts of the country. lscusston of land issues and grievances from a P d ers

Th I - ture and ha no pow e Land Conference was of a consu tatlve na T facilitate
to take binding decisions on land redistribution ~r land refo~d ~nteresiin
broad-based consultation, 500 Namibians 'havmg a bona 1 e

,, See also Mbako(l986: 128). . . (The Namibian 516/90);
· "N · h Land QuesiiOO . altona! Conference to address I e b. IJ/6/9()).

land Issue: Parliament in Heated Debate' (Times o[Namndl '~ .. tion· Conf<r<nc< Br~</
l6 ". nd the La "-' . a'ationa/ Conference on Land Reform a

119<) t: 2).
"Jb" td., pp.2-3.

266 Contemporary Namibia

the productive use of land '28 from all over the country were invited to attend.
This broughttogether marginalised communal farmers, prosperous and well-
organised commercial farmers and those communal farmers who had fenced
off communal land for private use.

Given the skewed distribution of land in favour of the commercial
farming sector, it was only natural that this sector was the subject of par-
ticularly lively debate. Topping the list of issues was the restitution of
ancestral land appropriated by settlers. Debate on this issue revealed that it
would have been impossible to reconcile the many and often conflicting
claims to freehold land. The conference therefore concluded that 'given the
complexities in redressing ancestral land claims, restitution of such claims
in full is impossible'.

Several issues concerning the ownership and utilisation of commercial
farms were raised and discussed. These included the ownership ofland by
foreigners, the under-utilisation of farm land absentee ownership offarms,
and land ceilings. While the conference took 'decisions on all these issues, it
also resolved that a technical committee should be appointed to investigate
the possible advantages and disadvantages of acquiring freehold land and
'to make appropriate recommendations for the acquisition and reallocation
of land' falling into the four categories referred to above.

With regard to communal areas, the general consensus was that these
should be retained and developed. As one conference participant put Jt:
communal areas are the farms of the poor. Resolutions taken sought to
pr~tec~ the rights of small communal farmers by pleading for the democ-
rattsattOn. of land allocation and administration; asking that the payment for
land parttcularly in the far north be stopped, except if such land was to be
used for commercial purposes; and that illegal fencing be prohibited and all
tllegal fences be removed. In addition, the participants resolved that large
communal farmers should be encouraged to acquire land outside the com-
munal areas to alleviate land pressure in communal areas and that once
~omme~ial.land had been acquired, such farmers should n~t be allowed to
eep :etr ~~ts to communal land.

W k addition to these issues, participants also addressed the rights offannd or ers and worn A . k shoul be·"" d . en. Part from havmg resolved that farm wor ers
"''or ed fights d . ~ nee also

felt th t th an protectton under the labour code, the con" ere d
be ~ted ey sh~uld. be given rights to reside on farms after retirement, an
to land th gtazjng fights. Addressing gender-related inequalities wtth regard
the land the confe~ence resolved that 'Women should have the right to 0~

Wh'leythculttvate and to inherit and bequeath land and fixed propertY·
1 e e Confere ~ estab-

lished a process f nee on the Land Question and Land Re.orrn t
0 consultation on the land question, this process was no

21 Ibid ." p.3,

The land question in Namibia 267

continued during the five years following the conference. And although the
Technical Committee on Commercial Farmland did invite submissions from
the public, the Commercial (Agricultural) Land Reform Bill was tabled in
the National Assembly without offering stakeholders such as NGOs, trade
unions, churches and traditional authorities an opportunity to consider the
draft legislation29 In response, the Namibian Non-Governmental Organi-
sations' Forum (NAN GO F), an NGO umbrella organisation, organised a
conference in 1994 to discuss the land question and to put forward recom-
mendations to Government on a land policy and legislation. Invitations from
the NGO Working Committee on Land Reform to the Chairman of the
Cabinet Committee on Land Policy and to the Minister, Deputy Minister
and Permanent Secretary of Lands, Resettlement and Rehabilitation to attend
and address the latter conference were declined. As if adding insult to injury,
the Minister of Lands, Resettlement and Rehabilitation tabled draft legis-
lation on land redistribution in the National Assembly while NGOs were
discussing the land question.

It would be too simplistic to attribute the Government's reluctance to
consult the public on land legislation and policy to a general unwillingness
to consult non-governmental stakeholders on policy issues. Several examples
could be cited where public comment and input on a draft policy and legis-

'
. I . Jo Th al!on were solicited through a structured process of consu tatwn. e

reasons for Government's reluctance to consult on the land issue have to be
sought in the fact that the dispossessed and landless are not organi~ed- in
any coherent way. NGOs which have taken up the cause for land redtstnb-
ution have had limited impact as a result of limited capacity to do advocacy
work. It is thus tempting to conclude that the political balance of forces ts
weighted against a speedy solution of the land question. .

· M' iste appomted In terms of a Land Conference resolution, the Prime 10 r
the Technical Committee on Commercial Farmland (TCCF) in December
1991 '1 · guided by concerns · The recommendations ofthe Comm1ttee were .
to bring abandoned under-utilised and unused land back into production
b · · . ' ded that foretgners ) expropnatmg it where necessary. It further recommen . . and that
should not be allowed to own land on a freehold basis in Namtbla, ed
1 d · t d and reallocat to an held by absentee foreigners should be expropna e 1 th · · · vest on a large sea e eland reform programme. Foreigners w1shmg to 10

" d d Jhe auspices of Jhe NGO
. Report on the People's Land Conference hel un er ber 1994 p 2 ll>orki~g Committee on Land Refonn, Mariental, 4-8 Septemcultunol ~I icy for Namibia.

The latest example was the process of amvmg alan agn [)evelopnl<IIIWIS d~
A draft prepared by the Ministry of Agriculture, Water and R:' for final submission to the
'" a senes of workshops in all regions before bcmg final"
~· .~

met. c~ 011 c-rr:W.
ll Republic of Namibia, 1992, &port of the Teciurical

Farmland.

268 Contemporary .\\'am1b1a

should be able to lease land on a long-term basis. The Committee alsorfl:om-
mended ceilings on the total amount of land that a single owner should be
permitted to own. 32

A number of issues concerning management strategies for redistributed
land were considered by the Committee as well. It recommended that where a
fanner had to pay the full price for land, the size of units should not be
sm_aller than 4 000 ha in the northern higher rainfall areas in order for such
umts to Qe economically viable. In cases where Government subsidised loans
for land purchases, units should range between 2 000 ha and 3 000 ha,and
where Government took over the costs of land acquisition in full, a minimum
fannmg unit of I 500 ha was recommended." Several options for land
reform were considered regarding their relative costs and benefits, and equity
and efficiency impact, but no specific recommendations were made.34

Based partly on the recommendations of the TCCF, the National
Assembly passed the Commercial (Agricultural) Land Reform Act in early
l995. Gazetted in early March 1995, the Act provides for the acquisition of
free~old land and its allocation for resettlement purposes. In terms of the
pro~tstons of the Act, Government will have 'preference right to purchase
agnculturalland whenever any owner of such land intends to alienate such
land' A L d R · · d . · an eform Advtsory Committee (LRAC) was estabhshe m
!e_rms of the Act to advise the Minister of Lands, Resettlement and Rehab·
thtatwn on the suitability of land on offer. Compensation for land to be
purchased by the State has to be based on market prices. Upon the purchase
0~ Ian~, the LRAC has to make a recommendation to the Minister fori~
a ocatton and utilisation based on a land-use plan.

land :~~~att~n ofland is envisaged to happen by inviting applications for
b bey erttsement. The Act does not specizy who the beneficiaries should

e, yond stating in section 14 that land should be made available to-

Namibian citize h f
agr. 1 ns w o do not own or otherwise have the use o ICU turaf fand d t
those N "b· or a equate agricultural land, and foremost o
tionaii ~1 tans who have been socially, economically oreduca-

y tsadvantaged by past discriminatory laws and practices.

Since the deliber r "bl to
saywhetherth C ~tons of the LRAC are secret, it is not posst e
be . e ommtttee has d . . · osstble . nefictaries. No adv . pro uced any cntena for selectmg P . "
!tons for land purchas:rttsements have been placed as yet to invtte appltcad
has been purchased d under the Act, and it is not known how much ian

under the new Act. It would appear that 18 months after

--~~~2 1~b:.d-=~~----------
ll

1
., PP-175-176

14 Ibid., p. ISO. ·
Ibid., pp. I 54. I 74.

The land question in Namibia 269

its publication, only one section ofthe Act- that dealing with the acquisition
of land by foreigners- has been put into operation.

ECOLOGICAL CONSTRAINTS FOR LAND REFORM

Land reform is widely expected to open up access to agricultural land and
to intensifY its utilisation. However, Namibia's environmentseverelyrestnc~
the options for achieving this. OfNamibia's total land areaof824_ 268_ km "
only 81% (696 000 km2) is usable for agricultural purposes. Narntbta tsone
of the driest countries in the world." Climatologically, 28% of the country
can be classified as arid with a mean annual rainfall of less than 150 mm,
while 69% is semi-arid: receiving an average annual rainfall ?f between
150 mm and 600 mm (Seely 1991: 2). The following table provtdes a more
detailed breakdown of mean annual rainfall figures.

TABLE 9: PERCENTAGES AND AREAS OF NAMIBIA AND COMMERCIAL
FARMLANDS WITHIN VARIOUS RAINFALL BELTS

Rainfall belts (mm) Namibia Commercial farmland

Area (km) % Area (/em)
%

less than I 00 181 092 22 32 967
9

100-300 33 189 282
51

271 638

300-500 37 129 275
35

304 563
18 521 5 more than 500 65 852 8

Source: Brown 1993: 91

. requires a minimum an-
It is generally accepted that dry land croppm~ f, e receives enough

nual rainfall of 500 mm. Only 8% of the country 1 ere or

rain to engage in dryland cropping. . rth-eastofthecountry.
The highest mean annual rainfall occurs 10 the no. these low rainfall

d · · · · Accompanymg · h ecreasmg m a south-westerly dtrectton. , r bility with whtc
figures is a high rainfall variability. This refers to ~)e ~~~al rainfall in the
ratn falls in a particular region' (Brown 1993 · 7th·

1
-term mean, whtle

. h. 25% of e ong th' north-east of the country fluctuates wtt m 1 ractical terms ts
this rises to 60% in the south and west of the country. -~hpa long-term mean
means that farmers in the north-east of the country WI

, . .1 Brown (1993: 72). The following is based pnman Yon

-·

270 Contemporary Namibia

of 500 mm can expect between 400 mm and 600 mm in any year. In the
south-west, on the other hand, average annual rainfall fluctuates between
80 mm to 320 mm, with a long-term mean of 200 mm.

As can be expected in an arid country, Namibia's water resources are
also limited. The country depends on three main sources of water (ibid.):

"
"

Groundwater sources, consisting of boreholes which supply
about 57% of the country's needs.
Perennial rivers which supply about 23%.
Large surface water reservoirs, which store seasonal flood
water and account for about 20% of total demand.

Groundwater sources are unevenly distributed in the country and not
equally accessible. The chances of establishing successful boreholes range
from 50-I 00% in the north-east of the country to between 25% and 50% in
the central parts to b 1 25oc ' · f " e ow /o m the south and west. The sustamable use o
ro~ndwater sources requires that the rate of abstraction is at least equalled
Y t e rate of recharge, which depends on rainfall. The indications are that

groundwater abstract" . . . Th . IOn rates are exceedmg recharge rates (tbtd.: 76).
t b ese envuonmental factors not only determine present land-use pat-
t':ts, ut they also circumscribe the agricultural potential of agricultural
~ · ~reas Wtth a mean annual rainfall below 200 mm are suitable only for
:~ e~~:v~ small-stock farming, while large-stock or cattle-farming becomes

sst em those parts of the country receiving more than 300 mm ofrain
:r ~n~m. About 40% of the country is considered to be high-potential
lan~mhg al nd, while 15% has only medium potential. Another 30% of the

as ow to very low t · f · g for one 1 . P0 enttal, requiring upwards of 18 ha o grazlfl
arid des arrtge stocku~tt. The remaining 15% of the country consists ofhyper-

e areas (tbtd.: 79).

COMMlJNAL LAND

Land pol" · tcy tn the com I . .
dependence Th" muna areas has received little attention smce lfl·

· ts can be ttr"b · ce of equity concern th a 1 uted to the fact that due to the predomman
redistribution of c s, e new Government concentrated all its ljforts on the
and legal level reomlmer:ialland. Neglect of the communal areas on a policy

· ~~m~ 1 l-(l8rticularly in the acce erated enclosure of communa .,_,
discerned which :tem and northern regions. A number of factors can be

1 th ve contributed t h · n e first pi _ o t ts process. .
vacuum in the mra~e, Independence was followed by an administrative

areas. The Constitution dissolved the ethnically-based

The land question in Namibia 271

representative authorities which had been created by the colonial Govern-
ment in the early 1980s. Essentially the concept of these authorities was
based on the recommendations made by the Odendaal Commission in the
early 1960s to establish 'homelands' for different ethnic groups in Namibia.
Proclamation AG 8 of 1980 issued by the then Administrator-General for-
malised these recommendations by providing for the establishment of
Representative Authorities for 11 ethnic groups in the country. These bodies
were invested with, inter alia, powers regarding the provision of educational,
health and social welfare services 'traditional law enforcement' and agri-
cultural support services36 Signiflcantly, representative authorities were
also given powers to allocate, sell or lease communal land under their
authority, provided that 'Cabinet' issued a certificate confinning that such
land was not required for public or official purposes (Adams & Werner 1990:
95). Representative Authorities, while not politically acceptable, nonetheless
extended government authority into the country's rural areas. The newly
mdependent Government was not immediately able to substitute the abol-
tshed Representative Authorities with new and more acceptable forms of
regional administration, thus creating a temporary administrative vacuum.
. . Secondly, and related to the first point, the role and function oftra-

dttJonalleaders since independence became unclear. On the one hand, many
tradUJOnalleaders were deprived of direct access to government structures
by the abolition of Representative Authorities. On the other hand, ~ovem
ment did not appear to have a clear policy on the roles and functtons of
Traditional Authorities in an independent Namibia. at the end of 1990, a
Commission oflnquiry into Matters relating to Chiefs, Headmen and ~ther
Traditional or Tribal Leaders was appointed. The Commission submJ_tted
us report in 1991, but did not make any recommendations on ~h~ functwns
of traditional leaders with regard to the allocation and admmJstration of
communal land. The Traditional Authorities Act of 1995 also does not
provide them with any powers regarding land allocation and manag~~~nt.
As a result, traditional leaders continue to carry out customary responsibilitieS
regarding land without an appropriate legal framework. ·

B garding the allocation Y and large this did not create major problems re bl t
of! d h ver were una e o an to subsistence farmers. Traditional leaders, owe ' . . .
co t 1 h db th new ehte- consJStmg

n ro t e enclosure of communal grazing ian Y e the extent
ofbusmesspeople, senior politicians and civil servants. Alth~udgh tJ"ons are
ofc . t lyknown m 1ca ommunal rangeland enclosure IS not accura e .' 1 existing I hat ·1 h . 1 · cts negative Yon 1 as assumed alarming proporttons. t tmpa . from their
h" f ~graz~~ mg areas by depriving cattle owners o season . azed pastures.
homesteads, thus increasing pressures on alreadY heavily gr

See Wemer(l987: 74).

272 Contemporary lv'amibia

The process of enclosing communal land was facilitated to some extent
by the provisions of the Constitution. Article 21 dealing with fundamental
freedoms enshrined the right, inter alia, to 'reside and settle in any part of
Namibia'. In the absence of any constitutional provisions protecting land
rights not sanctioned by law, i.e. rights to communal land, Article 21 was
frequently interpreted by the new elite to mean that communal land not in
permanent use could be fenced off regardless of any property rights which
may have existed, albeit seasonal. Customary forms of control were brushed
aside as a relic from the colonial past.

At the Land Conference in 1991 the enclosure of communal land was
identified as 'posing a serious threat to the future subsistence of small fanners
in the communal areas'. The participants consequently resolved that 'illegal
fencing ofland must be stopped and all illegal fences must be removed'.~
However, Government has consistently turned a blind eye to such enclosures
despite public statements condemning the practice.

CONCLUSION

Despite much political rhetoric about the importance of the land question
and land reform in Namibia, the Government has been slow in producing a
comprehensive land policy and programme for land reform. Less than I 00
000 h~ of freehold land has been bought for redistribution by the State
smce mdependence. Similarly, no policy or legislation regarding land and
land tenure issues in the non-freehold or communal areas exists as yet. The
reaso~s for this must be sought in the political balance of forces in Namibia
The dtspossessed and landless communities in need of land redistributiOn
lack the organisat· 1 d · · G ment
1 tona an poltttcal power to put pressure on ovem ·
nftthe ~eantime the new elite, with considerable financial resources and

o en dtrect ace 1 h · · · t ests . ess o tgh political office are asserting thetr tn er ·
Parttcularly in th ' future
I d . e non-freehold areas. It remains to be seen whether an pohcy and 1 · 1 · . egts atton wtll be able to reverse this trend.

l1
National Conference 8

on Land Reform and the Land Question, Vol. I. p.J ·

273

Decentralisation put to the test:
the cas~ of Oshakati - economic
capital of former Owamboland

Olivier Graefe and Elisabeth Peyroux

Faced with the necessity of breaking with the administrative and territorial
structure inherited from the apartheid regime, the Namibian Government
opted for partial decentralisation. The aim ofthe reforms was not only the
political and institutional homogenisation of the Namibian nation, ~ut also
to establish a new national economic equilibrium between the_ fo.nner home-
lands' and the so-called 'police zone', and at local level, wtthm the town's
themselves. The democratisation of political life, i.e. 'grassroots democrac~'
ts at the heart of the post-1989 reforms. After an initial phase that form~ ~
ehmmated the homelands (by way of the abolition of Proclamation A
of 1980, the dissolution of Legislative Councils and the ethntcally-~ed
Representative Authorities) the first regional and local electi??s bas ont
d · ' · · 1 ttttes were se trect universal suffrage were held in 1992 and temtona en

1
.

up throughout the country in accordance with the provisions of newh e~t!s-
1 · d h Local Aut on tes
alton (the Regional Councils Act No. 22 of 1992, ~ . t e. e elections
Act, No. 23 of 1992).t With over 80% voter parttctpatton, t~iland !993:
enhanced SW APO's victory by a 67% share ofthe votes cast (W
120 122)

' · . ~ sat different levels.
Decentralisation in Namibia takes dtfferent '0 nn. 1 d under the The · b 1 t d counctls P ace regtons, which are represented Y e ec e 1 and Housing authority of the Ministry of Regional and Local Govemmen

· ns. 49 local
' h' II designated regto .
The new administrative entities ( 13 geograp tca Y .... ·>"nted by the Prestdent

aulh · · mm1ss1on '"t'r- · · . onttes and 95 constituencies) were defined by a co ·b· on the ()elennmauon
tn Septe be C ·ssion ofNamt ,. f'--'
of . m r 1990, i.e. the First Delimitation . ommt changes in the number o """'

Regtons, Constituencies and Local Authonues. Aft~ some bl (Proclamallons No 6
authorities, the delimitation was ratified by the Nauonal Ass;:~ 011 cn:atii1B tarilonal
lOid No.9 of 1992). The criteria for regional dehmttaiiO". ~O
unns of the same demographic size (TOtemeycr l992: 81 " ·

276 Contemporary .\\"amibia

While the choice of decentralisation is the outcome of a political ba-
lance of forces. its actual conception- namely defining territorial authorities
and endowing them with responsibi lilies and functions- and the territorial
delimitation of those authorities and of the constituencies, were not the
subject of widespread debate. Considering the importance of territorial
recomposition, indeed redrawing the map of Namibia's political geography,
the ~eaction of the media and opposition was surprisingly modest (Sidaway
& Stmon 1993: 22: Weiland 1993: 119). During the debates in the National
Assembly prior to adopting Local Authorities Act 23 of 1992 (LAA),1 no
fundamental criticisms were raised. On the contrary, the DTA agreed to the
btll Wtth satisfaction. since some of its provisions conceming municipalities
(e.g. those enabling the Government to supervise important matters of urban
development such as urban extensions and local taxation) theoretically ensure
that the policy of national reconciliation would be applied at local level. in
fact, all planning and proclaiming of townships must be submitted for
approval to two authorities staffed by members of certain ministries: the
Townships Board,' which deals with technical aspects; and the Namibian
Plannmg Advisory Board (NAMPAB)' which by way of its advisory role
to th M' · · ' · e mtsterofRegtonal and Local Government and Housingdectdeson
the 'd . bT " I estra t_tty and 'necessity' of planned townships (Association for Loca
Authonttes m Namibia (ALAN) 1995: 13). All increases in local taxes be·
yond a g· 1· · · tven tmtt (2,5%) must be approved by the Minister (LAA sectton
?3(3)(a)). Such controlled autonomy thus tends to limit potential 'excesses'
m towns with h" ~ · .. 1 'Is . a w tte-uommated economy on the part of mumctpa counct
Wtth a bla k · · - · · I' · . c ml\\)onty that mtght be tempted to adopt redistnbuuon po tctes
m favour of 'h" 1 · II -B _ 1 ~ onca Y dtsadvantaged people'. . .

Y mamtammg the quast-autonomy of 'white' towns while placmg
the former homeland towns under tutelage the LAA in fact establishes a
two-track de t I' · ' 1 s · h . cen ra tsahon process that has little effect on the imba ance
m ented from apartheid.

: Debates of 5/Sin.
G The Townships Board h b . fLOC'i

ovenunent (MRLGH) t as etween five and ten members: the D~rector 0 hief
Roads Engineer in the De he Surveyor-General, the Registrar of Deeds (MLRR), the~rts.
or theor delegates, and Partment of Works and central government's Director ofW b
(ALA~ 1995: 13). one delegate each from Water Affairs (MAWRD) and TransNaJn'
M NAMPAB COnsists f C th<

AWRD, MWTc. the MF~R the Permanent Secretaries of the MRLGH. the NP ,j""'
P<rson 8pPointed by the MRLG~d the. MJ. SWAWEC (now NamPower), ALAN~· JJ).

MmiSter also have NAMPAB seats (ALAN 199 ·

Decentralisation put to the test: the case ofOshakati. 277

THE LAA: TWO-TRACK DECENTRALISATION

The LAA regulates urban management6 In sections 7-29 the Act defin~s t~e
new local institutions ('local authority council', 'management commtttee)
and their members ('mayor', 'chief executive officer' or 'town clerk',
·chairperson', 'employees', etc.), describes their functions, responstbthltes
and duties (sections 30-78), and sets out the procedures for financtal manage-
ment (sections 79-87). Provision is made for three categories o~ terrtto~tal
authority, defined in terms of their degree of financial autonomy m relatton
to the MRLGH (section 2), namely municipalities (grade I and II), towns,

· · ht A L cal Authonty and villages. These categories, however, are not atrttg · 0 .
· h · · 1· d two conditions· the exts-wtt town status may become a mumczpa zty un er · .

h · · d the capactty tence of a township approved by the competent aut onues, an
'to pay its debts out of its own funds' (section 3). Th

All existing municipalities are towns of the former police z?ne. . ey
. · e the colontal regtme contmue to be responsible for urban management smc bl

h . - th · resources ena e ad granted them approved townshtps and smce etr b .d.
h . d f ovemment su st tes. t em to maintain a balanced budget, mdepen en! o g . .

. . 1 d the urban terrttones Thts ts not true for the towns in the former home an s, d . .
. h d 1 al urban a mmts-ofwhtch had never been defined and had never a oc . fi - 1 . GH d e 10 thetr mancta trat10n. Placed under the tutelage of the MRL u

1
· urban

d I G ment re ays m ependency, such towns now act as Centra overn ed ban policy
. f locally defin ur " structures rather than as effictent promoters o a d . December

d · "II were eleele m esptte the fact that the municipal counct ors

1992 through universal suffrage.' . . . Local Authorities,
By retaining the financial criterion for dtfferentt~lt~g .

1
d disparities of

decentralisation as defined by the LAA reflects th~ 111 erht ed'ffierent types
d 1 " d d stabhshes t e 1 eve opment and resources, and m ee re-e d'

1
'butt"on or for ad-

f L · h · le for re ts rt 0 ocal Authorities. Since there ts nove tc fleet any intention
JUstment between Local Authorities, the law does notre 'black' towns in
t d · · · 1 · between poor . 0 re uce mequalities. Thus the dtsttnc ton , police zone ts
h . , ·n the 1ormer t e former homelands and rich 'whtte towns 1

continued, if not reinforced (Weiland 1993: I30). d rms 'or town plan-
. · lawsan no " It should also be noted that the extstmg . th 'ormer homelands.

· d"f ns m e" nmg are costly and ill-adapted to urban co~ 1 10
1

et been reformed and
The old legislation inherited tram aparthetd has no Y

d · king water. . d infrastructure ( nn . 6
The provision and maintenance of services ~ and various other nei\\\\Orts). 8

electricity, gas, sewerage, public transport, road wor s participate. marketS and 5f>OPplng
housing policy in which other institutions or pe!'Ons may bulanc<: services. a fire bngadc:-
centres. municipal public services (abatto'"· ~:~':~umps. nd Jist·
museums. nurseries, orchestras: etc.) and pub ed for five years throush 8 one-rou

7 Seven municipal councillors were elect
'Ystem vote (Electoral Act, No. 21 of 1992).

278 Contemporary ,'\\'amibia

the new rules and regulations for services supplying water and electricity
(Government Gazelle No.l283 of 1966), laid down by white town planners
and engineers trained in South Africa and based on the Windhoek model,
do not come close to promoting a new approach. And does the Ministry in
charge of Local Authorities in the former homelands have the human and
financial resources required to implement these new rules and regulations'

Our enquiry into the ways and means of implementing municipalisation
at Oshakati helped to clarifY the limits and ambiguities of a process that in
theory aimed at empowering the new Local Authority and promoting better
urban management, so that it may attain municipality status. While these
limits and ambiguities become apparent in the transfer of responsibilities.
they are also inherent in the very concept of town which, in the light of
current political practices, is hardly functional.

Ill-prepared, ill-informed and minimally involved in the delegation of
tasks, the local administration finds itself poorly equipped to tackle its new
responsibilities in urban management.

AMBIGUITIES AND LIMITATIONS OF A MUNICIPALISATION
PROCESS UNDER SUPERVISION

To begin with, the local administration ofOshakati which was set up after
the December 1992 elections, suffers from a lack of :ationality inherited from
the administrative transition between 1990 and 1993. With the dissolution
of the Owambo Legislative Council in 1989 and the abolition of the Rep-
resentative Authorities in 1990, a Regional Commissioner was appointed for
each of the former homelands. His or her task was to follow through the
transition until the new bodies to be elected took over from 1993 onwards
(Sidaway & Simon 1993: 22; Frayne et al. 1993: 7). All land managed by
the former administrations was transferred to Central Government by VIrtue
of Article 124 and Schedule 5 of the Constitution and the 8 000 employees
of the ethnic Administration for Owambos were absorbed by the civil service
and redeployed in the new ministries (Cliffe et al. 1994: 257; Sidaway &
Simon 1993: 21 ). In 1992/93 the staff delegated to the MRLGH were bemg
shared between the three regions of Oshana, Omusati, and Ohangwena. and
the three towns of Oshakati, Ondangwa, and Ongwediva. Due to the dJS·
persal of personnel, the local administration ofOshakati does not have at 115
immediate disposal the human resources needed to cope with all the technical
sectors, so_ wherever necessary it must request assistance from the MRLGH.
on which Jt remains heavily dependent. Also, given the attraction ofWmd·
hoek and the private sector, it is difficult to fill focal staff vacancies by
recruiting and above all retaining competent people in their positions.

Decentralisation put to the test: the case of Oshakati .. . 279

The MRLGH's failure to fully involve Oshakati's local administration
in a municipalisation process which is entirely controlled by that Ministry
also jeopardises efficient urban management. Since the partial transfer of
budgetary and management responsibilities to the local administration had
not been accompanied by the dissemination of information, it led to con-
fusion and misunderstanding, as is revealed by the differing perceptions
between Oshakati and the Central Government, as well as by contradictory
policy statements within the MRLGH. When the new budgetary respon-
sibilities were transferred in September 1993, the MRLGH Deputy Minister
referred to Oshakati as a 'municipality' (The Namibian 2/9193) although it
only had the status of town. This long misunderstanding had hardly been
dispelled when the next step in the municipalisation process created new
confusion. The proclamation of the township of Oshakati with its five
extensions' by the Minister of Regional and Local Government in May 1995
was indeed interpreted by the Local Authority as a change to municipali~
status since it implied a transfer of the land ownership9 - a necessary, albett
insufficient, condition for obtaining this status. The local administration
nonetheless began to use the term 'municipality' on its official documents,
for its offices and on its vehicles while the Government Gazelle expressly
refers to the 'town' status ofOsh~kati. Due to this misunderstanding, which
the MRLGH did not clear up, the Ministry's supervision was perceiv~d ~7
the Local Authority as a Central Government takeover of the mumcJpa J-
sation process and certain aspects of town management. .

Although the difficulties and shortcomings in management were pam-
ted out by the Town Clerk in 1993 10 i.e. no thorough knowledge of the state
of local finances and the lack of dialogue with local office-bearers, they
Were not rectified by the supervisory Ministry. Partial transfer of budge~
resp ·b·l · · . 1 · f local revenues an ons1 1 J!Jes took place without a pnor eva uat1on o rky
expenditure, and without clarifYing finances which still in 1996 we~ ~u e
and inexact (Kim 1993: 13; Mattingly 1993: 4; SWAM 1?%: 11~iati:n ~~
of arrears in payment for urban services owed by the entJre ~ despite the
l'eJleatedly raised by the Local Authority but has not been taC . tfect on
ve"' h · h . . ) d its negat1ve e

'J 1g outstanding amount (N$5 million an fi rable con·
balancing the budget (SWAM 1996: I 0). It is under th~::; t:v:e respon-
dJtJons that the Oshakati Local Authority has been obhg es tram water
SJbility for new revenues and expenditure. Indeed, the reven~ will heflee-
and electricity uti 1 ities and from the removal of refuse and se~ Department
foJth be kept by the Local Authority, which in rum must pay

I Th · lh f96()s. " o( 19'15 , ese settlements were created dunng ~nl NDIU:t Nos. 90-9, ·
,.Government Gazelle No. I 090 and Go.e co-<Wlhor O.G.

Personal interview 20/9/93 conducted by

280 Contemporary lv'amibia

of Water Affairs'' of the MA WRD for water consumption in the entire urban
area, and to the parastatal SWA WEC 12 for its electricity. Wages continue
to be paid by the MRLGH, with the exception of those for the Town Clerk,
the Treasurer and staff recruited after I September 1993 (Oshakati Town
Council, 1995).

Finally, the lack of coordination between the Ministry and the Local
Authority is reflected in incoherent planning. The future township ofOsha-
kati North is a telling example. Its plan of some 2 500 plots was proposed
by the MRLGH but rejected by the Local Authority and the Town Council
because it did not take into account the Council's planned site for a new
school (resolutions of 13/2/96 and 6/3/96). In the same vein, the original
plot layout dating back to the 1960s was replaced (though some of the old
but still valid legal norms were not respected") without the Local Authority's
involvement, neither in the preparation phase nor in the approval procedure
of the new urban plot layout." And yet this plan provides the basis for the
Local Authority's finances since it will constitute the entry for the Land
Survey Register, this Register being the condition for the sale and taxation
of plots and immovable properties. This only underscores the paradox faced
by the bodies responsible for approving the new plan (NAMPAB and the
Township Board): they had to ratifY a plan which corresponded to the eXIS·
ting structure but was not in compliance with the law, without being able to
suggest any rectifications because these would have entailed costly and
unpopular alterations in the townships.

On top of these practices which exclude the Local Authority from the
municipalisation process, and which moreover jeopardise efficient urban
management, there are the limitations inherent in the town status ltself-
w?ich put the Oshakati Local Authority in an awkward position. Endowed
With new responsibilities by the supervisory Ministry, which provides little
support, and confronted with demanding voters it lacks the means and the
necessary room to manoeuvre, which would en;ble it to respond directly to
pressures from the public that threaten its economic and social base.

'TOWN': AN INTERMEDIARY STATUS AN AWKWARD
POSITION FOR NEWLY ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES

The first set of li ·1 - t ·n the ve com . . mi atiOns set by the town status becomes apparen 1 .
5 ry position of the Local Authority, which by virtue of the Ministl)'

11
Now the

" Sou!h W PaTasliUal called Nam W aler.
" est Afflcan Wat d . . I d NamP""" Townships d 0 . . . er an Electnc1ty Corporation, today cal e 14 an IVISIOn of La d Q d' J lnterviewof24111195 . n r mance, No. II of 196 .

With Regional Town Planner MJ Hoejgaard.

Decentralisation put to the test: the case of Oshakati . . . 281

supervision is comprised of staff with varying status and motivations. The
Director of Administration is the Town Clerk who is appointed and paid by
the Ministry, with the exception of Oshakati where since 1993 he has been
paid by the Town Council. According to the LAA, the Town Clerk executes
decisions which the Town Council, elected by the population, makes on the
recommendation of its management committee, after having submitted them
to the MRLGH for approval. The Mayor, who is elected by the Town Coun-
cil every year, has no executive functions. In real terms the political decisions
are made by the Ministry, and the Town Clerk's role is more that of a rep-
resentative with limited powers. In this position he must face criticism from
the Town Council without having the means to respond. 15

Other limitations are due to the divisions of areas of competence
between the Ministry and the Local Authority. In terms of the LAA and
Oshakati's status as a town, the planning of townships inside the boundaries
falls within the competence of the MRLGH. By maintaining control over
unsubdivided land, the Central Government deprives the Local Authority _of
any means to gain the public recognition it seeks. Indeed the Local Authonty
is unable to satisfY a demand exacerbated by land pressure, with which it ~s
dlfectly confronted every day. Yet, responding to this demand for land IS
all the more important in that it comes from precisely the section of the
population that provides its economic and social base. This rapidly upward!~
mobile section emerged in the wake of the colonial policy of 'Bantustam-
sation' in the 1970s which aimed at creating a black middle class of CIVil
servants (Tapscott !995: !56), and it has since grown in size through the
current government policy of affirmative action. Solvent and thus able to pay
for its water and electricity, this group is presently the_only source of the
Local Authority's own revenues. Securing its support 1s therefore cruc1al
for the latter's self-preservation. ed

" J' · 'ts being charg Another predicament for the Local Authonty 1es 111 1 .
With the unpopular duty of removing established populations ti'om penpheral
areas earmarked for new housing subdivisions. Residential areas may on~
be extended into peri-urban agricultural land to the detriment of the po~ -
tion living there but they are compensated by the Central Govemm_ent. . hus
h ' . . though 1t 1s ne1t er 1 e Local Authority must face public d1scontent even M' .

1
(Th

responsible for nor consulted on the decisions made by the Ill IS ry e

Namibian 15110/95, I /12/95, 20/5/96). . . others to position
The Local Authority's awkward pos1t1on enables. .11 h . . Th Reg1onal Counc1 ors, t emselves on the chessboard of local politiCS. e . · order 10

deprived of authority (Weiland 1993: 131 ), grab this opd ~flmtync,ne Central
I t'on an tom ue assert a role for themselves among the popu 8 1

u even r<quesled the MiniSII) 11 In November 1993 lhe Town Councillors ofRund
10 dismiss !he Town Clerk.

282 Contemporary .\\1amibia

Government. People threatened with eviction and forced to seek out inter-
mediaries capable of defending their rights tend to tum towards the regional
body in the hope of making the Central Government aware of their plight
and to win it over in a conflict which seems to pit them against the Local
Authority. The Regional Council thus ends up playing a key role on the local
scene as an intermediary between the Central Government- which maintains
an ambiguous stance (The Namibian 2015195, 31/7/96)- and people living
on town land even though such land is beyond its jurisdiction.

In the informal settlements, the rather powerless Local Authority finds
itself in growing competition with neighbourhood institutions that emerged
from a development project (the Oshakati Settlement Improvement Project
(OHSJP)), financed by the Danish Government. Conceived and created by
the project, the community committees elected by the local people were given
ambitious tasks, namely those of a 'district counci 1' managing infrastruc-
tures and plot layout. Thus they were bound to occupy the central position
of inevitable intermediaries between the community and the Local Authority.
Elaborated in the absence of consultation with Local Authorities and Go-
~e~me_nt, the committee concept met with stiff opposition from public
mst1tut1ons which feared that they would be unable to control committees
established in what they tend to regard as opposition strongholds. Well over
half and possibly even two thirds of the population ofOshakati live in these
sett~ements, including amongst them many soldiers of the former South
All-Jean Defence Force who moved in with their families during the liberation
w~, As for the Local Authority, it is worried about overlapping jurisdiction
With the committees which might in the end seize municipal functions.
alth~ugh their popular base remains limited despite the incorporation of
certam traditionalleaders. 16 The 'disgrace' which the latter suffer at the hands
of the Local Authority and Government alike both of which wish to keep
them o~t of land management in urban are~. 17 only adds to the already
6-rceptlble antagonism between these public institutions and the committees.

~ven the problems of municipalisation well-established settlement com·
m1ttees p h" ' bi"c .. resent a mdrance for a Local Authority in its quest for pu 1
recogmt10n.

·
0

The po~itical process of setting up a framework of public institutions
'" shakatl 1s tak · 1 - 1 g w1th ever.. . . mg P ace 111 a context of rapid social change a on

-ulverslfymg demand S h . . . . d ctecen· tralisat' . s. o t e challenge of mumc1pahsat1on, an eed
IOn m general 1· · · -- f 1 I n s and 1 b" ' les m Its ab1hty to respond to the scope o oca . oar 1trate betwe th . . d. · e1ther

the frag"l en e vanous demands without Jeopar !SlOg 1
e social balance or the electoral base of the new Local Authority-

" . A field study carried . . . d AJ11Ull"
kamb.iashowslhatthe . out on Aprol 1996 in the settlements ofOneshola an lh -~

11 commottees are . d. t ·ct au on., Traditional Auth . . not recognosed by the population as a IS n
orotoes Ac" N 1 . ' o. 7 of 1997, sectoon 12.

Decentralisation put to the test: the case ofOshakati ... 283

THE CHALLENGE OF MUNICIPALISA TION: RESPONDING TO
THE SCOPE OF DIVERSIFIED LOCAL NEEDS

The evolution oflifestyles and of sources of income is at the heart of social
transformation. Access to wage employment and maintaining a rural and
agricultural base appear to be the main criteria of socio-economic differ-
entiation.

Aside from a minoritY of large traders, who also own land and farms
and for whom Oshakati is just a place for commercial investment, the top of
the social ladder is occupied by a predominantly black upper middle class of
public service and private sector executives (banks, insurance compan.ies,
commercial centres), who have settled either in the new residential areas of
Ongwediva or in the former white township ofOshakati, abandoned by its
original residents. Their demand for a higher standard of housing has thereby
been partly satisfied.

One step down on the social ladder come the black middle classes made
up of civil servants and other wage earners, who tend to support themselves
by combining various activities: wage employment, agriculture, and com-
merce (e.g. the 'cuca-shop bourgeoisie','' (Cliffe et al. 1~94: 22~)). For
example, civil servants owning cuca shops live in town wh1l~ keepll1g and
cultivating their millet fields in their home village. Present mall types of
settlement (e.g. the black township ofOshakati West, informal settlements,
homesteads in the peri-urban areas), these middle classes strive to im~rove
their housing conditions: township tenants are seeking access to pnvat_e

h · ecar1ous posl-ownership in real estate· subtenants, eager to remedy I elr pr ded·
· ' sh · overcrow

lion, need new plots to settle on because existing town Ips are I" sed "th
residents of informal settlements want their housing to be for~a 1 ' wt
individual access to urban services· whereas inhabitants of ~n-urban ~
threatened with eviction in order ;o make room for residentoal extenfslons

. 1 I land and place o reso-are organising themselves to keep their agncu tura ·
d - . fi t re and urban serv1ces.
ence while demanding the extension of 111 rastruc u h t represent

Th h 'ddle classes t a e self-assertive drive comes from t e ml . 'ty are becOming
only a small part of the urban population while the maJOT~o have recently
paupers: immigrants deprived of agricultural resource~,~ civil activities;
settled in town; 19 former soldiers looking for a way 111

'' amed after an Angolan beef. estab-
'Cuca' shops are shebeens or small bars. n )>eel1 deteriorating since the .

.
19 The conditions of agricultural production have f the 20th Century and smce

IJshment of the contract labour system at the begmnmg~ ow;cessible to all and thc:ld>Y
Bantustanisation. Nowadays illegal fencing ~uces ran:, consumption no lmls<' assures
P<nalises stock breeders while cereal producuon for 0 IJ1(II1ben migllll< tD wwm 01 _.t,
fOOd security (Frayne et ;1. 1993: S4 ). As a rcsul~ fallli_ly ttural )lbour. whidl in tum ful1h<r
of sources of income, thus creating a s)wrtag( of 1181""
reduces production capacity.

_j
cl .
.

284 Contemporary Namibia

returnees facing the problem of social reintegration; and small traders and
labourers, particularly those from Angola, suffering from a decline in busi-
ness since the South African military pullout (Pendleton et al. 1991: 4).
Living on petty trade or casual labour which do not yield a steady income,
these residents can only find housing either by relying on family support,
or by settling on the fringes of the flood zones (oshana), these being the
only unoccupied pockets on town land. 20 The most pressing need for plots
and services comes precisely from this section of the population which barely
sustains itself and lives in precarious conditions. Yet today, with the shortage
of available space on town land and the resulting strong land pressure, it
seems that only the demand of the solvent middle classes is taken into
account, as is evidenced by the new housing estates ofOshakati North and
Ongwediva. This raises the question of whether such political practices are
conducive to the emergence of a civic spirit and to mobilising the residents
- both indispensable for real decentralisation to succeed. In future local
elections, in designating one councillor per ward, each constituency will
elect one councillor from among several candidates. This will place Town
Councillors under direct pressure from their voters. Will this pressure ensure
that the interests of the most needy residents are represented?

Another question - beyond the sheer scope of needs - concerns the
nature of the people's demands and their aspirations for infrastructure and
services. Whether expressed by the people or by Local Authorities,21 they
appear unrealistic in view of the amount of Central Government funds and
local financial resources available, and given the income level of the majority
of the population. Yet the apartheid-type township with its right-angled lay-
out of streets, its rows of matchbox houses, and above all its supply of urban
services to individual households, remains the preferred model. How do the
Local Authority and its supervising Ministry intend to respond to these :x·
pectations? What mechanisms for levying local resources will they establish
in order to finance urbanisation, whatever form it assumes? What concept
of a post-apartheid town will emerge from the debates triggered by these
questions? Reforming the structure of the apartheid town, strengthening the
economic base of the new Local Authorities, and designing ways and means
for greater participation of the people in urban management, are all funda-
mental issues which Namibian decentralisation has not yet tackled.

20
Th 'od· II 11 1 · Basin and ese pen "ca Y ooded areas are part of the hydrographic Cuve a" . th<

cover about half of the town land ofOshakati (5 703 ha). They are inundated dunng
ramy ~~ason, and occasionally by water flooding in from Angola, i.e. the e[undi~· ,.aa

As shown by the results of a series of field studies conducted in the JRfO
\\Settlements smce 1993 .

Decentralisation put to the test: the case ofOshakati ... 285

CONCLUSION

The outcome of a long decolonisation process with both internal and external
pressures, and the fruit of a political compromise at independence between
the governing liberation party, SW APO, and the opposition, decentralisation
has not proved to function well along the lines of Local Authorities Act 23
of 1992 -at least on the scale of our study- with regard to political practices
and efficient urban management alike. The example of Oshakati as the
economic capital of former Owamboland brings to the fore the limitations
and the dysfunctioning of the current municipalisation process.

In addition to the weakness of local structures inherited from 'separate
development' of the past- which the supervisory Ministry seems to conceal
-there is the ambiguity of the latter's position and practices. The partial
transfer of budgetary responsibilities, conceived as the first step towards
the status of a fully-fledged municipality, was carried out without involving
or consulting the Local Authority, thereby producing confusion and mis-
understanding, and leading to incoherent proposals that tended to undermine
rather than consolidate the new Local Authority. Furthermore, the gradual
delegation of decision-making powers has not been matched by an adequate
transfer of financial and human resources. The insufficient funds allocated
to Oshakati by the MRLGH, the difficulties in locally levying funds needed
to balance the budget, the lack of competent technical expertise in the area,
and the sluggishness of structural reform in urban planning, all pre~nt
obstacles to efficient urban management, and in the medium term, to achie-
Ving the desired status of municipality.

These limitations and dysfunctionalities are also linked to the town
status which, as is revealed by the Oshakati experience, appear to be due
to the unviable concept of an 'intermediary' Local Authority. Placed under
the supervision of the MRLGH the Local Authority with its Town Council
elected by the people is not in a' position to respond directly to the deman:
brought to its attention every day. On top of that, it has to~ out unpopu d
decisions made elsewhere. Reduced to the role of a buffer !"_stJtUtJon an

1 the tar f M' - try' partial pohc1es, the Loca get o public discontent over the 1ms s . . fiden
Authority has not been able to win the public's recognttJon and conth 1 ce.
Ho - - 't ry and collect e neces-w can tt possibly acquire control over Jts tern ° . less
sa ·f · · rce1ved as a power
. I)' revenue from the urban population ' II IS pe b' d results
10 f · - - ts? The com me s JtutJOn- at best serving only minonty mteres · . . . s hampering
ofthe s - . . 1. . 1 11·ces and the hm1ta110n uperv1sory Mm1stry's po JtJca prac · 1 """'wres
th Loc · respond to soc1a r·-- "
. e al Authority's autonomy and capacity 10 . fthe seriousness
Jeopardise its very legitimacy. This raises the question ° -·ng Minislry
of r . . lisalion Is the supel\\'151

po "!teal tntentions to carry out decentra . · 'sh. control over local
gen~inely interested in sharing power_~ reltn~~·cto': 10 alimircd local
affatrs? For the time being, decentraltsaiiOII bo"

286 Contemporary Namibia

delegation of powers while producing frustration both within the Local
Authority and among the people in general. Whether the decentralisation
process can attain the ambitious goals set by the Government is open to
question.

Given the weakness of power and resources inherent in its town status,
the Oshakati Local Authority is ill-equipped to take up a dominant position
on the chessboard of local politics. Since independence, new actors apart
from traditional leaders have come forward, also seeking public recognition.
The Regional Councillors are eager to influence the Central Government, and
neighbourhood committees reaching out beyond their initial task of merely
running new facilities want to assert themselves as permanent structures in
the informal settlements. Can it nevertheless be contended that decentrali-
sation, with the establishment of regional and local institutions, paves the way
to better political representation of the needs and aspirations of the people~
a whole? For the time being, and given the rapidly changingsocio-economJc
context with a diversification of demands for urban facilities, the arb1tratmns
by the supervising Ministry- which dominate the local scene- appear to
favour the growing middle classes to the detriment of the majority of people
who are becoming poorer. However, in the light of limited public funds, the
financial contribution of all households towards urban development IS an
essential condition for the success of decentralisation and depends on taking
into consideration the needs and aspirations of the greater number of people.
While building the nation state as propagated by the Namibian Government
calls for a better distribution of national wealth as well as a readjustment
of structural inequalities inherited from the past - both between Local
Authorities and within the urban population, and accompanied by sufficient
and appropriate financial, technical, and human resources- it also implies
the affirmation of a sense of citizenship which seems to be hampered by the
conditions today. '

Urban growth and housing
policies in Windhoek:

thegradualchangeofa
post-apartheid town

Elisabeth Peyroux

287

Windhoek was the capital of South West Africa since its occupatio~ ~y
Gennan troops in 1890 and remains so in today's independent Nam~bJa.
S ·tu d · ' 1 · nd has retamed 1 ate m a valley it had long attracted local popu at1ons a
its · ' . · 'II 1 1 bears the mark of prommence over a natiOnal area wh1ch sll c ear Y .
so · · . . . . h · d fi m apartheid. Around CiO·economJc and spatial distortions 111 ente ro 1 200 00 · t 1 J3% of the tota 0 people live in the capital, i.e. approx1ma e Y h' d
P I . . . . . . · !991 as does one t 1r opu at1on estimated at 1 4 million mhab1tants m " , h'
f h ' . · 1993) The reason .or t IS 0 t e urban population (Republic of Namibia · 1 (70o, f lar " · · d minantly rura 70 0 ge town s emergence in a country wh1ch IS pre 0 R · th . I f the Khomas egJon.
e population) is the economic weight of the capita 0 . f 'ts size w· dh · . . d merc1al centre o 1

. m oek 1s the only national mdustnal an com lo ment nation-
Ill the country and is the source of over 40% of f~rmal emp rch has not yet
Wide (Frayne 1992). The political and adminis~t.1~e hu~~ ~~92 add to the
felt the effects of the decentralisation process 111111ated 'k of infra-
att · · t ce of a networ

raclion exerted on investment by the eXJS en d ntr'1es
t d · develope cou ·

s ructure and urban services commonly foun 111 " fon fiom the
Urban growth in Windhoek, due to a large e~tent to :1~ ~d has now

fanner 'homelands' has gained momentum since mdepen. n ases recorded
h ' 'th th biggest mere ~eac ed a rate of almost 6% per annum, WI e

0
ulation live (City of

111 the black areas in which more than 60% of the pd p "'n'ormal settle-w· ferre tO as I "
lndhoek 1996a). The growth of what are re . fthe black township

me ts' periphenes o 000 n on the northern and north-western Toda more than 40
of Katutura is the most significant development. ·~ai live in these areas.
Jleople, or over 20% of the total population o~the-~:U.d services type.
Where urban planning is of the local authonty Sl es

288 Contemporary .\\'amibia

This new factor in the urban situation constituted an excellent field
for analysis to evaluate the extent and~ pes of political and social changes
with regard to housing since independence. It demonstrates the policies
implemented to house urbanites who have acquired the 'right' to live in the
city, and reveals the evolution of the conception of the city, namely in
housing, new ways of assuming responsibility for citizens, and new political
arrangements. Furthermore, it provides infonnation conceming the practices
specific to black city-dwellers and throws light on their (new) urban situation.

How have the reasoning and practices of the various actors developed
since independence? Do they contribute to enhancing black citizens' access
to urban resources, in particular to property and housing? Has independence
had an effect on the model of development in Windhoek, and has it corrected
the social and spatial disparities inherited from apartheid? What new con·
ditions are emerging for the urban population?

URBAN FABRIC SHAPED BY APARTHEID

The urban fabric in Windhoek was shaped by the social and racial segre·
galion set up by the German colonial authorities as from the end of the 19th
Century, and by the policy of apartheid institutionalised as from 1948 by
the South African Government. Until the end of the 1970s, Windhoek was
a typical example of this tradition: a fragmented territory composed ofwhrte,
black and coloured townships separated by buffer zones; urban space
characterised by the unequal distribution of services and infrastructure, a
residential area segregated on the basis of ethnic groups in the black townshtp
ofKat~tura, built in 1957,6 km to the north of the city centre; and tina~::;
a specttic type ofhabttat for the black pop\\Jlation- mtrrormg the colo

1 conception of the African in the apartheid system. The compound, hoste
or"s· 1 Q , 1 dunder mg e uarters were meant for single migrant workers emp oye
contract and. living in the town to satisfY the needs of the 'white' econom~
The townshtp ofKatutura with its uniform matchbox dwelltngs arrang
. ~. ' d~ 111

s_ 1~1 nght-angled plans, was home to households whose members, es
thetr nghts as q · .

1
1 egarded as . uast-permanent restdents were neverthe ess no r . f

urban I . 1 ' htpO
1

1
es 111 a I respects. They were refused the right to private owners

and and real estate, and were denied all political rights in the town. Katutural
was the respo ·b·1· fthe Ioca
M . . . nst ttty of the Non-European Affairs Departmento . umctpahty· ad . S th Afncan
G · epartment subJect to the direct control ofthe ou ·"e ovemmen~ and as h . . te rrom "'
rest ofth sue admtmstered as an entity that was separa duit

e town An adv' bo . . . d as an con
betw · tsory ard wtth ltmtted powers acte a een the city' · h b' ·nly as
recipient f s 111 a ttants and its municipal employees, mat ncY
of co t

1 complaints and requests but it was considered to be an age n ro managed b h '
Y t e Local Authority (Pendleton 1994).

Urban gro\\\\1h and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change... 289

The Windhoek Municipality, in its capacity as an agent of the Central
Government, had the means to regulate the urbanisation process, given the
monopoly it assumed in urban planning, ownership of land, the parcelling
out of plots and the building of houses in the black township. Spatial growth
therefore corresponded with the prevailing political line: between 1968 and
1975, the development oftownships 1 for the white population, despite the
fact that whites were a minority, gained momentum. Pionierspark and Aca-
demia were zoned for the middle classes, whereas Eros Park and Olympia
served the upper classes. On the other hand, the construction of houses in
Katutura was terminated, resulting in a chronic shortage of housing for the
black population, which was growing despite the restrictions and controls
(Simon 1991 ).

The political changes of the 1970s, referred to as the 'neo-apartheid
transition' (Simon 1983b), were accompanied by the abolition or amend-
ment of laws (e.g. the Influx Control Act and Natives (Urban Areas) Act
of 1951

2
) which were instrumental in determining urban dynamics and

structure. However, the impact of these changes on residential segregation
was limited given the persistence of structural and institutional constramts,
with socio-economic discrimination taking over from the otfictally aboh~hed
racial discrimination (Simon 1986). Although access to home ownershtp 111
Katutura was now permitted, residential mobility towards the whtte areas
was slowed down by the rise in the purchase price of houses,. and ~y the
Govemment's hold over more than one third of the housmg avatlable 111 the
white areas of Windhoek (UNIN 1986). Thus, despite the emergence of a
' . . . k 1 anomy and the ractal "ew mtxed areas the comb malton of the mar e ec

' · h·b'f processof structure of wages and employment contributed to tn I 1 mg a . .
b . 1. · f legislative restdenttal ur an mtegration, thus demonstrating the tmtts 0

desegregation without a true political will. . hd
1

'om
· · rty's Wll rawa If At the beginning of the 1980s, the Muntctpa 1 "

8
.
1
d. and

the direct production of housing left room for the Nattonal dut 1
1
ng

10 I JC rastatal bo y se up nvestment Corporation (NBIC). The NB , a pa . h , the
. I townshtp ouses .or pursue the large-scale construction of conventtona .

1
ng the

·d . ta dards of housmg a o mt die classes and to innovate wtth lower 5 n
1

d the low-
lines of the World Bank model (ultra-low-cost sch.emes), targheghe tandards
· · · l'ty' · s1stence on ' 5 tncome population. However, the Muntctpa ' 5 111

' . , . . . fa racial connotation. fol.lo_" i?g
We use the word 'township w1th no mtent_100 ~PI . Practice in 1\\'amtbJa.: II

the definition given in the Manual on Town and Regtana annrndgd·agrams of the enen'
· h · ralplanan 1 15 1 e surveyed area laid out in erven w1th a gene
(Association for Local Authorities in Namibia 1995= 2)0 5 f 1977· the Natives (Urban 2 The General Law Amendment Proclamauon. A d 0

1981
. :U,d the Abolition of

Areas) Amendment Proclamation, AG 12 of 1977, reVIse :~ .,i.;.) Act. No. J of 1970.
Rae· 1 · · . . ·a1 "-· and Public~·-"' .1a D1scnmmation (Urban Res1denu ru~
""sed in 1980.

290 Contemporary Xamzbia

Map 8 : The distribution of population groups in Windhoek
at mdependence (I 990)

+
0

~ CBD

~ Industrial areas

Residential districts
Dominant population

" Black

I I Coloured
1 " "1 White

~ ~. - Main roads

Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change... 291

of construction in housing and urban equipment did not permit a sufficient
decrease in costs. In 1988, 60% of the low-income population could not
afford the cheapest option on offer by the NBIC (NBIC, undated).

This pre-independence period actually accentuated the division within
the black urban population. On the one hand, political action- the gradual
'Namibianisation' of the civil service and the municipal policy of granting
access to private ownership- encouraged the creation of a middle class of
'silent' black property owners (Von Garnier I 986; Simon 1988). On the
other hand, economic policies prevented a growing population of old and
new residents- who were unable to enter the labour market- tfom obtaining
formal housing. Moreover, such housing was not developed at the same rate
as the escalating population (Frayne I 992). On the eve of independence
Windhoek reflected the ambiguities of a transition period under South
African control. The primary concern being to maintain the status quo, no
structural reform had been initiated. Nevertheless, in an attempt to ensure
its legitimacy, the Transitional Government of National Unity un?ertook
a symbolic action: in 1987 the compound was demolished and a cons1derable
number of the inhabitants were rehoused in Hakahana, while others were
crowded into Katutura per se, adding to the overpopulation of the old town-
ship (UNCHS 1990). The population of Katutura, the trad!tionallocat1on
for the reception of migrants from the former homelands, mcreas~d four-
fold between 1970 and 1991 and rose to over 90 000 inhabitants 10 1991 '
or 60% of the population of Windhoek which, with a growth rate of5% per

. · f · ately !50 000 annum over the same penod, had a populatiOn o approxlm
m 1991 (Republic ofNamibia 1993).

THE CONCEPT OF HOUSING AT INDEPENDENCE

Th · · h f< mulated with the help
e NatiOnal Housing Policy (NHP), whlc was or Settlements)

of the UNCHS-Habitat (United Nations Conference on Human d th xtent
b. t. !991 stresse e e

and approved by the new Government's Ca me 10 ed: ·ty fthe living
and · · ts ell as the m 1ocn ° urgency of housmg reqmremen as w h d and is estimated
conditions in the country as a whole. In urban areas t e emulation with the
at 45 000 houses 90% of which are demanded by the pop 1 f80 000 1 ' f mated that a tota o
owest incomes. The UNCHS-Habitat report es 1 . ld necessitate the
households required housing at independence. ThiS wou ars (UNCHS

fi five consecuuve ye
construction of 16 000 houses per year or M. . try of Regional and
1990). Entrusted to a specific ministry, namely_ th~ ;:torate of !lousing.
Local Government and Housing (MRLGH), ;;:::w e ~ 10 demonstrate the
the national pol icy is a challenge: on the one d . '

11
ntext of considerable

Government's capacity to confront the deman '"
8

£.&

292 Contemporary l\\'amibia

pressure on public spending, and on the other, it must demonstrate the will
to break with the policies of the past, the effects of which are still felt today.
Moreover, the Government is faced with an urban population which is more
aware of its rights and is therefore more demanding, and whose political and
material expectations have been raised by electoral promises.

The concept of housing set out in the NHP implies a redefinition of the
role and duties of the state towards its citizens, whose fundamental rights are
recognised by the authorities who are their guardians. The Government has
no responsibility for the direct provision and administration of housing-
which is henceforth considered as a process involving the citizens and not
simply a product for consumption- and limits its role to that of 'provider'
and 'facilitator' in order to put an end to the 'syndrome of paternalism' or
'dependence on State assistance' (Republic of Namibia 1990: 17). One of
the fundamental principles of the NHP is to encourage access to private
ownership, which aims at making individuals take responsibility by placing
them at the centre of the deal. A house is no longer an impersonal location
made available by the State or an employer, depending on the professional
standing of its occupant(s): it has become a family property, managed by the
head of the family according to his or her income, which is the guarantee of
the 'security', 'stability' and 'economic power of the family unit' (ibid.: 19).
The principle of subsidies is strongly criticised due to the market distortions
it implies and is only kept, in a new form,3 for the poorest social groups who
are recognised as having priority over others. Two traditional practices are
therefore challenged: first, the renting of subsidised housing from the Local
Authority, which now offers houses for sale to their original occupants-
this constituting a continuation of the Katutura Alienation Scheme which
was replaced by the New Municipal Housing Scheme in 1993; and second.
the employer-owned housing formerly provided to employees in the publtc
or private sector (so-called 'tied' housing), whereby employers are encou-
raged to free up such houses by selling them to employees. Conrronted wtth
the nse 111 demand and the shortage of public funds, new participants are
beckon~d. Involvement is sought from national and foreign NGOs as well as
mtemattonal institutions and development banks but also- in fact primarily
- ffom the national private sector, namely bank; and property firms, which
are acttvely encouraged to set up financing and saving schemes that are
accessible to households not usually eligible for bank loans. Theoreticall}
the req~trements of all categories of the population are met by a comple-
~entanty between the private and public sectors. Resorting to princtples
hke self-help housing development or community involvement in planning.

J The Government itself recommends that the principle of subsidised interest rat_es
should be abandoned and replaced by a one-off up-!Ton! cash paymenllo the Local AuJhonly
or developer on behalf of the purchaser upon the sale of a plot of! and.

d 1 h . 293 Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gra ua c ange .

· ·d fthe importance carrying out and following up the programmes, ts evt ence 0 . fth se
. · · Th ough the adoptton o e given to individual and collecttve asptrattons. r . h .

· 1 d dministrattve know- ow. principles the aim is to encourage techn tea an a . k
' . bl th pu Jatton to ta e over expertise which in the long term wtll ena e e po

initiatives launched by the public and private sectors. dards that are
Finally, the NHP advocates a revision ofbu~ldmg stan w· dhoek

· · · d' t CfltlCISm of the Ill considered too cumbersome. Thts ts an 111 tree . t . the
. . . . - . sive town m the coun ry. Muntctpahty, Wmdhoek bemg the most expen . h. h than those

average building costs per square metre are three ttmes tg erh (NHE
. . . h th in Keetmans oop m Swakopmund and ten ttmes htgher t an ose

1992). . 1 w rate of political and But these new principles come up agamst the s 0 . h b ·cally remains
· · · · · nment whtc ast mstttu!tonal reform and the economtc envtro ,
unchanged.

FA CHANGE IN DIFFICULTIES ACCREDITED TO THE LACKO
WAYS OF THINKING ABOUT THE CITY

. t meant a total ideological
It ts a fact that in Windhoek independence has no. d fi the colonial era
b · 1 t 'nhente rom 1 reak Wtth the model for urban deve opmen 1 h ·d city by a Loca
No thought has been given specifically to the post-~part etwhole as a result
A h . . b popu Jatton as a ut ortty whtch now represents the ur an . . fthe capital.
of the political and administrative homogentsatt~; 0 Janning in Windhoek

In the first years of independence ( 1990-199 . '!e Guide Plan for lhe
continued along the Jines recommended in 1980 ~"set out the development
Windhoek Basin (City of Windhoek 1980), wh~c the 1976 Town PJannmg
of !he city to the year 2010, and in accordance wtth the structure of the ctty.
Scheme, as amended which had little imp~ct 0~

1
densities in peri-ur~l

T ' h. h restdentta h partta he major issues addressed were tg er . .
1

plots, and t e
I. n restdenua areas, permitting second dwel mgs o

revision of zoning and land usage.
1
design for lhe next 20

996
Yearsb)

strUctura w·ndhoek I · It was not until 1996 that a new .
1
(C;n, of t . g

C.ty eounct ''J ncouragm was fonnulated and approved by the 1 ·on'ty given toe ....
· es the pn 1 ment w tw The general tone of the document evmc. odel of deve op .~

· fa Jtnear m dary growu". economic activities on the basts 0 Jes ofsecon f.vr-
K · · f th two new po .... outcome o ~·-atutura constttutmg one o e ~ which were ""' b

1
are no"

. The standards for urban develo~still remain in fo)'(~zoo':111 expan· Independence legislation and pracll 'sed by ]ow.denStl)' hort nt land. the
being officially challenged. Charac~en .a..n wedges of v~ _,.,oon
· f 1 e tntra'"'""'' · to u .......... --ston and by the presence o arg . . ncJeed no1 ~ucrve

Present spatial growth of the town 15 1 A. __

294 Contemporary ,.\\'amibia

of an efficient urban economy. Moreover, the land reserves of this valley
site include numerous hilly areas. the reclaiming of which will be a burden
on the development costs of the townships (Frayne 1992). Should the Local
Authority continue to maintain such costly planning standards and pro-
cedures, the purchase of a plot and a house. even of a most basic type, will
remain beyond the reach of low-income households (Republic of Namibia
1996).

While the implementation of structural reforms across the board are
awaited, the pursuit of Windhoek's model for urban development is not
conducive to giving the Local Authority the means to respond to the nature
and extent of urbanisation: an urban growth rate of almost 6% per annum.
densification of the old black township, and the rapid rise in makeshift and
illegal housing in the new extensions on the periphery. The demand for
housing, which was estimated at 10 000 units in 1994 (Watson !994), IS
partly linked to economic migration to the capital intensifying. Moreover,
the migrants are mainly from a low-income population and have come to
Windhoek to seek employment opportunities which the fanner 'homelands'
cannot provide. Now that the first five years of independence have witnessed
the provision of sites and services on the northern and north-western periph-
eries of Katutura for low-income groups, it seems that the mid- and long-
term residential growth of Windhoek as fonnulated by the Local Authonty
(ibid.), does not actually correspond' to the profile of the demand.lndeed
th~ supply for the middle and upper classes (Dorado Park, Rocky Crest,
Clmbebasia, Kleine Kuppe, etc.) is bigger than that for the low-income
groups, whereas the highest demand comes from the latter, and this secuon
of the population has the highest growth rate (9-1 0% per annum between
19~5 and 1995 for Katutura and its periphery, as compared with 3,5% for
Wmdhoek and 4% for Khomasdal'). The mismatch between supply and
demand, which is replicated in the private housing and banking sector, also
leads to paradoxical situations: there is no demand for the luxury-housmg
~~og~a~mes in Ludwigsdorf, a bastion of the white upper classes (The
Ivam1b1an 22/8/95) h . . · · Katu·
t " w ereas the pnvate low-cost housmg projects m ura are refused fi · · · · s are . mancmg by the banking institutions. Such mst1tuiiOn
reticent because of th . . (" , Era
7-IJ/9195) T e ~re~ent economic and financ1al chmate .JVell .h

th h. h · he lack ofhqllldlty on the local capital market assoc1ated wrt e 1g 'export' fN · · ' 1 tion
ofth s h . 0 am1b1an capital to South Africa and the deva ua.

e out Afncan R d · d h1ke
in the cost of b . . an " Imply a steady rise in interest rates an a h
Africa This Ull~mg materials, 90% of which are imported from Soul

· penahses households who wish to own property. Not only do

City of Windhoek 1996 . other
than Katutura and its . a. Wmdhoek here means the city centre and the areas tl
as Khomasdal the' penphery (Hakahana, Wanaheda. Oku~angava. Goreangab). asw)e

" 1onner soacall d . ·-' · ise ·
e coloured township' and its periphery (0ti0 mu

Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change. 295

their monthly repayments rise, but the banks also reinforce their selection
procedures so as to minimise their financial risks (Windhoek Advertiser
13/9/95). These economic factors mean that the criterion of solvency has
priority over demand. They also deepen the fracture between a population
of wage earners and civil servants who have a regular income and housing
grants (still operational despite criticism voiced by the NHP) on the one hand,
and on the other, a population whose living and working conditions are
vulnerable: the rate of unemployment is close to 32% of the population in
Katutura, in comparison with 7% in central Windhoek and !6% in Khomas-
dal. Thus the only options for the vulnerable group are overcrowding or
squatting (Republic of Namibia 1995).

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONSTRAINTS

Moreover, the increase in pressure on public expenditure is accomp~nied
by further, stricter financial conditions than those in place pnor to mde-
pendence. The Local Authorities Act, No. 23 of !992, which sets up new
principles for political representation, functioning and administrati.on at
local authority level, put an end to the preferential fin~ncial_ c~ndltlons
elljoyed until then. The major part of the Windhoek Mumc1pahty s capital
came from internal funds, mainly Central Government loans a_t preferential
rates, which enabled it to make a profit. Since the implem~ntatlon of decen-
tralisation, the Local Authority has had to rely mainly on 1ts own resources
and on loans obtained on the capital market, with its concomitant fluctuations
and constraints. In an unfavourable economic environment, coupled ."'11.h
a risk of water shortage in the near future, the Windhoek Local Authonl?' IS
faced with difficult budgetary choices involving its ambitions and dutlesd.
Th . . . · 1 ·n1·ng infrastructure an ese amb1t1ons and duties mclude: a) mam al .
services at high standards so as to keep Windhoek as the site. with the hlghehst

. . · pos1t1on m the Sout -econom1c growth in the country and to wm a strategic . .
. ' . C · · and b) obtammg ern Afncan Development Commumty (SAD l region,

1 . . J"t' s and to acce erate compensatory financing to eliminate spat1al mequa 1 1e . . h d _
. . . ber of lmpovens e ur

residential growth, in order to house a nsmg num . h k 1994a) b · 1· · d' · (City ofWmd oe · amtes 1vmg under vulnerable con 1t1ons E) astatal
. . E t rprise (NH ' a par

The example of the Nat1onal Housmg n e d
1

lasses since
h. h · ~ h ·ddlean owerc w IC has been supplying housmg ,or t e 1111 . . and limits of a policy

the beginning of the 1980s illustrates the contradiCtions De · ed of
h. . ' 1 tural refonns. pnv w 1ch IS not accompanied by the necessary s rue . b Government

the public subsidies from which it benefited until then y a p !IC. y the
. . f h National Housmg o " anx1ous to follow the recommendatiOns o t e

296 Contemporary ,\\'amiblu

Map 9: Windhoek's population in llJ85

Representation proportional
to the surface

43000

20000

5000

100

Author: Christophe Sohn, 1998
Source: Windhoek Household Census, 1995

t
N

I
0 2 km

Zl North

ocl

Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change ,

.\\1ap 10: Windhoek's population in 1995

Representation proportional
to the surface

53000

SfXlO

/e
Babylon

Author· Christophe Sohn, 19'ol8
Source:. Windhoek Household Census, 1995

t
N

I
o 2 km
;.,.._~~

297

298 Contemporary :\\'amibia

NHE was enjoined by this same go,ernment to pursue its public service
mission to house low-income populations by applying 'strict business
principles and financial discipline' (The Namibian 3011196). However,
economic constraints and the rigidity of the political and institutional context
have compromised the success of the Government's housing programme
targeting the low-income population' In fact. this programme, based on the
private ownership of a plot and/or a house through the granting of long·
term loans to an urban population whose low purchasing power continually
declined, had a record of very low repayment rates. With the probableexpul·
sion of households unable to reimburse their loans (The Namibian 20/3/96)
and their replacement by more solvent candidates, wou.ld the programme
not in the long run benefit the middle classes with a regular income, par-
ticularly lower-grade civil servants and public service or parastatal employees
who obtain housing grants from their employers? The stockpiled building
materials on a plot, as well as the speed at which the original house is
enlarged, show a mobilisation of income now which at times exceeds the
level declared by the homeowner when the loan was originally taken out
(NHE 1995). Moreover, maintaining municipal building standards excludes
the lowest-income households from owning a house ready for occupatron.
The only options open to this category of household is to buy a partly

I bl serviced plot with communal infrastructures. Such plots become e_rgr ,e
for a degressive up-front subsidy, according to the level of the candrdate 5

income and the procurement of small loans for building materials (Buridmg
Material Fund) with short repayment terms.

The success of the national 'Build-Together' Programme, iaunche~
in 1992 by the Directorate of Housing of the MRLGH with the technrca
assistance of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the
UNCH . . b' · s ofrts S-Habrtat, rs somewhat modest if compared to the am rtron
a· Th' · - . t and offe~ tms. rs programme rs financed by the Namrbran Governmen .
20-year loans at subsidised rates to three categories of household: those wrth

. . d"
an tncome below N$1 250 a month· those living in under-equrppe.

1 'd · ed' ' ot ehgrb e epnv areas; and those with low or average incomes who are 11 h
for the loans on offer from banks and building societies. The programme as
several components. One component enables the purchase of old houseshm
the t h' · h ry Anot er owns rp or alternatively a serviced plot on the perrp e · her
enables the construction, renovation or extension of a house. Yet anotand
finances a · · . . . · ture (water connectton wrth mumcrpal serv1ces and mfrastruc

' W fi h · 1992 it had ac<"' t ere er ere to the NHE's Oshatotwa programme. Launched m ' Namibian 0
funds from the Kreditanstalt fiir W iederau lbau within the framework of Gennan- NSJ oOO

fiCOOperation. The programme aimed at households with a monthly income belowfthe ~ orafamllyoffiv t · . be ficianeso . e o SIX members, but the average mcome ofthe ne 1 . NS9l0 per
accessrble item i th h . . d' Areas IS " .e. e pure ase of a servrced plot rn the Upgra rng '
month (NHE 1996).

Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change... 299

electricity) (Republic of Namibia 1994). It should be pointed out that this
government programme, by charging interest rates which may not exceed
14%, does not respect the principles of the National Housing Policy, and
moreover it has engendered further criticism of the parastatal NHE, which
is forced to meet market interest rates, which rose to 20% in June 1996.

Between 1992 and 1995 some 3 300 loans had been granted on 60 sites
located all over the country. Just over I I 00 housing units have now been
completed, whereas the Draft National Development Plan had estimated
the number of units to be built in five years as being 45 000, and SWAPO
had promised to build 14 500 over the same period under the programme
(UNDP 1995).ln Windhoek some 500 households had benefited from the
programme, mainly the residents of the old township ofKatutura and the
Single Quarters. On the other hand, the peripheral areas were home to some
7 000 households, who in almost all cases only had the most makeshift of
dwellings. At the moment, access to ownership of the existing houses and the
renovation of the old housing stock takes priority over building new_ housing,
as well as over allowing city-dwellers access to plots on the perrphery. It
would appear that to date the Build-Together Programme in Windhoek has
mainly benefited a category of urbanites who are indeed usuall~ in the lo:
mcome category (the presence of a considerable number of pensroners who.
candidature is supported by a family member is one feature). However: this
category of homeowners already have a roof over their heads and secunty of
property, since the houses in the old township have been and continue to be
sold at low prices to their original owners in terms of a municipal programme
· M · · I Housmg (I.e. the Katutura Alienation Scheme and the New umcrpa

Scheme, effective since 1993). Long-standing Katutura tenants who become
I d · · therefore benefit from and and property owners under favourable con 1trons
two policies: that of the Local Authority and that of the Governmenth .

1 also of a tee mea The limits of the Build-Together Programme are . . fr the
. . I lowing dev1atron om nature. The construction of customrsed houses, a . h' ty

- fth apartherd towns rp pe, monotony of the unifornn matchbox housmg o e . be what
actually presents a number of drawbacks. Firstly, there IS a gapd twboeelnrc and
th · d II' 's assume sym e households would like in terms of the we mg dl hr'tects

· ffi rd Secon y, arc ' sacral value and what such households can a 0 · h - t sector
d . , d 'th rk from t e prrva e . esrgners and surveyors are inundate WI wo k require
Th' h · al follow-up wor rrdly, programme agents who do the tee me d 't takes longer.
additional training: the work is more difficult for them aldn 1 often turn are
F . h the househo ers . ourthly, the small-scale butlders tow om . . d housing, and th1s
accustomed to the norms and materials of hlg~-prrce Nevertheless.
leads to dwellings of a larger size being built, whtch =~those which
the applications of the programme do ~m ou~~~ ,0

995
).

use conventional means of constructton (U

300 Contemporal)' Namibia

Finally, one may well question the programmes' sustainability, from
the point of view of the Government's financial capacity to pursue the invest-
ment required by the programme, and from the point of view of its ability to
take over the technical assistance after the withdrawal of external aid. The
investment is already estimated at N $3 6 m iII ion per year over a period of
ten years, and it will be even higher if the rate of inflation rises and present
standards are maintained. The rate of home-loan repayments, which currently
stands at only 55% (ibid.), will also be an issue determining the programme's
lifespan.

The political and social issues at stake are considerable. The Build-
Together Programme is a popular one, being a national and international
feather in the Namibian Government's cap in respect of the action it has
taken to better the lives of the most deprived. The programme was selected
to represent Namibia at the Habitat 11 Conference in Istanbul in June 1996.
Already in the first year of its conception the UN awarded it the Habitat
Scroll of Honour. Expectations are therefore high, and the means to imple-
ment the success of the programme imply profound structural reforms which
are ~art of the National Shelter Strategy formulated in the National Plan of
Actmn. Such reforms include implementing new legislation, standards and
procedures which are presently under consideration (the Draft National
Housing ~ill and t~e Draft Planning and Building Regulations). The refom:s
also requtre financtal cooperation and assistance from the Local Authonty s
~own-pl~nning units, as well as the participation of all the relevant agents
m the pnvate, NGO and community sectors (ibid.). After six years ofmde·
pendence, none of these structural reforms have seen the light of day. In other
~espects, progress in setting up the institutional framework which was 10 set
m motion decentralised planning mechanisms with the use of new analytical
and_ methodological tools is very slow and the strMcture is still highly cen·
trahsed Cent 1 G . ' · ·ttee . ·. ra overnment ts over-represented on the steenng commt
Whtch gtves guidanc d d" · · frespon· 'b·I· . e an Irect1on, and there is a concentration o
st 1 tttes and po · h . h ·ty and . . . . wers m t etr hands at the expense of the Local Aut on
ctvhtc SOCiety ~I.e. beneficiaries of the programme and the NGOs). Moreover.
w at we see tn the fi ld · · · · · stead
fth . te IS an mdtvtdualisation of the housing process

10
o e settmg up of · g up
to local

1
. . a structured community organisation (ibid.). Openm h

po tttcal actors d . . t d tiy te Nation 1 H . an to the parttctpatory process as advoca e
a ousmg Pol' · h theless communi or . tcy ts t erefore happening very slowly. None e;

have be ty gam_satmns based on saving and self-help housing schem k
en set Up Stnc . d · w· dhoe before 1989 em ependence (only one was recorded m 10

(NHAG) H), and they have affiliated to the Namibia Housing Action Group
· owever th · · fl · ts are

small-scale (T d ' etr m uence is still very limited and their proJeC
Th ve ten & Moputala 1995)

. e success of ho · · . ula-
ttons can therefore be ustng programmes which target Iow-mcome po~ical

seen to be compromised by the slow rate ofpoht

Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change... 30 I

and structural reform. Constant fluctuations in local authority policy empha-
sise how difficult it is to initiate change in an old institution, in which the
wetght of tradition is shed only very slowly as new staff emerge.

THE SLOW CHANGE IN LOCAL AUTHORITY POLICY
TOWARDS INFORMAL SETTLERS

The Windhoek Municipality has a long-standing local power structure which
smce the 1992 regional and local elections has included elected represen-
tatives and an administrative and technical staff which has to some extent
been renewed. The Municipality has gone through a learning period which
was both technical and conceptual, as well as political. Its approach to the
ctty underwent a gradual transformation after an interim period with no legal
. . 6
Junsdiction ( 1990-1992) but with the blessing of the Central Government
(Botha et al. 1992), and the failure of the first measures taken concerning
the squatters in the town (1992-1994) (City of Windhoek 1996c).

The first policy implemented in 1992 in an endeavour to end the phe-
nomena of overpopulation and squatting in Katutura met with little success
-both from the technical and administrative point of view and in terms of the
way it was implemented on site. The 1992 Squatter Resettlement Programme
was an authoritarian and hasty policy despite its having been developed
under the auspices of a committee which included representatives of the
Local Authority, the MRLGH and the National Housing Enterprise (NHE,
ex-NBIC). It quickly demonstrated the limitations of methods that ech~d
the coercion of the past regime: it was a bad experience for the population
Involved since they were basically expelled from the town to~ rehoused
on l~e very edge of the capital, in a transit area equipped wtth sties_ and
servtces. This led to a boycott of rent payments for the plots and the servtces,
as Well as hostility towards the institutions concerned, and 11 did not help
to resolve the squatting issue (City of Windhoek i994b).

Th . 1 onceming the treatment e absence of a genuinely nat1ona strategy c h
of · 1 f hat is referred to as t e squattmg and more generally the treatmen o w . .
"· fl , ' . fthe National Housmg 111 ormal housing sector as well as the madequacy 0 w· dh k
Por ' h ·ty dministrators. m oe Icy, were stressed by several Local Aut on a 1 th ·ty th d b th new Joca au on erefore became a 'test town' in the terms use Y e d 1 'd 1· In that acumen
approach in 1994, i.e. the Informal Settlement GUt e me.

' . . Ac~ No. 23 of 1992. Windhoek
Before the promulgation of the Local Authonues. f J%3. The swift.,.....-

was governed in tenns of the discrimina!OI}' Mum co pal On!"""""' OKL. --··· eonsuholi"·e
Dflh w· Ad · Board and the .......,..... e ondhoek Council the Katutura voSOI}'
Commillee at the time co~travened the Janerlegislalion.

302 Contemporary .\\·amJbw

the word 'strategy· \\\\as used rather than ·policy·. in keeping with the wishes
of the Minister of Regional and Local Go\\ emment and Housing herself(City
of Windhoek 1996c ). The strategy \\\\as defined as a pilot project aimed at
dealing with the areas of makeshift housing. It had been devised by a new
administrative and technical team. and the City Council approved it in
1995. Furthermore, a partnership bet\\\\een the representatives of Local and
Regional Authorities was set up. and a new approach both to urban planning
and in dealing with the population was implemented, in which preference
was given to discussion and negotiation. The new approach was closer to the
wishes and financial capacities of households organised in representative
committees, and develops a progressive method of planning with lower
standards of equipment (ibid.). The approach is a challenge for the Windhoek
Municipality from several points of view. Firstly, it is a change from the
image of the 'Old Regime' with which it is still identified in both its concep~
and methods, to a Local Authority representing the interests of all urbanites
and capable of responding to their demands and expectations through dra·
Iogue and discussion. Secondly, it will test the Local Authority's capacity to
suggest new and sustainable solutions to the question of housing for the low·
i?come black population, not only by means of appropriate technical solu·
Irons, but also through the use of· fair' financing arrangements. The extent
to which it cooperates with the other institutions at the grassroots level, ~nd
Particularly with the NHE, by promoting a coordinated urban administration
of~e social problem posed by the peripheral areas will be a further acid test
of 1ts success.

Ho":'ever, locating sites and services in peripheral areas- 'in the bush',
as the restdents ilut it- and offering equipment and services of a low stan-
dard, leads to dissatisfaction among the inhabitants, and even resentmen;
of the Local Authority. On the one hand these residents' living condJIIOO
are.seen as evidence of the Local Authori~'s neglect, and on the other hand.
thetr forced relocation brings with it economic and social disruption: 11 cos~
more for transport to the inner city, they are relatively far from opportunrues
for employment d · h . . .. · · the town-an mcome t e basts of commerctal acttvrttes m
ship is und · d ' . . ksare d' ennme , and the urban fabric and local sohdanty nerwor
d~srupted (Peyroux & Graefe 1995) There is a growing lack ofunderstan·

mg today between the population .which demands the application of the
same standards of · . . 1 st of the · equtpment m the peripheral areas as rn 1 e re .
Ctty, and the Local A th · . . 1 fservrces
and · fi u onty whtch ts anxious to adapt the !eve o d

m rastructure to th 'd · tions an demand . . e rest ents' financial capacities. The asptra ed
s, tn parttcular th d d ~ · . . · xaggerat to the Local . e eman "Or mdtvtdual servtces, seem e _

Authonty e · 11 . t for com mun·ny . " specta y gtven the low rates ofpaymen · servtces D · ffi · ponsr-
bil'rty and d

1
. "

1 enng conceptions of the town as well as the res
1
,
5 u tes of those · 1 . peoP edemands and the .. tnvo ved he behind the mismatch between 'ation

PDhttcal responses, making the process of negoll

Urban grov .. -th and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual change. 303

difficult. The present impasse stresses the restricted capacity for action of an
Authority which seeks popular recognition. The unhappy experiences in the
past and the desire to make a break with them means that any resort to
coercion is out of the question, but new methods still have to be found.
This period of'indecision' in the administration of the population creates
an impression of the Local Authority having absconded, and leaves room
for the emergence of new institutional actors recognised by the population.
These include the regional councillors, who are particularly active in Wana-
heda and Hakahana, the two constituencies in the northern and north-western
parts of the township, and the community development coordinators (CDCs)
on the NHE's Oshatotwa programme, who are in touch with the populat1on
on a daily basis as a result of the location of community centres at the local
level (Peyroux 1996).

While the political context is slowly evolving, the same is true for the
conditions of the urbanites in the peripheral areas which have been selected
here as indicators of social and political change. The surveys we earned out
in the field have enabled us to define some of the features which are charac-
teristic of the urban culture at the moment, namely a process of continuous
development and adaptation, which is why we are unwilling to come to hasty
and definitive conclusions.

CONTINUITY IN THE PRACTICES OF BLACK URBANITES

0 . t · n the northern and bservation of the demographic and family struc ure 1 . . .
11 'd ce of contmurty Ill te north-western periphery of the capital shows evt en .

. b · ts Windhoek remarns practices of the black city-dwellers.' For these mha "tan h'
1

·gr·n
. . ~~~aoo pnmanly a place for immigration and employment, as . .

1
.
15

demon-
f · · · · f h and resrdent1a unr o Its resrdents and the compostt1on o t e areas II d Owamboland
t M .. fi htwasthencae s rate. ost of the mhabrtants come rom w a fOshikoto)

(t d . . Oh wena and a part o · o ay the regtons ofOmusat1, Oshana, ang h' h roportion of
The population structure by sex and age shows a veryTh"ghaspa bearing on
d . · ·ty e men. 1s a ults of workmg age, of whom the maJOfl ar h 'plterv is higher

th 1 tion on t e pen -e fact that the employment rate ofthe popu a .
1

"'ns (Oshakati.
th · d · the three malll o~

an 111 the old township of Katutura an 111 d T large extent the
0 d ~ 0 -ambolan . o a n angwa and Ongwediva) of .onner w . hereb" geograph-
h . · 1 strategtes w J c aracteristics of the residenttal umts revea

7 . " the socio-economic ~tudic~ c~rncd
The data which follow have been taken from

8
·. t990· Pcvrou\\ &. (,racfc . dt & Du o~> . - &

out'" Windhoek between 19'10 and 19'14 (Pen eron n nner owambotand illangula
l995; NHE t994· Pendleton 19'14) and in the towns 0 0

Tvedten t993; P~ndleton et at. t991).

i
I

304 Contemporary ,\\'amibia

ically mobile individuals have come together rather than showing the con-
stitution of cohesive and stable family units. The residential units, which are
smaller than those in the northern regions of the country, house chiefly
collateral relatives as well as a significant proportion of distant family
members and even individuals "ith no kinship link with the head ofthe
household at all. This fragmentation of housing units into individuals or
groups of' isolated' individuals reduces them to entities which are generall)
unstable and liable to break up as a function of individual or family oppor-
tunities, as well as at times of economic difticulty (children are then sent
back to the north, for example). Moreover, a "hole series of indicators bears
witness to the geographical mobility of the residents and the maintenance of
relations with their regions of origin. These indicators include the frequency
of visits back horne, the retention of seasonal agricultural activities, the
transfer of urban and rural resources (money, agricultural products), and the
segmentation of families bet\\\\een the capital and the town or village of
origin (Peyroux & Graefe 1995). This is evidence of economic strategies
at the level of the family, which exploits the totality of the resources at the
disposal of its members. This search for work in the capital, where wealth
and employment is still concentrated, and this residential dispersal of the
family unit, seem to reproduce the model of migrant labour under wntract.
in a context where freedom of movement is guaranteed by the Constitution.
Thus the former 'homeland' still contributes to the reproduction of the
family unit.

Moreover it should be stressed that settlement in the peripheral areas
I I b · h b' ts were las rare Y een the outcome of the residents' choice. Legal 111 a rtan
rehoused, under municipal constraints, when the Single Quarters were closed
down or when certain squatter camps were evacuated. The situation of those
squatters who have settled on undeveloped sites, on pieces of land between
plots or on the plots of legal households is the outcome of what is often a
temporary adaptation to the formal hou,sing crisis in Windhoek, and the
saturation of Katutura in particu Jar, this being the traditional reception area
for mrgrants due to family solidarity networks.

A 'ty~ s yet there do not seem to be any clearly asserted commum
t · 1 · · portlllt ures Wrt 1111 the population. While good neighbourliness plays an rm
role in these households' daily lives the organisation of the community along
tl r ' . . · 1 canon le mes of attempts made in the early 1990s to accompany mrtral re 0
policies and to ensure the administration of collective services seems 10 ~
very difficult to achieve. These attempts were based on the collection °
water pa · d doomed to . yments 111 an unfavourable economic context, an was . d·-
farlure in almost all cases: short-term considerations and a concern for 111 1
vrdual st · 1 . . 'ty Moreover. rrvrva took pnonty over the desire to build a com mum ·. 1
1~ extreme drversity of individual situations and the divergences 111 pe~.
p ctrce tend to compromise what is already a fragile fonn of sacral coheS

Urban growth and housing policies in Windhoek: the gradual~.:hange. 305

The 1994 surveys, complemented by the surveys carried out in 1996 (ibid.:
Peyroux 1996), show evidence of a fragmentation of the population into
often opposing categories. There are legal inhabitants versus squatters: there
are those who contribute to the financing of the community services versus
those who don't: and there are squatters who really do have nothing and
whose access to land is a strategy for survival, versus those "ho choose to
squat in order to earn a rental income from houses they own in Katutura.
The socio-economic differentiations which can be seen in the types of
dwelling constructed, confirm and reinforce the divisions which constilllte
barriers to the formation of community solidarity. The present drfficulty
experienced by community leaders and local committees in mobrlrsrng
residents, and in declaring and asserting their authority, perhaps Ires 111 the
difficulty of representing a fragmented society with such diverse. rf nut
opposing, interests. The challenge faced by new housing policies based on
community participation, and particularly the policy of the Wrndhoek
Municipality, also lies in the capacity to find efficient (and recognrsed)
intermediaries within the population. Such intermediaries are essentral for
establishing dialogue and discussion and in creating a dynamrsm based on
the sharing of common interests.

CONCLUSION

. 1 d in Windhoek since The pohtical and institutional endeavours dep aye . e black
. . . fc r the low-mcorn
mdependence to deal with the quest1on ofhousrng 0 . . F rthennore.

I . . h d artrculatlon. u PDpu at ron show srgns of a lack of co erence an
11

. - the official
h d ·veto ac levmg at t e moment such endeavours are not con ucl

1
concern struc-

. . . whether t 1ey arms- whether they be quantitatrve m nature or 'sed bv a mismatch
tu 1 1 · - h been characten -ra c 1anges. This period oftransrtron as d Ea h of the parties
betw - · d u Jar de man s. c . een the polrtrcal offers made an pop MRLGH. the NHE and the
mvolved- the Windhoek Local Authonty, the Th National Housmg
b k · - rt" Jar rnterest. e . . an mg sector- pursues rts own pa ICU

1
lysed the srtuat10n

P 1· - h e correct Y ana o rcy and the National Plan of Action av h "ar failed to influence
a d h . . . b 1 both have t us " n t ey promote mnovatrve 1deas, u
or coordinate the various interests involved. d t provide housing for

. . - I" h endeavoure o fi - I The Wmdhoek Mumcrpa rty as . and whose IOai1CI3
tantly mcrease l>c an urban population whose numbers cons hich have yet to

f ngements w r resources are declining by means 0 arra . structures. The flO"~
' - ad · nistrauve finalised- both '1n form and in therr mr od - based on new '0 " 11" - tedl ayls ... elaborated in 1 994 and being 1mplemen . , participation rn the sian

Planning concepts. It is primarily the i~hab";~in an ef1(1eavour to c<JfllX'I
dardisation' of their environment that 15 5011 ~

-----

306 Contemporary Yamihia

the mistakes of earlier policies and to gain public recognition- still lacking
today- for the Local Authority. In the long run this policy will be judged
on its capacity to adapt to a new urban situation and its capacity to provide
infrastructure and services to the poorest. The MRLGH has launched a
national programme which. despite its innovative concepts and popularity.
undoubtedly implies technical ditliculties and huge financial constraints.
But while progress has been made at the grassroots level, the fundamental
reforms which are an integral part of the programme and essential to any
long-term success are all still in the process of being drafted. The NHE. on
the one hand. is doing its best to reconcile commercial aims and its public
service mission by implementing programmes based on self-help construc-
tion. incremental housing and community development in an unfavourable
economic context. The banking sector. on the other hand, subject to severe
financial constraints, has not played the role of the private partner which
the NHP had hoped for. The latter sector has instead initiated increasingly
selective practices, thus penal ising the poorest strata of the population.

However, how can the success of new housing policies adapted to the
dema~d be envisaged if the ways in which the city is created- via urban
planmng, prescribed standards for building and construction, the availability
of financing and of credit- remain unchanged? The logic of the growth of
~estdent~al accommodation in Windhoek remains primarily a financial one
111 a declining economic context, which does not permit the needs of the
poorest segments of society to be met. The poor are catered for marginally.
at best, by one-off social programmes, the aims of which clash with the
ngtdtty of the legal and institutional environment.

The slow pace of structural reform tends to negate existing policies.
and helps to ensure that Windhoek, with its basic social and spatial divisions.
retams Its pre-independence appearance. The fragmentation of the town
mmors that of the society. The emergence of black urban middle classes
whtch tak d 1· · -e a vantage of the present Local Authority and government po tcte>
~h~uld ~~~conceal the vulnerability of a considerable fraction of the popu-
~11011 hv.mg in the peripheral areas of the city and who are increasing!)

dtfferenttated th -. on e socto-economic level (NHE !996).
d ~tven the inadequacy of economic development of the northern regions

an 1 e force of attraction exerted by Windhoek access to urban resources
111 an mdepende t N · b- ' · h octal d n amt ta may turn out to be the pivot on whtc s .
emands- and pe h · ume

plan for the r aps, 1~ th~ long run, political conflicts- turn. A gen. e
to recon .

1
phost-aparthetd ctty, which would endeavour as far as posstbl

ct e t e as · · . . h one
hand with th - ptratiOns of pohttcal and institutional agents on I e
up by the St:t:~terests of the urbanites on the other, still needs to be drawn

Class formation and
civil society in Namibia'

Chris Tapscott

307

INTRODUCTION

The advent ofNamibian independence in March 1990 brought to an end
more than a century of colonialism and heralded a new era of democracy and
human rights in Africa. Namibia's liberal constitution, its commitment to
multi-party democracy and its policy of national reconciliation were lauded
llltemationally as the hallmarks of political maturity. While it was recogmsed
that a commitment to human rights and an open society were not 111" them-
selve> a sufficient condition for the promotion of greater social equtty 111 a
country with severe inequalities, it was also widely believed that democracy
was at least a prerequisite for this process to begin. From the outset the new
Go - · f poverty and the vemment made strong commitments to the allevtatton °
improvement of the welfare of the majority of its citizens. To that extent the
Namibian state formation and the Government's orientation were portrayed

as models for other countries in Africa. . . ·d t
W. h · · d ndence 1t ts ev1 en tt the passage of over five years smce m epe '. . h

that d · · · · · · asinglv dtsplaymg 1 e esptte tis auspicious beginnings, Namtbta ts mere · . . 1 d' cha · · . 1 h rein Afnca. me u mg ractensttc patterns of neo-colonialist states e sew e d · 1 · 1 · accelerate soc"a contmued economic dependence on its former co omsers, ·
d'ffi 1 tion the arrogatton

1 erentiation amongst the fonnerly subordinated popu a ; e partv
of d 'ft a ds a de ,acto on " -

power by a newly emergent elite, the n tow r . . d growing
state, and the slow but progressive erosion ?f ctvtll:~~;;~l~; [annalistic
corrupt ton m the public sector. It ts further evtdent tha bl . an Office
d · L · Iauve Assem '·

tmenstons of multi-party democracy(~ egts stantive p~rliamental)
of the Ombudsman, a Bill of Rights) are tn place, sub
democracy has failed to take root.

I . . lass fonnation in Namibia~~ 1 a{""''oll
Th1s chapter builds on an earlter paper on'

1995)

308 Conlcmporun \\unubUI

This state of affairs can be ascribed to a variety of factors, including
the country's dependent and subordinate status within the international
economy, the impact of apartheid and the effect of more than 20 years of war.
The structure of civil society in particular may be seen to have been shaped
not only by the imperatives of colonial rule, but also by practices of the
national liberation movement and by the counteractive strategies of the
occupying South African forces. In order to contextualise current develop-
ments. it is of value to briefly consider the factors that shaped the social
formation in Namibia in the steps leading up to independence.

THE SOCIAL ECONOMY OF THE COLONIAL STATE

The dispossession and disempowerment of the indigenous African popu-
lation in Namibia that began under German colonial rule in the 1880s was
further systematised under South African domination after 1915, culminating
in the implementation of the apartheid policies of the 1960s. Up to and
including this period, Namibian society manifested the familiar charac-
teristics of a colonial society: the hegemony of the metropole in Pretoria.
economic domination by a handful of international corporations, a small
settler society which administered the country on behalf of the metropole
and which controlled the economy, the polity and a broad mass of indigenous
people predominantly resident in the rural areas and dependent on subsis-
tence agriculture and the remittances of migrant labour.

Following the findings of the Odendaal Commission, which in 1964
:ecommended the extension of apartheid policy to Namibia, a programme of
Bantustamsallon' was introduced from the late I 960s onwards. As in South

Africa thi t · · d · ted " s sys em cons1gned all Afncan Namibians to one often es1gna
ethnic 'homelands', in which it was intended that they would realise thell
political aspirations as distinct nations. Since the principles on which th"s
system was founded were premised on the ethnic distinctiveness of the
vanous Africa 1 · d. · al . n popu at10n groups, primacy was accorded to tra iliOn
authonty structu H · on-. res. encetorth the power of traditional leaders was c
s"derably strengtl d 1 . nill
I d lene , w 11le at the same time their legitimacy as commu · ea ers was pro · 1 · ce

h. gress"ve Y subverted. Although there was notable res"stan . to t 1s process 1 · Ch · fs
C .1) n certam quarters (in particular from the Herero "e ounc, the Ba t · f nd
h d '. n ustan system accelerated the co-option of ch"e s a ea men mto the · · 1 thel · . services of the colonial State As salaried offic"a s -mcreasmgly served . .

Th B as surrogates for state control and represswn.
e antustan system 1 . . . t ol mea-sures wh· h . was coup ed With strmgent mflux con r

" IC restncted a h , . . . 1 mber of Afi · . ccess tot e wh1te' areas and hm1ted t 1e nu
ncans wuh the right t those 0 permanent residence in the urban areas to

Class formation and civil socict~ in Namibia 309

who had been born there, or who had lived or worked continuously in the
area for ten or more years. This legislation effectively constrained the process
of urbanisation in Namibia and forestalled the growth of an urban population
with an economic base independent of subsistence agriculture. and with class
identities of its own.

While resistance to South African rule in the years immediately follow-
ing World War II had come from the Herero Chiefs' Council under the
leadership of Hosea Kutako, the most significant political development of
the 1950s was the emergence of the embryonic nationalist movements of
SWANU and the OPO (the latter subsequently becoming SWAPO). Wh"le
the establishment of the OPO and SW APO have been portrayed in the
official SWAPO literature (SW APO !981: 172; UNIN 1986: 44) as a joint
venture of Namibian intellectuals and contract workers, reality suggests a
more conventional nationalistic path: a popular mobilisation of workers and
other class forces by a nascent intellectual elite.' .

As in most other African countries at the time, the aspirations ofmtel-
lectuals in Namibia were generally thwarted by the colonial administration.
which not only restricted access to the commercial sector. but also recnnted
few indigenous intellectuals, and then only to minor ranks in the bureaucratic
echelons. In consequence as incipient nationalist movements. many of the
d d · d. d t , d position ofthe11 eman s of these organisations related to the 1sa van age
constituent members particularly in their early stages. .

1966 ' . · 1 db SWAPOm The anned struggle agamst coloma! rule launc 1e Y . 1 . e rule 10 Ango a gamed momentum in 1974 when the collapse ofPortugues . . h k
t .1. le to JOint e ran s ac1 "tated the departure of several thousand young peop f N 'bia
f S ·b f Army o ami 0 WAPO's military wing, the People's L" era wn .b .. tile years

(PLAN · · · · rtl m Nam" "a 111 ). The mcrease m guern !Ia attacks Ill no 1e . ps and
th ~ f s uth A fncan troo at "allowed precipitated a major deployment o 0 .b.

. . d bl k Nam" 1ans.
areformulat"on of South Africa's pohcytowar s ac k lationduring

Much of the colonial State's policy towards the blac. potpeuaction of the
th · d the forma IV e 1970s and 1980s can be directly ascnbe to t ofSWAPO
S · t~ili@S . . outh Afncan military in its efforts to counterac . f 'total strategy .

d . tl not"on o a . msurgency. The approach, encapsulate !11 1e . t/Soviet-insplred
w . a commun"s as mtended to counter what was seen as
onslaught on South Africa from without.

. iooal mh."lllgcnl"ta 'M.·l·
2 . . · hcd ti"om a prole:% . , " ol rhc carl~

. . Intellectuals in this context arc d1~Un~U1~ . . n. Aflhough on/~ ~ m&: \\mJn:.a'
Srruth ( 1981: I 08-112) for a dis<:ussion of thiS dJSIIfl~;·~ndimba Toi"' )3 1 m'"~~ah.am'
nat"onalist leaders were in fact students or tea_cher.;E. ·t AnrvtiU5 and Jr..:~m.1h 1 ... ahoH~
Sh · b Kenna. m" ,....- btuon '" n:oo.
""panga. Fanuct Kozonguizi. Mburum 3 wilhthedriveandlh<am

71
.6-l41hoJ.:alkd

or example). the majority , ... ere mdl\\llduals whal (irarJ1SCf ( 19
the oppression and inertia of colonial rule. TbC')' '~
·organic intellectuals· in other contexts.

310 Contemporary .\\'armhw

THE CREATION OF A BLACK MIDDLE CLASS

With growing internal r~sistance and mounting international pressure to
withdraw from Namibia. th~ South African G'" ernment attempted to en-
gineer its own internal solution to independence_ which in 1978 culminated
in the establishment of an interim Const itucnt Asscm hly under the leadership
of the white-dominated Democratic Turnhalle Alliance ( DTA ). The refonnist
policies pursued includ~d efforts to ditluse mass struggle by incorporating
leading strata of the black population into an anti-SWAPO coalition. As in
South Africa at the time. the creation of a black middle class was intended
to act as a hedge against the growing militancy of the masses and to counter
their growing antipathy towards capitalism.

Consequently. in 1977 a range of discriminatory pieces of legislation
(including the influx control. residential settlement and inter-racial sex and
marriage laws) were repealed by the South African-appointed Administrator-
General. Although nominally improving conditions for all blacks. in practice
these liberalisations benefited onlv those who could atl'ord to take advantage
of the new dispensation, i.e. the ,;ew collaborative elite.' This group. which
was popularly known as the' Waseruuta' (a corruption of the term ·sell-out').
comprised a range of politicians. civil servants and professionals (teachers
and nurses) who earned salaries that were on a par with those of their white
counterparts and which were vastly higher than those of the average black
worker'

The establishment of II second-tier ethnic administrations under the
DTA Government (Proclamation AG8) afforded further opportunities for
high salaries and benefits for those wishing to collaborate. The considerable
autonomy exercised by the ethnic Governments. as well as a general lack of
accountability, also presented opportunities for some individuals to ennch
themselves through corruption.' It is evident that corruption and inetliciency.
while not endorsed, were nevertheless tolerated as necessary in retainlllg
the support of the leadership of the second-tier authorities. As DutkieWICZ
and Shenton ( 1986: Ill) have noted in other contexts, inefficiency and

3
As Simon ( 199!· 187) . . . r~sidcniial " . · pomts out m respect to the repeal of laws govamng "· .. segregation. only those i · . . . . . ·va1hng

Prices 1 . h · n semor pubhc pos1t1ons could allord to buy housmg at pn.-: d ·· n sue a context th . , . . . . I·. r·place
lcg1·s\\ 1· 1- · · c opcratlon ol a capuahst land and propcrtv mar"d ··· c a IW mt as th " " 1 · . · " 'Ab h · c rcgu ator of residential integration'

ra ams(\\982·13 24) I' · . kcrs"'"
earning inco b

1
· .. - · or example. states that while 86% of black wor h ol

mcs e ow a h h ld . h. h sc o
teachers and ·ddt 1 . ousc

0 subsistence level of R261 per month. 1g h
ml e- eve! ctv'l ·oo a mont ·

togetherwithsuch k 1 servantswereeamingsalaricsofRI OOOtoRI) . en!
per s as IOOIIA h · 1 " 1 ·rtmnm allowance and a f 0 ous1ng oan. a car purchase scheme. an ~.:n ~..:

~ . _range o other benefits.
The lmdmgs of the Th. . . . " mcrous

cases ofmisappro . . lnon Commission of Inquiry. for example. revcnkd nu
pnation of state funds (Werner 1987: 76).

Class formation and civil society in Namibia 311

mismanagement of the State. far from preventing the reproduction of a ruling
group, are often a prerequisite for it.

In contrast to the nascent black middle class and an even smaller class
of black traders in the north. the vast majority of black Namibians lived in
the rural areas and reI ied to a greater or lesser extent on subsistence agri-
culture for their livelihood. As with peasant farmers in so many developing
countries. this segment of the population displayed little class consciousness.
Where they were mobilised, it was under the banner ofSWAPO nationalism,
although this was severely constrained by the oppression of the colonial
forces.

At the same time, the formal organisation ofNamibia's workforce was
constrained by the small size of the population (in relation to the size of the
country) and the extreme dualism of the national economy, which was both
heavily dependent on South Africa and narrowly based. The organisation of
Namibian labour was also constrained by state repression, which prohibited
the establishment of trade unions for much of the colonial period.

In addition it must be noted that SW APO's own attitude (particularly
that of the exiled leadership) towards organised labour appears I? have miti-
gated against the establishment of a more rigorous worker consciousness. In
as late as 1970, when the SWAPO Central Committee held its consultative
conference in Tanga, Tanzania, and established structures for the SWAPO
youth, women and elders no consideration appears to have been given to
(nor any need discerned f~r) the formal support of a trade union movement,
although a SW APO Department of Labour was established (Peltola 199Z).

When S W A PO did become actively involved in the labour movement
in the 1970s, its interest in organised labour appears to have been largely
instrumental. That is to say the political mobilisation ofworkersm support
f 1 · . d e over the Immediate 0 I te liberation struggle was seen to take prece enc

d . · ~ h 'gher wages and better emands of the workplace, includmg campaigns 1or 1

conditions of service 6 . d 1
There is evidence that some among the SWAPO leadership ":~re Aee~;

suspiciou$ of the trade union training conducted in the camps 111 ex;~ cch.-
ding to Pelto Ia himself active in these training programmes, theh: de~ i~
feared that an i'ndependent trade union movement might, throug 111 usb~ 1

. fan independent Nami Ia.
action, disrupt plans to transform the economy 0 f ht reign
In consequence, he maintains, every effort was made to k~epd:~~ip rung
on the trade unions and to control appointments to the top ea ·

. d ·n South Africa. where
6 This was in strong contrast to the situation that pertameh

1
erthrow of apartheid

org · · 1 h·le committed tot e ov 1 am sed labour, and COSA TU in part1cu ar. w 1 b n the nationalist srrugg e
rule. insisted strongly on maintaining a clear distinction etwee
and th~ 1vorkers · struggle (see Webster !984: 84 l: and as the type of union which !he

Peltola ( 1992: 7) cites the rise ofSohdanty'" Pol
leadership feared as potentially disruptive.

312 Contemporary Yamibia

Perhaps reflecting the prevailing suspicions. a number of the most prominent
trade union activists in exile were incarcerated during the wave of detentions
which took place during the mid-1980s, especially in Angola.'

CLASSES WITHIN THE WHITE COMMUNITY

Apartheid policies in general afforded material benefits to most whites, and
this factor served to reduce class differentiation within the white population.
although some differentiation did exist. Within the Afrikaner community in
particular, this was masked by the populist ideology which stressed the unit)
of the Afrikaner volk.

While foreign ownership of the lucrative mining sector constrained
the development of a capitalist class, colonial rule facilitated the development
of a significant white middle class. The upper echelons of the colonial Ad-
ministration were dominated by whites, who received generous employment
packages. At the same time the military occupation also represented a boon
to business for certain sectors of the white business community. For those
prepared to risk the dangers of the war zone, the returns were significant.
Tendering procedures were frequently waived and lucrative contracts were
renewed by the military on a regular basis! Thus in the decade prior to
independence, considerable wealth was accumulated by certain strata of the
white community. Moreover, it is this economic elite which appears to have
ridden the period of transition most successfully, and its members are noll
among the most direct beneficiaries of the policy of national reconciliatwn.

SETTING THE MOULD

In its 1976 Political Programme, SWAPO (1976: 6) finnly committed itself
to 'unite all Namibian people, particularly the working class, the peasant[)
and progressive intellectuals into a vanguard party capable of safeguardmg

. I . d · c1el\\ nallona m ependence and of building a classless, non-exploitative so ·
based on the ideals and principles of scientific socialism'. The extent to
which the organisation had committed itself to these principles is not entlrel)

' l'h . I ' S .,b<b. ese me uded Henry Boonzaair, Fritz Spiegel. Theodor Thaniseb. t\\ron · c
Pejava Muniaro and Victor Nkandi, the latter two of whom died in detention (P!!Itola
t992: 7).

' A w· dh k b · · . 1 10 1h< m oe · usmessman who supplied telecommunications cqUJpmt:n . ..
'I' fid d t'b smc"-' m1 1131)' con I e that he had never had to submit a tender in more than nine years O u

with the SWATF (privale interview, name wilhheld. Windhoek. 5/9/92).

Class formation and civil society in Namibia 313

clear, although political expediency (the need for support from socialist-bloc
countries in particular) is certain to have been an important determinant
(Strand 199ij: It is likely, moreover, that a latent contradiction persisted
between the aspirations of the incipient elite within SWAPO as a nationalist
movement and the goals of scientific socialism. In that respect it is note-
worthy that many of the young people who went into exile were motivated
as much by a desire for better education to improve their social standing as
by the drive to take up arms in the struggle (T6temeyer 1978: 181 ).

By 1982 there is certainly evidence that following pressure from the
Western Five Contact Group (comprising the USA, Canada, Britain, France
and the Federal Republic of Germany), SWAPO had abandoned many of the
more radical tenets of its 1976 programme and was adopting an increasingly
moderate and conciliatory line on such issues as nationalisation, property
rights and a free-market economy (Abrahams 1982a: II). . ..

The structure ofNamibia's political economy and the reform 1st pohc1es
of the interim administrations (particularly the creation of a new ehte),
together with the US-led Contact Group's increasing squeeze on SWAPO
and the party's own nationalistic predispositions, thus in many respects c~t
the mould for a post-colonial society and set the pattern for future social
differentiation.

STRUCTURAL INEQUALITY AND THE EMERGENCE OF NEW
ELITES

A · t ·nherited a society in t mdependence the incoming SWAPO Governmen 1 h d d
which racial, ethnic and class differentiations were firmly entr~nc tlie ~~0 · h' . endem1c In 1ts e o 1

11 w 1ch political enmity and social d1strust were . · . th new
overcome these divisions and to forge a new national 1dentltyl,odeestar 10
G . 1 iliat10n' as 1ts · overnment adopted a policy of 'nat1ona reconc dl ·cally
H . r f Jly an econom owever, while the adoption of this pohcy was po 1 ICa b. e and lim-
ex d · · · f Angola, Mozam 1qu pe 1ent m the I ight of the expenences o by proteCting
babwe, national reconciliation has also reinforced thode status ~~~sting relations
the p · d f h · 'ty by repr ucmg d re-m ependence gains o t e mmon " .

1
d'tli entiation that ha

of production and by legitim ising patterns ofsocla 1 er

existed in the colonial era.
1

. had controlled both the
In that respect the small white settler popu atiO~h settler community.

economy and the political order at independence. ~ under the interim
together with the tiny black elite which had emerge

ensimn<d rnuH"·
lo Th . . . fi __. throu81' in~<r-pai1Y consensu>-h man n""ts e Constitution. wh1ch was 0"6""'" f her commitments to u &-'

Party democracy, a Bill of RighiS and a range 0 01

314 Contemporary .\\'amtbia

Governments. comprised just 5% of the population. though in \\989thetwo
together were estimated to generate 71% of the GDP. Conversely, the bottom
55% of the population generated just 3% of the GDP (World Bank 1991: 3).
Access to primary resources and services was likewise heavily skewed in
favour of the elite.

While it is not possible to determine class formation from a series of
social indicators, there is evidence of a growing class stratification which
transcends previous racial and ethnic boundaries to a more considerable
extent than in the past. This observation relates primarily to the emergence
of a new elite, comprising much of the existing elite together with an ex-
panded organisational elite of senior black administrators. politicians and
businesspeople, who inhabit an economic and social world largely divorced
from that of the majority of the urban and rural poor. With the limited re-
sources available to the country, it may be argued that sustaining the lifestyles
of this elite must inevitably be at the expense of development projects for
the poor.

As intimated, while this trend is by no means unique among newly
independent African countries, it is of interest in a country ruled by a poht1cal
party that had been viewed by many western Governments as MarXISt m
orientation and which had demonstrated its own predilections towards so-
cialism. As indicated, however SWAPO was first and foremost a nationahst

' T d movement, composed of a broad spectrum of social strata and mobl ISe
towards national liberation (Katjavivi 1986: 41 ). As is the case with many
other nationalist movements, SWAPO's populism, packaged in the rhetonc
?f socialism, in significant part became a vehicle for advancing specific
Interest groups within the movement. 11 Although there is little evidence that
individuals among the (extremely small) indigenous elite joined SWAPO
specifically to advance their own interests (this only occurred, to a limited
extent, near the end of the liberation war), 12 it is evident that the struggle
began 10 create its own elite among those in exile and also, though to a Jesser
extent, among those who remained in Namibia.

1
Over and above the cadre of political and military leaders who grew 00

of the l"b t. · · ·n the 1 era 10n struggle and who came to occupy leading positions 1 .
new Government, the primary detenninant of social and economic standmg
m the post-aparth "d . f h 40 ooo-el era appears to have been educatiOn. 0 t e
50 000 Na ·b· . . · (!5%

ml tans who went mto ex tie a relatively small proportion
at most) underw t . ' . . (T pscotl &

en comprehensive post-secondary tramrng a

"s ee, For example s · h 2)
" Perh h ' ffill (I 98 I). Kedourie ( 1971) and Brenda (I 96 · ce·

aps t e most contr . I . the announ
ment by millionair b . overs1a of these last-minute conversions was .d. with
SWAPO. Jndonga ~adUSII1essman Frans lndonga in the late 1 980s that he was 51 ~~bO
'Government' and hal:~IOu~ly served as Minister of Finance in the second-tJ~r

"'11 hiS Fortune during the period oF military occupauon.

Class formation and civil society in Namibia 315

Mulongeni 1990). The remainder were trained as soldiers or they learnt
rudimentary artisan and agricultural skills in camps in Angola. Access to
training would therefore seem to have been a key detenninant in the social
differentiation of exiles, not least in the employment opportunities which it
has afforded in the era since independence, but also in the lifestyles to
which it accustomed many repatriated exiles. Although educated individuals
by no means lived a life of affluence in exile, their expectations of the good
life once independence was achieved were clearly influenced by their years
in Europe, the USA and elsewhere.

Since independence the latent divide between the various social strata
(workers, subsistence farmers, businesspeople, intellectuals, etc.) that com-
prised SW APO as a nationalist movement became undoubtedly accentuated.
Due in part to the policy of national reconciliation and in part to a com-
monality of material interest the new elite has reached a measure of accord
with both the white settler co:nmunity and the previously existing black elite.

THE NEW BUREAUCRATIC BOURGEOISIE

Although the independence struggle was characterised primarily as a battle
between the white settler minority and the black majority, both the exigencieS
of war and the practicalities of administering the interim Governments and
of forming a black middle class, as indicated, necessitated a degree of racial
integration. Mixing of the leading strata ofthe white and black populations
at independence was therefore not as precipitous as it might ha~e been even a
decade earlier. Although race and ethnicity remain latent hnes of stre~s,
they do not at present appear to be a limiting factor in the development 0 a

broader class identity. . . ds racial integration in
Nevertheless, followmg pre-mdependence tren '

1
·vely in the

the post-apartheid era has tended to take place almost e~c ust tion by the
u h . d Th. as a process set m mo

pper ec elons of the soctal or er. 15. w . , whereby a number of
establishment of a 'Government ofNattonal Umty ' . N ·b·ans (not

C b. t, and wh1te arm t
opposition leaders were brought into the a m~

0
ke rtfolios in the

all of whom are SWAPO members) were appomted 1 hpoTh. practice of
M. . J t" and Transport JS lntstries of Finance, Agriculture, us tee

. . . ce (until his sudden resignalion).
ll These included Otto Herrigel as Mmlster oF:~:ral Development (then Minister of

Gen Hanekom as Minister of Agrtculture. Water an National Planning Conumssaon.
Finance), Dr Zedekia Ngavirue as Director-General 0!~~- Reggie oierpald (UDF)as
Vekuui Rukoro (NNF President) as Deputy Minister erts (SWAPO) as Deputy Mm1ster of
Deputy Minister oF Youth and Sport, and Claus 01

Works, Transport and Communication.

316 Contemporary Namibia

incorporation and co-option was maintained in the Cabinet appointments
that ensued after the March 1995 elections (The Namibian 22/3/95)."

Following this, the opportunities that a higher income affords have
ensured that most senior black civil servants have been able to purchase
homes in the more affluent and formerly exclusively white suburbs of Wind-
hoek. Senior government officials, in part for language reasons, have also
tended to send their children to formerly exclusively white schools, where
the medium of instruction is English and where the standard of education is
generally higher than in predominantly black (but less expensive) schools.

REPRODUCTION OF RELATIONS OF PRODUCTION

While the demands ofthe liberation struggle may have served to differentiate
its members, the political economy inherited by S W APO has also reinforced
tendencies towards elitism. The decision to opt for a 'mixed economy'- in
practice, a capitalist economy- though in large part dictated by circumstance
(Namibia's dependent economic status and the collapse of support from
socialist countries in particular), has set the parameters in which the nell
Government will be able to operate. While SW APO controls the political
arena, it does not control the economy, which continues to be dominated b)_
forces which vary in their support from indifference to open hostility.''
Consequently, in its efforts to promote the confidence of the business sector
(which retains the ultimate sanction of disinvestment from Namibia), the
Government has moved extremely cautiously on issues of affirmative action
and mlmmum wages, which are fundamental to a redress of past inequities.

The hegemony of transnational capital and the excessive dependenc)
on the South African economy, will clearly not be easily diminished under
ex1stmg Clrcumstan 1 . · f h ast

. . ces. n consequence much of the meqmty o t e P
dualistic system is · 1 b · · ' . . · wh·l
. . . Simp Y emg replicated m the new political order. 1 e
It

1
1s recogn~sed that the policy options open to the SW APO Government are re at1vely lim1ted ·t · 1 . · ld
. h ' 1 IS a so questiOnable whether the emerging elites wou Wls to promote · 1 1 ·

. . a soc1a order that is radically different to that current YIn pos1hon.

" Gert Hanekom as M. · . . . . r
Works. Transport and Com~mslerofWildlife and Tourism. Hampie Plichta as MmiSiero

1 ~ According to Mr Bobunlc~t.JOn, and Vekuui Rukoro as Attorney-General ,.
1 National Developme t C Memng, then Chairman of the Board of the parastatal Fir>

hands' since indepe~en~O~hon, ~any local businesspeople had been 'sitting on .t~eJr
scenario became clear Th'. Wlth~old~ng new investment in Namibia until the pol mea!
. er. IS has '" .tabl h fid nee m the country(~~ 1 ev1 Y ad an effect on general investor con 1 e t""' ;,vna commun · ·

"catiOn, HAR Meiring, Windhoek, 22/6/92) . ....

Class formation and civil society in Namibia 317

Given the prevailing geo-political climate, the new Government's pur-
suit of a policy of national reconciliation, as intimated, was both politically
and economically necessary. It not only forestalled the flight of much-needed
skills and capital, but also minimised the potential for political destabilisation
by disaffected opponents. Nevertheless, the policy of national reconciliation
has done much to reinforce the status quo, and in so doing it has further
strengthened trends towards elitism amongst the indigenous population.

At the same time, while most govenunent policies could be rationalised
as being in the interests of national reconciliation or in terms of the limita-
tions of the economy, it is nevertheless certain that specific segments of the
population are benefiting more directly than others from certain courses of
action. This is nowhere more evident than in state policy towards conditions
of service in the public sector. .

Article 141 (I) of the Constitution in particular has served to rem force
the status quo, by affinning that ' ... any person holding office under any law
in force on the date of Independence shall continue to hold such office unless
and until he or she resigns or is retired, transferred or removed from office
111 accordance with law' (Republic of Namibia 1990: 70). Th1sclause has
been interpreted to imply that individuals employed by the colon1al Govern-
ment would lose none of their existing employment benefits, mcludmg
generous housing pension medical aid and car allowances. This presented
the SW APO Gov~mment ~ith something of a dilemma: whether to introduce
a differential system of benefits for existing and incoming CIVIl servants
(many of whom were SWAPO members), or whether to equalise all employ-
m . . 1 s the deciSIOn was ent packages. For both practical and pol1t1ca reason d
tak · ·b · · now repute to en to matntain the existing benefits system. Nami Ia IS Afi.
h · b-Saharan nca. ave one of the highest civil service salary structures tn su

A NEW 'UNDERCLASS'

W . ble on other levels it has
htle on one level this decision was understanda_ ' h lonial system:

do 1· · · quttleS oft e co ne IItle to redress one of the most glanng me
1

ely urball elite
that f h · · f blic funds on a arg o t e disproportionate spendmg o pu . o/c fall fonnal wage
(roughly 30% of Namibia is urbanised), wtth 40-50 ·f~conomic Affairs
employment to be found in Windhoek (Dep~rtment1 "

0 in the productivity
1988 13 · h gress1ve dec me Joy : ). This factor together wtt a pro f .Jital)'-related emp "
of the traditional agri~ultural sector and the Joss 0 ;;

0 8
massive influx of

ment, has contributed to ongoing rural poverty an J992). .
Jleople into the capital since independence (Frayne and absolute po~ 15

I . . 1 Is of relat"ve .A Nanubll at llustrative of the preva!lmg eve which rankou
the 1994 UNDP Human Deve/opmenl Reporl,

\\;

j ' '-; . J
--~·~

318 Contemporary Namibia

127 out of 173 countries in terms of the Human Developmentindex (HOI).
The HDI is a composite index believed to be a more accurate indicator of
national poverty than GNP per capita. However, reflective of the high level
of economic inequality in Namibia, only four countries in the world show
a higher negative discrepancy between GNP and HDI.

In view of the shortage of formal wage opportunities, the majority of
the new work seekers in the urban areas are compelled to seek employment
in the informal sector. However, due to the absence of a strong productive
base in Namibia, the informal sector is supported largely by the recycling of
wages earned in the formal sector, and its capacity to absorb the influx of
migrants is severely constrained. This implies that levels of urban unem-
ployment are likely to increase rather than decrease· in the years to come.
The consequence of this expansion in the numbers of the urban unemployed
is likely to be the consolidation of a new underclass. In the absence of the
unifYing goal of national liberation, the lumpen predisposition of these
subaltern classes is likely to be reinforced. The steady rise in crime rates in
Windhoek since independence is probably indicative of this trend.

GROWING DISSATISFACTION

The Government's caution in effecting extensive changes within the political
economy has led to public charges that national reconciliation is a one-
sided process that is benefiting the white settler community far more than
the poor majority. 16 This bitterness has been most strongly felt by the thou-
sands of repatriated exiles who are struggling to re-enter the labour market
and to fully reintegrate themselves into Namibian society. For these rndt·
viduals, the widening economic gap between themselves and their former
comrades-in-arms is being most cruelly felt." In October 1995 a long·

· · 1 inated runnmg senes of protests and demonstrations by ex-combatants cu m

"Th. h b ·wmised as Is as een expressed in numerous letters to local newspapers. epi lh
follows: 'Our country has gone through a long struggle. The People have struggled togeh"·
wk d · uptetr or ers an students have really sacrificed· our PLAN combatants have gtven
d · · " · · ters haH: e ucatton and lives to serve (for no salary) the motherland- but it seems our mtms ho

forgotten 0 d · · d utocrats \\\\ ··· · ur e ucat10n system has to continue to support ractsts an a . . ·
now d h · ncJhatlon
1

pret~~ !0 ave changed so as to retain their jobs, all for the sake of reco
s reconcrhahon the reason for these high salaries"' (The Namibian ll/5/90). . f r

"'Wh b J'b uon o ou at a out the people who were at the battlefront during the 1 era p<OPI<
country, and who are not educated? What are we going to do? Many of us are illiterate

1
,,,

who only know h fi . 1 who were u · ow to rght. Now we are being threatened by rntellectua s r·'-to be b · · Man) o ,. ...
sent a road by SWAPO to study tor the benefit ofthe Namibian nat ron. . cat'

are now proud d · · luxunous , . an arrogant because they have been given jobs and are dnvrng
... (AmandJange, letter to The Namibian 23/7/90).

Class formation and civil society in Namibia 319

in a confrontation with the Namibian Police, in which twelve former soldiers
were wounded by tear gas and rubber bullets (Namibian 11/10/95).

The 'land question' in Namibia remains similarly problematic, and is
a source of continuing dissatisfaction for many of the rural poor. Unequal
access to productive land and water is a central feature ofNamibia's colonial
inheritance. In a context where both resources are positively scarce, the
private ownership of some 45% of the total land area and 74% of the poten-
tially arable land by some 4 000 mainly white commercial farmers is a major
factor in determining inequality of incomes and wealth. In attempting to
redress these imbalances, however, the Government has confronted the
paradox of matching increased production (or at least maintaining existing
levels of production) with greater social equity, since much of Namibia is
unsuitable for agriculture.

This state of affairs has been exacerbated by the fact that there is a
growing trend among certain farmers in the former Owambo and Kavango
areas to fence rangelands hitherto recognised as communal pasture for private
use. By this practice, private farms (often being several thousand hectare~ m
extent) have been acquired from the local traditional leaders for fees, whrch
seldom exceed N$1 000 or N$2 000. Not only is this practice disruptmg age-
old patterns oftranshumance in the region and creating land shortages by
confining seasonal grazing into ever smaller areas (with the concomrtant
danger of environmental degradation), but it is also relieving pressure on the
G · Th · · because those ovemment to reallocate land in the commercral area. ts rs ..
who are thus enclosing land comprise a powerful alliance of senior tradrttonal
leaders, the local business elite and senior political figures, including somde

f h. oup calls for Ian members of the Cabinet. Without the support o t rs gr ·
reform from the north are largely muted (Tapscott 1994)-

. d . from SWAP0 at pre-
Although there are no serious srgns of esertron . Osh Oshikoto

sent, many quarters (particularly in the populous Omusatr._ ana.estoo· nabh
d d) becomtng unqu "

an Ohangwena Regions- the party heartlan are . d administrative
disillusioned with both the pace and form of economrc an
reconstruction.

AUTHORITARIANISM

wer with an increased
The elections of late 1994 retumed SWAPO to po fthe elecloraiC- There
majority and with the support of some three:'IIIMfetSfopower there has b«n
. . . h. nsolidaiiOR o PO'
ts Increasing evidence that w1th ~ ~~ ~ lhal was lalellt within SWA . "
a resurgence of a strain of authontanamsm is ofrhis au1florJtlt1IIIISITI
leadership ranks during the struggle era ~::;s Ley'S (1995). and ITI-I) be
has been discussed at some length by Sau

320 Contemporary .\\'amibia

traced back to the late 1970s and 1980s and the predominance of the military/
security establishment within the party in eliminating real and imagined
spies. This was characterised by a highly centralised structure of authority.
intolerance of criticism and the repression of any perceived dissent.

The events of this era have been suppressed in the official history of
the struggle, and at independence SWAPO declined to investigate any of
the accusations of human rights abuse made against its members by former
detainees, on the grounds that this would be against the spirit of national
reconciliation." It was argued that. to be fair, the process would have to
apply equally to officials from the fanner colonial and South African forces.
and that the exercise would not only be difficult to conduct (since the SADF
had withdrawn tram Namibia), but also that it would stir up old enmities and
impede the development of a new national identity. Many of those reputed
to have been imp! icated in the excesses were appointed to positions of m-

·1· 19 fluence in the new Government, and most pointedly within the m1 1tary.
Although the tendency towards greater authoritarianism appears for

the present to be held in check by the more liberal and social democratiC
tendencies within SW APO, there have been repeated attempts to impos:
more riaid control over the polity. This was evident in attempts made in i99J
to pron~ulgate a bill to prohibit the publication of 'biased reports' on the
deliberations of Parliament. Although the more contentious dimensiOns of
the bill were subsequently removed, that it should have been put before
Parliament at all is indicative of the sensitivity to criticism which exists

within certain quarters of the SWAPO leadership. . .
While it is significant that both the press and judiciary rema1n mde·

pendent, both have been strongly attacked by SW APO ideologues in recent
.b. d . C t" (NBC) wh1ch years. The parastatal Nam1 1an Broa castmg orpora 10n "

aspired to journalistic autonomy at its inception at independence. has
increasingly become the Government's mouthpiece and allows little. lfan).

substantive criticism of official pol icy in its reporting. ~ 0 At the same ~~~n~~
The Namibian newspaper, wh1ch championed SWAPO s hberat1on str gg

· 1 · · · · 1 "lified bv the and was victimised by the colon1a reg1me, IS mcreasmg Y VI " "
party leaders since taking a critical stance on corruption in Government. f

Attacks against the judiciary have generally been on the grounds 0d
the alleged racism of white judges, magistrates and lawyers and thw state

18
Cf. Lombard in this volume. . H ala

19
The most publicised of these appointments was that of Salomon ·~csus. :\\:me

as ChicfofStalfofthc Namibian Defence Force. 1-fawala had earned himsdt th~ nrc ~hcrn
·Butcher of Lubango' for his reputed exploits in the SWAPO detention camps 10 sou
Angola.

20 cr. KoGler & Melber in lhis volume. . (The
21 Sec. for cxamplt:. comments made by leading SWAPO otlicials in the tssue 0

;\\'amibian commemorating the newspaper's l01h anniversary.

Class formation and civil society in Namibia 321

leniency in dealing with criminals22 Whatever the legitimacy of these claims.
their impact has been to undermine public respect for and confidence in the
judiciary. For example, the Legal Practitioners Bill, which was intended to
address racial imbalances in the profession by exempting would-be lawyers
from mandatory practical exams, has been criticised for its perceived threat
to the independence of the Namibian judiciary. This was because the Bill
suggested that lawyers would quality at the Government's discretion. In
particular it was felt that this could lead to a situation where the Government,
by detennining who could enter legal practice, could indirectly dominate and
control the Law Society ofNamibia and thereby influence the composition
of the Judicial Service Commission which is instrumental in the appointment
of judges. While much of the opposition to the Bill was expressed by the
white-dominated Law Society ofNamibia and the Society of Advocates of
Namibia (hence it reflected their own corporatist interests), it is significant
that the UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of the Judiciary
asserted during a visit to Windhoek that the Bill 'violated the u111versally
accepted norms for the protection of an independent legal profession' (The
Namibian 14/6/95).

EMERGING CORRUPTION

C . . . h h nds of the political oncom1tant with the concentration of power m t e a ..
r I . senior CIVil servants e lte 1as been growing evidence of corrupt1on among .
d .1 fthese malpractices an members of the SWAPO leadership. Wh1 e some 0 . ''

ther than dishonesty. may be ascribed to poor financial management ra llegations
others clearly may not. The most publicised of these casesf:were a f leading
ofth .I I" fb holes on the anns o e 1 legal drilling of drought-re 1e ore . d the receipt of
politicians, 24 and the abuse of Tender Board regulatlonbs ahn

1
·n law A ron

k. ' .d nt's rot er- - . lckbacks.-' The sudden enrichment of the Presl e culation in the
Mushimba,

26
has likewise been the subject offrequen!:::'tenders. While

P f ~ t"al access to s f ress and has raised charges o pre.eren 1 . . d ocracv. the use o
a b ted m an) em · measure of corruption might e expec . to cover up and even-
inconclusive commissions of inquiry as a mechanism

bullh< oH.Y"hdmtn.l! ,, . . d es "crc nhite.
··In 1995 four oul oflhe eighl H"gh CourtJU g

majority of magistrates and prosecutors were. n~l. . "
1
The .\\'amtb1an 25!1.'95 t

" · ·· · ahe MJnJStn<S ''"'ll , 'MoreFinanciaJ .. Funntes'" '(fhe,\\'ami/JJan23ru- " ·. fK(,}uol&.
.~'Disciplinary Action is the Nexl Stc~ .,.LA ,.

01
,b1an J0/6:'9.SJ. Uc1 t

'' G ·beb Case <"~' " ·call for Clarily on the Ul ·(~ "uth
Buy lhe Mere· (New Era 511195). . " lflnti/Jiwluldvfflll<'4/9."1$l. ~

26 ·Big Commission for MushmWa (
fingers in many pies' (Tempo 12/2194).

322 Contemporary .\\cWIIi>I<I

tually quash what appear to ha\\ ~ be~n prima faci~ cases is inconsistent
with the ideals of public accountabilit'.

A WEAK CIVIL SOCIETY

The growth of a self-serving dit~ and the driti t<mards authoritarianism
within the public sphere has b~~n made ~asier b) th~ weakness of civil
society within Namibia. As intimated. this stat~ of a flairs may be ascribed
to policies of the colonial Government and to SWAI'O's political strategies
during the independence struggle. both of which inhibited the development
ofNGOs, community-based organisations and oth~r organisations outside
of formal politics.

Historically, the majority of the population of Namibia have lived in
the northern regions in scattered rural communities. This factor alone served
to limit possibilities for the development of a broad national identity and
a wider notion of civic responsibilitv and entitlement." At the same time,
a number of factors retarded the dev~lopment of community-based activity
and constrained the growth of NGOs in the northern regions. The South
African occupation forces in particular actively discouraged the estab·
lishment of independent community-based NGOs, in the belief that they
could be mobilised towards resistance by forces sympathetic to SWAPO.

The influence of autocratic traditional authority structures, followmg
their co-option by the colonial Government, further mitigated against the
establishment of community-based organisations. For many chiefs and head·
men, autonomous and democratically elected community structures posed a
threat to their power and influence over local communities. Likewise, desptte
the importance of their role in mobilising communities, rural churches were
not broadly participatory in structure. Finally, the dictates of the struggle for
mdependence and SW A PO's own penchant for authoritarianism imphed
that the dominant political force in large sections of the north was both
mthtary and hierarchical in orientation for much of the past two decades.
Under these circumstances it was not possible for a tradition of mass-based
organtsallon to develop in the rural areas.

"Wh.l . . · ·1 society'
. .

1e a number of authors have questioned whether the not1on of CJVI (! nd
can JuStifiably ~e ascribed to largely pre-capitalist and rural societies such as those 0~0n lhhroughout Afnca (see Mamdani 1995 for a discussion of this view). it is the contenll1ng
t at m most Afi · · · untervaJ 1 . ncan socJetJes some influence groups did exist with powers co thetS those ot th 1 d. · and o

h e ra rtronalleadership. These were councillors elders. wealthy fanners 1 of w oheldthepo f h 1 . . ' h hthethrea . . . . wers o t e eaders m check. either through counsel or t roug
polrtrcal mobrlrsation against them.

Class formation and ci\\ilsocicty in Namibia 323

The trade union movement. which in other contexts has been an im-
portant player in civil society. is generally weak. This is partly due to the
small size of the organised labour movement (scarcely 50% of those in
formal employment are union members). and partly to the role of the trade
union movement in the national liberation movement and its relationship
to SW APO. Up unti I the advent of independence the trade union movement
was characterised more by its capacity to mobilise politically than by its
ability to win concessions for its members.

Since independence the emergence of a strongly independent union
movement has been constrained bv the fact that some of its most prominent
leaders are still closely linked to s'WAPO. The conventional line upheld by
SW APO officials is that of the unity of party and unions. While this view is
still prevalent among some workers who remain fiercely loyal to SWAPO,
it is clear that many among the unions' leadership structures would wish to
disaffiliate themselves from the party and steer a more independent line. In
general, however, the trade union movement is in disarray and has yet to
find a strongly independent voice within civil society.

Though SWAPO was never officially outlawed during the three decades
of the armed struggle, the party leadership in exile strongly discouraged the
development of internally-based leadership stmctures (cf Saul & Leys 1995).
This was in strong contrast to the developments in South Africa at the ttme,
in that mass-based resistance was a characteristic of that country's anti-
apartheid struggle.

It is argued that in the independence era the presence of securocrats
(associated with repression while in exile) in the upper echelons ofG?vem-
ment has served to restrict free speech within SW APO and that it has hmtted

· · · · 'dence that the cnttcal debate on issues of national importance. It ts no comct .
~ . . · · · · [government poltcy most 'rank dtscussions and the most exphctt cnttctsms o

· f h e in radio shows. are to be heard through the anonymous medtum o P on - . d h
W. h , b d 1 in Engltsh an t e tl the passage of time these 'chat shows , roa cas ~ ~

. , 1 become the ,ora ,or vernacular and dubbed 'the people's parhament ' Jave
995 · · t In November I " open tncreasmgly vociferous attacks on the Governmen · .

1
d t the sus-

criticism and veiled threats against the SWAPO leadership ~ ~because
pension of the Oshiwambo call-in programme, Ewi/yam';'[~~c~ a'step was
of the abusive tone of callers (The Namibian 24/ll /9S)d . .

11
a trsates the levels

d " 1·1· 1 heartlan ' us eemed necessary within SW APO s po ' tea ·ty and of the
. 1 fthe communt " of frustration existing within certam segm~n. s_o

Party's growing intolerance of popular crtlte_tsm .. th'n the party is creating
d ~ presston wt ' . h The lack of open debate an ,ree ex J. nd factionahsm t at

. . I . e subteu uge a ted a chmate for a resurgence of the m ngu " . !'kely to be accentua
plagued SW APO in exile in the 1980s. This ~n~ IS 1'1y obligated) at the end ( constttuttona should President Nujoma step down as d ccession struggles ensue.
of his current term of office (i.e. in 1999) an su

3~-f ('ontunporary Yamibia

CONCLUSION

While SW A PO's gains in the I 994 elections would appear counter-intuitive
in view of the party's inability to significantly improve the living standards
of the majority ofNamibians. they are not inconsistent with trends elsewhere
in Africa. For many ofSWAPO's supporters. their loyalty transcends party-
political issues. Being a member ofSWAPO during the long years of struggle
often meant as much in terms of personal and family identity and commit-
ment to one's community as it did in terms of loyalty to political leaders.
Therefore. as disenchantment with the SW APO leadership grows. a decline
in poll percentages rather than a swing to opposition parties is likely to occur.
as has been the case in Zimbabwe.

It is also likely that the extended family system that exists throughout
Namibia's rural areas will mitigate the effects of growing class contradictions
in the short run. Charney (I 987: 52), in other contexts, speaks of the role of
'lineage ideologies' in reinforcing the legitimacy of elites in societies where
capitalist and domestic modes of production interpenetrate. Under such
circumstances, kinship obligations and clientelism serve to reduce tensions
between the elite and subaltem classes by extending influence and to a lesser
extent economic gains to subordinate groups. In Namibia, the reciprocities
and obligations of the extended family system are such that the socio-
economic standing of many rural households depends heavily on remittances
from those in waged employment in the public sector. Undermining the
jobs of those in positions of influence in the public sector could thus pro'e
to be self-defeating.

Many of the tendencies discussed above are still at an early stage. and
their full development might yet be mitigated by an array of endogenous and
exogenous factors. Therefore, while the emergence of a new elite was an
inevitable and anticipated development that was accepted by the influential
international donor community in Windhoek, the occurrence of corruption
has not been well-received. The sanction of reduced aid, at least in the short
run, could serve to hold overt corruption in check.

Similarlv, the excessive authoritarianism and associated human rights
abuses that o~curred in the SW APO camps in exile would not be concealed
as easily in independent Namibia- from either the public at large or th,~
international community. including the leading countries within SADC.
The autonomy of the press, while under assault, remains an important bul-
wark against such developments. However, any steps to formally curb the
independence of the news media must be interpreted as an ominous mo\\c
towards authoritarian rule.

:s The inten·ention of South Africa nnd Zimbabwe in the attempted coup in LesothC!
during 1995 is indicati\\e of such a possible future trend.

: ..".. ~

d .. 1 .Kid\\ in ~arnihia 325 Class formatiOn an Cl\\l st ·

. f
1
-( a! forces within It is also possible that a new configuration o P0 1 1c'

1
II e

ld emeroe to c 1a eng Namibia. including disaffected S W A PO members. cou c .t
. d t ·ouslv threaten I s the hegemony of the ruling party. even 1fthey o no sen · ·

d
. t· I rrent vouth ea er-hold on power in the short run. The orientation o t Je cu ·

1
t f

.. l"k I. t differ from t 1a o ship has yet to manifest itself clearly. but 1t 1s 1 ·e) o
the old guard which currently holds the reins of power.

How to be a Namibian and a
democrat: on the question of

the project of nationhood
after apartheid

lngolf Diener

327

Various aspects of independent Namibia have been examined in the course
of the preceding chapters. The reader has been given the opportunity to
assess both achievements and setbacks within the fifteen areas discussed.
Going on from there, and taking into account several supplementary aspects
:Vorthy of our attention, I propose at this point broaching a subject that lies
JUst beneath the surfi1ce: What can be said on the subject ofbuilding a nation
and a democratic state in what is, after all, a post-colonial, post-apartheid
society"

DIALOGUE ON DUAL REALITIES

A recurring theme emerges in the preceding chapters, namely a gap between
what is said and what is actually done in respect of de Jure orgamsatlon
and de ji1ctu situations. It is as if the Namibian reality were a dual one: the
foreground presents the observer with a constitutionally instituted reality
which would appear to be functioning smoothly, while in the backgrou~d,

. 1. h · its own rules w1th we can see a completely different soc1al rea 1ty, avmg , ' . ,
a · . . , ess' a sense of blurnng , n mterrned~ate level marked by a certam opaquen "

, 1 · th umerous documents a vacuum' -all terms that occur frequent Y 111 e 11 "k k
. . . h · h b rvers and actors ail e as

consulted. We have here a s1tuat10n m w 1c 0 se h
themselves which of the two realities will finally emerge to shape the ot er.

328 Contemporary l\\'amibia

One's first thought on the matter may be that the gap between the ideal
and reality has always dogged man's efforts: 'Out of the crooked timber of
humanity no straight thing can ever be made' .i On a more political level we
might quote Winston Churchill, who said that parliamentary democracy was
'the worst fonm of government possible, with the exception of all the others'.
Moreover we should point out that in essence, all power corrupts (those who
wield it and those close to them), absolute power corrupts absolutely, and
democracy consists precisely in organising power into a number of distinct
branches which, when taken together, work in such a way as to guarantee the
transparency required to check corruption and abuse. It is common know-
ledge that bureaucracy- that sentinel of a system in which everything can
and must be verified, anticipated and calculated, so producing rationality
(Weber)- engenders an endless series of tragi-comic absurdities (Kafka). In
short, the gaps pointed out thus far are simply the Namibian version of an
anthropological constant. Yes, quite!

On closer inspection it would appear that democracy is under constant
attack from within those very societies (American and European) trom which
it emerged as a permanent means of regulating divergent, if not opposing,
socio-economic interests, both within and between the ruling classes and
those whom they rule. In France today, what appears to be the irresistible
rise of the extreme right- accounting for roughly 15% of the national vote
and in some cases over 50% at the local level- is now coming up against
what appear to be the first signs of massive rejection. This of course must
be carefully monitored. The first German democracy was swept away in
1933 by Hitler's national-socialist movement. The Weimar regime has been
qualified as 'a democracy without democrats'. If nothing can ever be said
to be certain in a world in which democracy first emerged, how can one
object to Namibia's shortcomings? Are the emphasis on human rights.
transparency in the management of public funds and the principle of the
accountability of the ruling class to the people who regularly exercise their
sovereignty at the ballot box at all levels of government no more than the
latest manifestation of western cultural imperialism, which unremittingly
sees itself as morally superior? After all, the West, however democratic it
may be on home ground, reserved special treatment for its colonies, and thiS
includes Namibia: a way of life in which democracy rhymes with hypocri;;;
and in which the dream of equality has become the nightmare of exclusion:
Not before several decades of resistance in various forms, including armed
resistance, did the colonised Namibians manage to wrest from the West and
its local and regional relays the application of the latter's own founding

1 Emmanuel Kant. The nut ion of a universal history from a cosmopolitan point of
view. 6th proposition, 1784.

2 Rhetorical figures taken from Malcolm X.

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood. 329

principle, deemed to be universal: 'one person, one vote'.' Exit Herrenvolk
democracy (Giliomee), enter plain democracy and national independence.
The founding act on both counts came about as a result of a veritable pleb-
iscite in November 1989 (which was repeated in South Africa in April1994,
in circumstances both similar and different).

The duplicity of the democratic West stretches far into the past; it has
its present, and doubtless, its future, but none of this can ever invalidate the
basic figure of the citizen. That the latter can no longer be called into ques-
tion is the result of struggles which took place on the European continent,
in North America and in Namibia, at various times and under different
historical circumstances. The figure of the citizen is the only distinction to
which a human being can lay claim when confronted by constantly changing
interests which tend to see him as a mere pawn in a complex socio-economtc
game of power politics, whose intricate rules and aims he cannot hope to
master. There is no lack of causes of all sorts inciting the individual to act
on their behalf, which in the final analysis work against his own interests.
Instead of upholding, everywhere and at all times, the basic right of the
individual/citizen to stand at that distance without which he cannot hope
to maintain the position of the citizen, conflicting interest groups create
situations marked by hostility in which one group is thrown to the hons by
another. The end result is re~ewed misery and an increase in the number
of deaths, and sometimes even genocide: Herero and Armenians in the pas~
E , T · d 'moderate' Hutus, uropean Jewry only yesterday and today s utsts an
a dB . . . . , f . ' thn'tc cleansing'. Whose n osntan Mushms- vtc!lms today o masstve e
t . . . . . ~ 'd ' said the French urn Wtlltt be tomorrow? 'It ts all nght to dte ,or an 1 ea, . d
b I d th' He also pomte ard, Georges Brassens adding 'but of a natura ea · ..

, . . d' f, one's convtcttons
out that 'those who preach the moral obhgatton to te or
generally live to a ripe old age'. h ursuitof

If one accepts the principle of the right of all persons tot eApfr'r" can
h · · N ·b' elsewhere m 1...., appmess the success of democracy Ill amt ta, as , ·lures in . , . E ope's own ,at
only rem force determination in Europe, JUSt as ur fthe matter
th' · , h Th ·sis the crux o IS respect can only weaken Afftca s c ances. 1 . " h' h have been
U d · · · b' ' contrad JCtiOnS, W IC n er dtscussion here regardmg Namt ta s ..
raised by a number of authors residing in Namtbta.

·b· the otfiCialll!d
dded here In Nam" ,.. .

"
3 Yet another interesting distinction ~ight be 3 x ~the will to srop replicat!"8

serru-official usage of English. whether wntten or o~l. e p emplified in the fol/o"rng
b · · 'II h Ids liS sway. ex . (·nSieod sym ohcally the male chauvinism wh1ch stl 0 . d fhis) chairperson 1

h · th ( mstea o " . · · shill'
Preferences: he/she (instead of simply he). IS· er ead of man/cinJJ. etc. ThiS 1510 tool
of either chairman or chainvoman ), humankind ( ~n~t. reluctant IO admit the need to mcd
contrast to official French linguistic practice, whic "where women are IIIIIY subsU
~ f n:sentauon or ways of changing from a mode o rep
Under the category of 'Man'.

330 Conremparary .\\'amtbli.l

The German Constitution. fi.1r e\\ample. declares. ·All power comes
from the people.' 'But where dc>es it gu·'·. as~eJ the poet and playwright,
Bertold Brecht. It is in this conte.\\t that the quest inn crnps up: Hem can one
be a Namibian and moreo\\ er a demncrae

WHATARETHEGROUNDSFORDEM<><"RACY?

Nearly all the chapters herein ma~e it clear that the dew Ionisation fonnula
for Namibia is the result of a compromise at the regional and international
levels, the principles of which \\\\ere li.\\ed long in advance and afler lengthy
negotiations. This leaves the new p<mcr scant room f(Jr manoeuvre. This
'liberation', imposed on an inherited social structure which it perpetuates,
by and large, appears to be limited to the symholic level. .

We might add that the temptation to appear ·authentic' has not gtven
rise to a plethora of new names, as is the case elsewhere. The fact that a great
number of symbols of a colonial past have been lcfl intact may pass for an
act of opportune wisdom. The 25 000 or so German-speaking citizens, most
of whom are descendants of earlv colonists, must themselves lind a way 10

the future to grasp the hand of f;iendsh ip held out to them in view of 'n~
tional reconciliation'. Changes in the many symbolical names of streets 10

Windhoek are few and far between. which is quite baflling. Those that have
changed include the imperial · Kaiserstrasse ". which formerly ran only
through the city centre. The old road has a new branch. linking the city centre

· The to the very end ofKatutura, and is now called 'Independence Avenue · .
fanner 'Leutweinstrasse', not far otT, was renamed 'Robert M ugabe Avenue
on the occasion of the latter's visit to Windhoek. There is also 'Sam NuJoma
D · ' h. 1 histone nve , w tch crosses all the major through roads named alter t 1e
leaders of anti-colonial resistance: Mandume Ndcmufayo (Owambo). Hosea
Kutako (Herero), and Hendrik Witbooi (Nama). As for Nelson Mandela, he
found it somewhat premature to have an avenue renamed in his honour: as
a politician currently in office, the possibility that he might do somethmg
h · · 1 · ame emous m the future which would preclude any monument in liS n . n
cannot be ruled out (The Namibian 10/8/94 ). His publicly stated avers to
to self-adulation is obviously not shared by the SWAPO bigwigs. Indeed,
stre~ts, roads and housing estates bearing their names are mushroom mg.
Particularly in provincial towns. To state but one recent example: the coastal
town o_fSwakopmund now has a residential area called 'Hage Heights' (after
the Pnm~ Minister). As for the arch which bears the inscription Suu;
Cuzque ( 1? e~ch his due') over the route linking white Windhoek 10 bla _
Katutura, 11 dtd not resist Independence Day for long. In fact, tiS dtsap

How to be a NamJbJan anJ a Jt'llHKrat on the questJOn of the proJeCt of nationhood-- 331

pearance is due to a drunken driver rather than a deliberate political act.
Though it has never been restored. Suum Cuique, symbolic of a form of
racism which denies blacks any hope of social bettennent, fonnerly inscribed
over the entrance to the Buchenwald concentration camp, can still be found
on the city's coat of an11s.' In 1996 the Herero went on an impressive march
to see Ge~11am ·,Chancellor Kohl, who was on an official visit to Namibia
at the time. and demanded that Gen11any acknowledge the former genoci~e
and pay subsequent compensation. However. in Klein Wind hoe~, a ch1c
residential quarter of the capital, there is still a Von-Trotha-Strasse, named
after the butcher of the war ofexten11ination against the Herero. After so
much rhetoric over the 'divisive signs of apartheid', the constant presence
of ethnic letters to the old Katutura is also disconcerting. Furthennore, when
one considers that many of SW A PO's militants were given a public_ flogging
for daring to usc the term 'Namibia', one wonders why the party m power
has not yet changed its name from 'SW APO' to 'NAPO'.

Following Namibia's independence, the state, the origins and nature
of which are colonial, must nonetheless fulfil tasks concomitant with t_he

· · · 1· ·1 d by an admm-democratic paradigm. As a result it finds tis capac1t1es tmt e
· . · 1 · d" · 16 and human levels. lstratton which is ill-equipped at the matena ,JU 1c1a d

11 AI h . . . · b · xtenst"vely restructure , a t ough the State's admm1strat1on IS emg e .
f · ffi · ency mcoherence chapters herein include numerous examples o me tel . ' W hould

d . . . . d . . b . f "t owers and functions. e s an 1rrat1onahty m the 1strt ut1on o 1 s P . . d services
. 1 h se mimstnes an not forget that there 1s a Central Govemmen w 0 .

1
dministra-

d. · · fthelattermoa extend throughout the country. Yet the tVISIOn ° . "d with the
. . . d fails to comet e t1ve entities varies, depending on the mm1stry, an f h · wn these
. d meanso t elro ' lhtrteen new regions. In the absence ofbu getary h lnercial sector

R . I t dbetweent ecom eg1onal Councils find themselves s mn e "ffi Itt establish them-
d · th r dt ICU O and the communal areas, and they fin II ra e d les At the Local
· h 1 arty define ro · selves as regional centres of power w1t c e nicipa!ities and

A . . . f t tus between mu uthonty level there 1s the duahty o sa f. Ch !4 herein). In the
towns, the latter lacking a budget of their own _(ch. "

1
of the population

. 1 ·n wh1c mos f des1gnated communal areas themse ves, 1 h growing number o
. .. h·c. mongwoma restde, there are the trad1ttonal c teiS, a f" tluence straddle anum-

'kings' are to be found, whose respective~ 0 "111 Under such conditions
b d fi thetr salar1es. er of regions on which they depen or

. ere of mstitutionalised
" bi uous. EmblematiC h Marshal'sstalf of

The Suum Cutque is perfectly am g . . Everyone carrtes a ·m proven
racism, 11 m1ght well serve as a Republtcan1?"""~ is bestowed in accoroanc;o;'exarnple office m their bag In a str1ct meritocracy. pubIC~ mpetrtive examinations. om symbol
ability, rather like the French-style syste~i~lec~interpn:tation ofthi~;:~~arism leads
However, not a trace has been found of a ~h en serve to mdJcate t

5 h·ch mtg t ev
In fact a slight impasse. w 1 . i/Hoabeb 1993: 5-6)

to a dead end fr Jaw' (Lohman, Htnz &
' Cf. 'A museum for South A 1can

' ;
·'

332 Contemporary Namibia

of institutional imbroglio, in which a multitude of actors at the social level
find themselves almost systematically in an awkward relation to one
another, it is hardly surprising that the administration becomes a source of
confusion, starting with unreliable statistics. Such a dynamic tends to shoot
itself in the foot 7 Where is the citizen in all this?

The passage to a representative - parliamentary- democracy, has
established Namibians as free citizens, equal in their right to human dignity.
However, this fundamental act cannot, in one stroke, establish a social base
corresponding to the 'ideal type' of the citizen/bourgeois so dear to Max
Weber: the individual free agent, whose function is acquisitive, and who
demands, in order to achieve this end, a rational system as a sine qua non
for his or her undertakings. Davidson's resume (1992: 230) of the political
sociology which largely predominates in Africa is equally valid for Namibia.

The repetitive failure of the nation-state paradigm-

... was increasingly ascribed to a failure of persons rather than
of institutions. The reality, as the facts have urged, was rather
that the nature of society had failed to meet the requirements of
the parliamentary models by which the new nation-states were
supposed to operate. No strongly hegemonic 'middle strata' had
emerged, or even, outside small clusters of capitalists in several
cities, begun to emerge; nor did it seem at all probable, given
the ambiance of the world economy, that any such hegemonic
strata could emerge in a foreseeable future.

The figure of the citizen/bourgeois, an autonomous individual, took
root only in the former 'police zone', with its capitalist social ties, but thiS
was in a form that was biased by the 'Herrenvolk democracy', prospermg
on the basis of a subjugated, colonised population, organised around social
formations of the lineage type, with differing principles of power and
representation. That is why any analysis in terms of a state/civil society
dialectic does not apply. However satisfactorily they take into account the
expansionist nature of state bureaucracy facing society, there is always the
fact that the latter is not 'civil' .8 The fact remains that if we analysed the

7 Identically reproduced, as it were. but in a different context: recall. if you will. t~e
overblown apparatus of apartheid, with its eleven different ethnic Governments. As for 1 e
tangle of administrations in charge of Katutura. cf. Pendleton ( 1996: 46-51 ). . h

8 Let us clarify some tenns. The opposition 'state-civil', which can be found 10 t e
juxtapositions 'civil-military', 'civil-penal' (the monopoly on violence reserved for the State).
etc., acquires its full meaning only in a 'modem' political configuration. i.e. ca~ita~ls.t.lt ;s
here that the state is conceived and constituted as an institution emanating from tndtvtd~a s
posed as 'citizens' (c( the theories of social contract from the 17th to the 19th Centunes.
from Hobbes and Locke to Hegel, not to mention Rousseau). The opposition beJween stale

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood 333

various types of power which existed in pre-colonial Namibia in terms of
their democratic potential, lumped together under the general heading 'tra-
ditional', we would doubtless find a variety of dynamics. Take, for example,
in the north, 'Ombalantu- a people's democracy' (Williams 1991: 135-
137). The regicide committed during the last century on a tyrannical ruler,
which is proudly recalled by at least part of the Ombalantu population, has
today become a political argument. Thus it is that the chief of the Ombalantu
Owambo, demanding that the title of 'King' be bestowed on him by the
Kozonguizi Commission, provoked a sharp written reply which figures in
the commission's report (1991: 65):

... issued by peasants, teachers, nurses, businessmen and all who
are involved ... We in Ombalantu, we need only headmen and not
a Chief. As we have grown up we are only with headmen ....
We do not know a Chief, how they work and what their ideology
is. If we are forced to have Chiefs in Ombalantu, automatically
war will arise yet as in Haiyavela 's days. As we killed Kamhaku,
we show the world that we no more need Chiefs. Everyone whom
the people see is able to rule can be elected as a headman, does
not matter in which family he/she belongs. We need headmen
who are elected but not who are appointed. We have suffired
a lot under the rule of headmen who are appointed'. [Here
Kozonguizi parenthetically added 'original emphasis'.]

Without doubt the socio-economic hierarchy created under aplarthef hid
d . . ' ely at the leve o t e was erac1ahsed by the SWAPO Government, nam

. 'talist configuration. but the
and society existed long before the emergence of the cap1" ,
individual was regarded not as a 'citizen·. but rather as a ·s~~J~t ; in ire of the convnon

The tenn 'civil' must not be confused with the tenn 'CIVCihoed
1
._:..,. !-"·in .....OOtion

. . .. ~~~~~~ ~~-
root. I.e. the Latin ·civis'. which favours this amal~1.00' th rent to whtch stalCS based
10 'barbarian'. 'brutish' or ·uncultured'. As fordetennmmg eexampl< Hannah Ar<ndt's
on . . . 'I' d' anner cf. for ex ._..... CttJzenry can be said to act in a 'civtrse ~ . : · Vo/.2(1951). lJter11C)teOf'~:u
exposition on imperialism. The Origins ofTotalttarra~tSm.·_...-.~r when it came to ~g
·c· ·1· · .. proved metf.,.._ __.. -·--" IVttsed' existing relations with thetr c1t1zens . . COf)tniCI-as ~~-cu;;~·-
to a state of savagery- supposedly held in chc:ck by the CI!IUII~""' ofCilllsid<dbk llllf'OI'·
rei . ". · ts' ThiS 15aq......--· fr of the allons between states and towards mumgnm . · . so mueh so that the ,,...
lance today. and it is equally relevant to Namibia. 10 '"";i<d universal!)· in the flglllt ofth<
ciJizen can attain its finished fonn only insofar as It 15 !~'!' .... by Kant. The question of ho,.
· · · h. h ere outlm..- ---'"'-'-lOad~ CitiZen of the world' the stagesofw IC w . · .o...--""dl....-'"-.. " and' -"ndmglll""- of tim<AII
Citizenship status can be extended bc:y Its :;;;;;;;.,..illlfCS ., cnip "':...,.of the
and every man, woman and child hvmg on . fiollaloplo)"'""' hiS_.. tllr do< oat of
result of unparalleled productivity gouns. fiJII.fiiiiO b<...., .. a vialll< Oll)dcl .t Morn!'
t>ast m the industrialised world ~d can ~ ...,W, d. fiGddlcOI"'
the world. Regarding the amb1gu1ty ofrhe EJ,' 11 0 .,_ Wcw Yort. 1972).
(Enghsh translation: The Dia/ecllt:S of/Ire ;g

334 Contemporary Xamibia

State, at a much faster rate than was previous!) the case. but it was not
abolished, despite SWAPO's longstanding promises to the contrary. For
the time being, the resulting rise in discontent at its social base has not had
a significant impact on the party, with its close-knit intemal structure9 Nor
has it found support within the official opposition. the DTA. As the former
party of Pretoria, the DTA backed a policy that corresponds to the one
currently enacted by SWAPO, a party which plays both on its attractiveness
as the one in power and on its traditional discourse on social justice as a
means of promoting integration. At central state level, a state of divorce
exists between social protests and duly elected representation.

Political power-sharing, as provided for by the Constitution, between
the central, regional and local echelons is blocked today (cf. Ch. 14 herein).
Highly visible, Central Government considers all possible forms of control
and intervention in regional and local affairs to be its exclusive reserve.
The reasons put forward by the Ministry of Regional and Local Government
and Housing (MRLGH) in the course of the 1992 parliamentary debates
were the lack of experience ofNamibians in this type of management, and
the threat of gross mismanagement and corruption, in view of the sombre
precedent of scandals in the former ethnic administrations. However. here
again we find SWAPO's traditional taste for authoritarianism (brought to
the fore in several chapters in this book). Moreover, the rigorous framework
imposed by the Central Government on newly elected bodies appears to
safeguard the economic privileges of the whites against any attempt to
substantially modify the existing structures by those formerly kept in an
mferior position. Thus Staby, a DTA deputy, went on record as saying that
'th~ proposed dispensation concerning local authorities does not depart
rad1cally from existing and known structures. There is nothing radically
new, nothing revolutionary, nothing strange or outlandish ... · (Assembly
Debates 5/8/92). In addition, the lingering fear of ethnic enclaves is reflected
111 today's deliberations on the land tenure of natural reserves under the
control oflocal populations (The Namibian 29/1 0/96). In the meantime there
are clear Signs of the gradual extension of the Central Govemment apparatus,
as tentacular as it is inefficient (cf Cll 5 h . ) H . . erem .

. ere a double conclusion can be reached. On the one hand, the state
orgamsat10n fails to · · . d re-. g1ve support to 1ts democrat1cally mandate rep
sentatlves at the local level, created as ramparts of equity to ensure open
and above-board b't · b · t . ar 1 rat10n etween Central Government and d1vergen
mterests em · fi · 'fi . anatmg rom the social base. On the other hand, pubhc It e
charactensed by · d
h . VIgorous ebate goes on despite this as all the chapters erem make clea Th h · . ' r. at t IS IS a fact is due to the vitality of numerous

' Cf. Lauren Dobell 'SWAPO .
' tn office', in Leys & Saul ( 1995: 171 ·I 95).

How lobe a Namthtan and a dl.'mor..:rat on thl.' ljllCStllln of the proJect of nationhood 335

instances of intervention by non-governmental agencies- the churches,
NGOs, CBOs. trade unions. entrepreneurs, socio-professional organisations,
chambers of commerce. political parties. environmental pressure groups,
traditional leaders. international development agencies- who, to make their
grievances known, can count on the press. which sometimes gets muddled
but which has the courage to act as a springboard. A totally different climate
has come about. compared with that of the recent past. The new generation
is growing up amid new social paradigms, without the trauma of war, exile
and apartheid. The conditions of education and training have improved
markedly, and administrations and businesses are taking on more competent
personnel of all ·races' and 'ethnic groups'; this in spite of nepotism, which
the press never fai Is to expose.

This gap between playing by the rules and the actual game itself, which
is a result of the structural shortcomings mentioned above, leaves some grey
areas. These have been exploited until such time as legislation indispensable
to clarifying procedures is enacted. On the one hand, the pressing need for
a given project works in favour of ad-hoc contacts from a pragmatic position.
So, personalised communication networks come into being, short-circuiting
official channels and outdistancing official bodies designed to provide the
very framework for such operations -and indeed to bring them about on
a consensual, transparent basis. Such underlying networks pave the way
for arbitration in which the concern for efficiency is accompanied by a pull
towards murky dealings, an invitation to corruption. While today's press,
always quick to sniff out and make an issue of the slightest hint of corruptiO~
and scandal, and while the Auditor-General and Justice endeavour to hmlt
th h . 1 es The mc1dence e P enomenon, they cannot suppress 1ts structura caus ·
of . . . . h t . the extremely low a small population 1s not w1thout Importance ere 00· . h dl
a · . · d management IS ar Y mount of cand1dates qualified for m1ddle an upper h d the
c d · d d t On the other an " on uc1ve to making corrupt personnel re un an · ak to
h. ' t ditional we ness c 1efs know how to turn Central Government s ra . f hich

th · · d' 1 the 1deal type 0 w e1r own advantage in the context of m 1rect rue, munal
f 1 w in Herero com was apartheid. The new police force and courts 0 .a h h' h incidence of

areas showed themselves to be ineffective in checkl~gt e
1
1
g slllte no other

Cttl ·1·· bomg1vmgt 1e a e-rustling. Epango, a tribal m1 1t1a, was '/'. the absence of any
choice but to come to terms with this fail accomp 1111d branches in urban
other solution. In the meantime Epango has develope
areas and is now considered something of a model. thus find themselves

br hed as Citizens, . th gh The Namibians, formally esta IS ffl t've 1·ntervenuon rou · . foreec 1 ··
Ill a Situation which gives them scant room of making decisions
d · · in the process h · lid emocratically legitimised institUtions, rse

0
n to them is kins IP. ~ ;

about what concerns them. The sole ~ou en~manipulated by tradlllona
anty, and this has in fact become an mstrum

336 Contemporm:r Xamibia

leaders anxious about their future status, particularly as regards their right
to bestow lands in usufruct. These leaders in tum become pawns in the hands
of a politico-business establishment bent on achieving certain ambitions
(cf. Ch. 12 herein). This tendency is substantiated by the illegal enclosure
of vast tracts of community lands in the east and to the north of the country.
where half of the Oshikoto Region (part of former Owamboland) has already
been subjected to this treatment. Although, at its inception, the practice was
vigorously denounced at the /99/ Land Conference ( cf. Ch. 13 herein), the
resulting situation is apparently being approved of in the ongoing legislation
process on the status of communal lands (The Namibian 29/1 0/96).

THE ENVIRONMENT: A TELLING FACTOR OF THE STATE OF
CITIZENSHIP

The uncertain outcome of efforts to democratise public life can be found
in the area of environmental policy (cf. Ch. 2). Since the /992 Earth Summit
in Rio de Janeiro, the slogan 'Think global, act local' has become the cur-
rent agenda internationally. V irtual/y everywhere. not a single political part)
in power or about to assume power can afford to do without an environ-
mental programme adapted to local circumstances. However, we must not
forget that this novel state of affairs had its first beginnings in the early
1970s, with small groups of citizens resolutely exercising their democratic
right to call into question those wielding economic and political power. The
latter presented themselves as the high priests of progress, treating their
detractors contemptuously as dreamers, if not saboteurs. Thus the relation
that a society has with its natural environment, quite apart from any scienti.fi~
and technical considerations, reveals the real status of citizenship. Wrth
respect to this, a provisional assessment ofNamibia shows up clear contrasts.

On the one hand, novel initiatives do exist. Traditional leaders find
their intimate knowledge of the land recognised by virtue of their newly
acquired legal status as protectors of the rural environment. Attempts to
extend the benefits of the flourishing tourist industry to the former ·Bantu-
stanised' areas take the concrete form of legislative measures; all obstacles
and contradictions that come up are exposed in the press. In order to provrde
long-tenn protection for its elephants, Namibia submits a carefully balanced
set of proposals to the international community: the controlled export of
rvory to Japan. in two shipments of9 000 kg each over the next two-year
period. "ith the resulting profits to benefit programmes for the conservation
of elephants and the environment. The Ministry of Environment and Tour-
rsm pornts out that in the long run the protection of elephants and the defence

How to he a Namibian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood. 337

of the legitimate interests of the peasants must be reconciled, for not all
elephants live within the confines of nature reserves. If the peasants, v1ctrms
of the pro/ iferation of elephants who depend on the same resources and
damage fields, end up thinking that they have no other choice but to d?fend
themselves, the result will be uncontrolled killing and ivory smuggling-
the exact opposite of the desired objective (The Namibian 3011 0196) . .

This particular case exposes a line of reasoning which is fast becomrng
the rule. It can be found, in the case ofNamibia, in the conflrct prttrng en-
vironmentalists against those who hunt baby seals on the north-west coast.

II t. d would like to see The former denounce the cruelty of sea 1arves rng an
it banned. The latter talk not only about employment and expo.rts: but also

. . f t. 1 economrc rnterests. clarm to be concerned w1th the defence o na rona . .
· d t · 1 w material whrch rs They argue that seals deplete fish stocks, an rn us r1a ra

. . · 1 th rt of argument used by subsequently transformed. Thrs rs precrse y e so .
Norwegian whalers for example, when t 1ey o ~ec . f I b. t to the moratorrum on

' f ffi · · symptomatrc o a whaling. Above all however such a state o a a1rs IS . f
. . ' . '. . f 1 h Jesale destructron o raprdly declinmg global srtuatron. By drnt o t 1e w o . .

. . If It' tely 111 drrect com-fauna and flora a predatory humanrty finds 1tse u 1ma ..
' . ~ I nutrrtronal resources. petition with this or that animal spec res ror t 1e same de

. h 1 gy pacts are rna On the other hand, in a world that worshipS tee .no 0 '. I 'ndustriai
b . . k and rntematrona r etween technocrats political decrsron-ma ers

1 0
,;ects the

' . h 1 h spectacu ar pr > ' conglomerates, always qu1ck to pus t uoug d by dominant
, . h k t · the backgroun 'oreseeable after effects ofwh1c are ep 111 II d 'civil nuclear
h . . f 1 doftheso-ca e s art-term rnterests. The h1story o t 1e sprea . with its atten-

. . d · larly rn France-rndustry' in the industrialised worl , partrcu d. f information and
dant host of authoritarian measures, the withhol rng 0 ocesses although

. th t democratrc pr ' officral doublespeak- demonstrates a H ce the emergence,
. transparency. en h app/red, cannot in themselves guarantee . . . . defence and watc -

. ular rnrtratrves, ..
1
.. 111 Europe for example, of numerous pop . ffi imilar possrbr rtres.

dog committees. In Namibia the Constitutron ° et': :uy equivalent to the
. . · f 1 t ·city rs prac IC WEC) In Namrb1a's consumption o e ec rr , erly SWA ·

1 N mPower (1orm posed level of production by the parastata a
1

t'ons have been pro ·
. ds four so u 1 the Kunene order to meet growrng energy nee. 'of a barrage at Epupa on . which

Firstly some propose the constructron . ·ry "-m South Afrrca.
' . lectrrcl uv . on gas

River. Secondly others favour buyrng e
1

wer station operaung I··-
' . therma po the xact vo ~·-

has a surplus, or constructrng a ffthe Namibian coast-: ~theSe latter
extracted from the Kudu platform 0 Th 'rdly, a combinauon ° lv the idea
of which remains to be determrned. Jd Ban

1
k 1995: 126). Fourth- 'rso b«n

· · ed (Wor 1 power has a two energy sources IS envrsag .
1

d ances in soar
of drawing on recent techno/ogrca 3 v

338 Contemporary /1/amibia

put forward. However, for the time being this last option suffers from the
absence of any significant lobbying. 10

Conceived in 1990/91 as the means for and symbol of future economic
independence at a time when South Africa was still under apartheid, the
Epupa project was intended to generate hydropower for yet another project:
pumping water from the Okavango River to supply Windhoek and other
industrial centres in the central south of the country. 11 Sceptics draw atten-
tion to the Kunene's weak current, already insufficient to exploit the existing
capacity: one turbine at the Ruacana barrage upriver has in fact never gone
into operation. Apart from the difficulty of capping the cost of such a project
and the ensuing long-term debt, the proposed development also threatens
the social and economic stability of roughly 30 000 Himba herdsmen (of
whom I 0 000 are on the Angolan side of the border). The original site
chosen for the project is environmentally vulnerable: a gigantic works site
lasting five years will be created; vast pastoral zones which are of immea-
surable value in times of drought will be permanently flooded; paths used
during the seasonal migration of herds would be disrupted; and access to
the riverbanks, which would be very steep, would be difficult. Moreover.
many ancestral graves would be immersed. The Hi mba cause, embraced
by the press, has already obliged the consortium in charge of the initial
survey to envisage at least four other sites in order to reduce the extent of
the social and environmental damage. 12 A feasibility survey is planned for
August 1997. However, according to the World Bank, which vigorous!}
supports the new regional economic framework, the Ministry of Mines and

1° Cf. Hans Beukes. ·viewpoint: A frightening scenario' (The Advert1ser 6/8. 96)
In this country. one of the sunniest in the \\vorld. with a small and scattered populatiOn. J
decentralised supply ofsolar~based electricity appears particularly attracti\\e and \\\\O~Id
cause a drop in the nation·s energy costs. However, it would also lm\\·er the total prot liS
of the prosperous NamPower ...

II p ,. I" ~1." . k Ri\\.:r repara tons or tMmg thts enormous quantity of water from the 0 ·a\\ango
h~v~ been gathering momentum with a pledge of financial support amounting to !\\~270
mtlhon from China. as well as the ofler bv an American firm to furnish the necessary ptpmg
at a cost o!'US$50 million. However, th~ Okavango irrigates one of the largest marshla~d~
on the enttre planet, located in northern Botswana and providing an agriculture and tounsm
base for some I 00 000 people. The prospect of its evenJually dl)'ing up due to pumpmg on
the Namtbian side can only serve to worsen relations between the two countries. ,~,-hich ha'c
alrea_dy been soured by the border dispute over several islands. Botswana is present!) pur·
chasmg arms (Courrier International No. 341. 15·2115/97, based on an article in the .\\e\\1
A[r1can. London).

. · The_ consortium includes Scandinavian companies (Norway and S\\~edcn betng
cou_ntnes \\\\htch have provided considerable support in the anti-colonial struggle: as \\\\~II J'
for mdependent Namibia). a Namibian company and an Angolan company. It ''a." t.-stabh~hcd
by l~c Angolan-Namibian Permanent Joint Technical Commission for the Kunene R1':r
Bas"n (The .\\'amibian 20/10/96). For a detailed undersJanding of lhe Hi mba sociei~ '
reactiOn. cf. Bollig ( 1997).

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the que:,ilon of the project of nationhood . 339

Energy 'does not have the capacity' to deal with the consortium's interests
on an equal footing. Further, if the leading role falls to the officially desig-
nated public power utility, NamPower, whose 'commitment to the project
is already total', the feasibility study will be 'seen more as a technical
exercise to build up a case for external financing and as the preliminary
input to implementation. A dangerous situation has therefore arisen where
the outcome of the feasibility study is already taken as a foregone con-
clusion.' (World Bank 199 5: 126).

As for the Rossing Uranium Mine, established over tweoty years ago
quite outside of any legal framework in terms of international law, with its
immediate and long-term consequences on the environment and on people,
the problem is rarely discussed. One has to remember that SW APO's former
protests were strictly limited to the legal dimension (Diener 1986: Ch .. ' 0).
Evidence suggests that there has been a considerable drop in the KUJseb
water table due to the requirements of the Rossing complex, to whi~h one
must add those of the towns of Swakopmund and Walvis Bay, WJ.th the
latter's expanding industrial sector. As regards long-term medical momtonng
to determine the number of cancer cases of (former) workers in the nu.cl~

· · 'fNamibJan sector, the figures are still unknown. It would be surpnsmg ' · .
uranium turned out to be an exception to natural law, according t~ ~h'c.h
even small doses of radioactivity are carcinogenic. The only lawsuit 111 thiS
connection is between a former British worker and the mother company,
Rio Tinto Zinc whose headquarters are in Britain. The lawsuit c~e unThder

· ' 'b' · slice ( e review in the British courts, only to be passed on to Nami IanJU
Namibian 21 /8/95) · let

0 h . . . d I bal warming and ultravJO n t e question of desertification ue to g 0 tilt rout,
radiation which the rapidly depleting ozone layer can no longerfh' ean;,
N · · d th t portion o urn "" , 3111IbJa is now experiencing the backlash ue to a h decided
Which, through its industrialised, consumer-oriented culture, as
to adopt a lifestyle which is beyond the planet's resources.

THE CHALLENGE OF THE NASCENT NATION
" the lllflte of die

All the chapters herein emphasise the efforts undertakonden :'.e stnJCIUIC5 left
n .,. - 'togobe)' _.._ _ _, ew doctrine of' national reconc1 JatJOn ' . .... Jlldflod..,..........
b ·· · 'ind~u ... ~--y apartheid. The term 'reconciliation

1
stake here is ... ....,,_

the term 'national' indicates the stated~-~~~~_. ..-"
the necessary conditions for all the co~ ......... lill:t~-
claim their identity as 'Namibian~··. , Tllil .... tllillf~ >
""··port f h lied 'Namilli' · ·"· ='' c· .: · · ,.,.,. o testate ca . , _,., .. "'· .. ·. ·, .. ,,,,, .

. ,!iiifl'1~f~!~l , :L,?~~L·

340 Contemporary Namibia

identity and challenges the whole fabric of colonial society to reweave itself.
Conversely, it is not at all certain that people whose interests, identities and
mentality have been shaped on the colonial pattern with an added zest of
apartheid for good measure should be prepared unhesitatingly to join the
project of nationhood, a hitherto unknown symbol of the common good.
Here the dead weight of what has gone before constitutes a set of challenges
all pulling in the opposite direction, the overall dynamic of which may well
reduce the initial project from the status of a regulative idea to that of a mere
incantationn

Race, ethnic group and balanced structure in public services

The fact that racism is banned by the Constitution sets the stage for a new
paradigm, but the individual pieces of this reality, rather like a puzzle, each
follow their own distinct rhythm while attempting to fit in with the whole
(cf. in particular Ch. 6 and Ch. 7 herein). This imposes a paradox on state
policy: the elimination of racial and ethnic categories as standards for
recruitment and promotion within the state apparatus, in favour of a stnctly
individual meritocracy implies that at one level of the administration or
another, the same criteria will have to be reintroduced to achieve the
'balanced structuring' of state services. 'Affirmative action' cannot ~scape
the dialectics of anti-discriminatory discrimination: a racism which ts anti-
racist, ethnicism which is anti-ethnic, an anti-sexist sexism." It sometimes

" A ·regulative idea' (Kant) does not establish the existence of something to be found
in reality. yet it does prompt one into thinking and acting as if such a thing ex1sted.

14 The constitutional principle of a 'balanced structure' tends toward a pattern of
public service staffing which roughly reflects the proportional composition of the pop-
ulation. in particular with regard to region of origin and gender. As for the supreme
constitutional principle of'citizen equality'. the requirement, on the contrary. is that such
criteria be systematically ignored, and that the recruitment and advancement of staff be
based strictly on individual merit. If this latter principle. in line with its aspect of equal
opportunity for all. was fully developed throughout society, it should in the medium run
produce such a ·balanced structure'. Any persistent imbalance is then an md1cat?r of
discrimination. unless one assumes that the under~represented groups are congemtalb
inferior to those over~represented. From time immemorial, socially dominant groups have
used this argument If one admits that the idea of equality is a gamble on the future rather
lhan a judgement based on factual findings, the multifarious devices for exclusoon "hoch
lend to reproduce existing domination patterns are, on the contrary. perfectly capable of
being empirically proved. Ralhcr like the lllct thai they have always been resented. and often
fough~ sometimes successfully. . .

Apartheid was such a device. and sexism still is. Affirmative action as a c:onSiitutionlll
command is lhcrefore aimed al creating the condilions for equal opportunity in rcalol)'. thuS
giving all iiS chances lo the bet on equality. Apanhcid had legally institutionalised ISYIII"
metrical reproduction on the criterion of skin colour, and perpetuated it on the gender

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood 341

receives criticism for placing the logic of the quota system above competence
and for often acting as a cover-up for nepotism and clientelism.

Officially outlawed, racism has marked the way people see things for
far too long to disappear just like that. Although it is true that the traditional
approximate equations white~ rich, black~ poor, coloured~ moderately
poor or moderately well off, apply less and less to real-life situations. it
cannot be denied that the ranks of the poor are nearly all black. 15 While there
has been a drop in its more visible manifestations, and in spite of frequent
incidences reported by the press, racism appears to be endemic, albeit in
milder forms that merit further study. Also, it occasionally changes sides
(cf. Ch. II herein).

This applies equally to ethnic demarcations. Suppressed in territorial
and administrative state structures, reference to ethnic origins finds its way
from the bottom up. The official term 'communal areas' today designates the
ex-Bantustans by means of a common denominator, i.e. communal land
tenure. However, one only has to consult the highly official University Five-
Year Plan (1995) to find therein 'Hereroland', 'Damaraland', 'Owambo-
land', etc., as the basis for statistics designed to evaluate the influence of
higher education on the country, in particular on 'persons ... who have been
SOcially, economically or educationally disadvantaged by past discriminatory
laws or practices' (Constitution, Article 23 ).

As for political parties, there has been a relaxing of the traditional
structuring along ethnic lines. The November 1989 ballot exposed the fact
that only eight parties out of roughly fifty (covering round I ,5 million in-
habitants!) could claim any representativeness. However, with the exception
of the two major parties, SWAPO and the DTA, none of them can count
on significant trans-ethnic support. In as early as 1960 the incumbent party
symbolised its national calling in its choice of the name 'South W~t Afrtea
People's Organisation' (SW APO). Nevertheless, striking regional dtspanlH:S
can be seen among its electorate, and its 95% majority in fonner Owambo-
land, which represents 38% of the total population (Pendleton et al. 1991: I),
provides it with a comfortable electoral base for the time being at least.
Yet the DT A, now in the opposition, remains~ alliance of ethnic parties.
It never went beyond the decision of 1991 that an individual can. become
a DT A member or official without having to be a member of one of ItS ethniC
components in the first place.

Critcnon. hence a lwo-pronged ·affinnalive action· in rever>e. While the dhnK :::::;;:::"
::" >ed for blacks had nol been organised into a hicmrchy al slaiUIOIY lcve~ btlta>.::

happen..j- all the more so- a1 the level of the imaginalion .voiin""!" nciplc ·
~fence,~ particular ethnic slant in interpreting the 'batanced sau;:-..,.,.""dG1811y .-.

If the white and coloured portions of !he population~ . be.
10

Would their distribution over the whole of the~ p)'lllllicl

. 'r·-~-·

342 Contemporary Namibia

In its 1976 Political Programme, SW APO resolved 'to combat all
manifestations and tendencies of tribalism, regionalism, ethnic orientation
and racial discrimination' once independence was achieved. Indeed it took
special care to place its armed struggle squarely within the history of the
anti-colonial resistance movement." Without hesitation it had postulated
the idea of the existence of 'Namibianness' stretching back into the 19th
Century (UN IN 1986), in the face- in all fairness- of the principle of
ethnicity elevated to the level of state doctrine and standard administrative
practice by the South African colonial power. Yet in the book To be Born
a Nation (SW APO 1981 ), which is noteworthy for its pragmatism, SW APO
emphasised its character as a project and a process. The same pragmatism
is visible in its language policy: having opted, right up until the eve of
independence, for 'hard choices', i.e. English only, the party subsequently
changed its mind and accepted tuition in the mother tongue for the first
years of primary school education. The outcome of this pragmatism, as much
as from initial constraints, is that the Constitution calls for all cultures and
languages, traditions and religions to be respected, to the extent that they
do not conflict with constitutional norms, nor impinge on another's rights
(Article 19). It recognises the validity of customary law, even if the Con-
stitution and the legislation take precedence over it. Parliament is empowered
to abrogate or modify customary law by limiting its temporal and spatial
scope (Article 66). Furthermore, the State ofNamibia is to have a 'council
oftraditionalleaders ... in order to advise the President on the control and
utilization of communal land .. .' (Article I 02). However, although the
official key word here is reconciliation, both reality and the ways in which
it is perceived remain charged with ethnic tension, despite a gradual move
evident in the urban setting towards crossing these barriers.

It has become apparent during the course of the endless discussions
designed to determine how the above-mentioned articles of the Constitution
apply,_ t~at the no~ion of cultural identity varies greatly and is a key issue
m poht1cal mob1hsation in what remains a shifting landscape ( cf. Ch. 12
herein).

The dale 26 Augusl plays a key role here. In 1923, the body of Chief Samuel
Maherer~ nas repatna.ted from Bechuanaland (presently Botswana) and buried in the
cemetery of H_er~ro Ch1efs at Okahandja. In 1904 he had led the war of resistance against
Gennan colonialism. On 26 August 1966 a South African police patrol took the bush camp
at~ngulumbashe (in fOrmer Owamboland) by surprise. This camp had been set up b)
S A PO fighters as a base for armed slruggle (Leys & Saul I 995· 70) SWAPO artfully
~;ed this selback to its own advantage, proclaiming lhat its fight~rs h~d ·engaged South

~acan forces m battle', thereby establishing a symbolic link with former acts of armed
resistance. and thereby forging the history of national resistance (SWAPO I 98 I: I 63. I 77).

How to be a Natmhmn and a democrat on the quest1on of the proJect of nauonhood

SOCIO-ECONOMIC DIFFERENTIA TIO!'I AND LINEAGE
SOLIDARITY

343

Social and economic fragmentation appear destined to last and even deepen,
bringing in their wake a significant relocalisation of poverty as well as of
wealth, between the dominantly capitalist zone and that based on l~n.eage
solidarity (cf. Ch. 1 5 and Ch. 16 herein). On the one hand. the _trad1t10nal
areas which produce a labour force outside the market are shrmkmg due
to a combination of environmental erosion, illegal enclosures and the grad~al
extension of the market economy spurred by the spread of state admi~IS
tration. On the other hand. sub-capitalist exchanges, which recycle a ~ortlon
of the revenue from the capitalist sector to the advantage of the lmeage
sector, grouped together as the 'informal sector', range far into _the former
white zone which had previously armed itself with an impress1ve arsenal
in order to ~revent such entry. It is not uncommon for poor hou~eh~lds on
the urban fringes of Windhoek to benefit from the regul~r contnbutlons of
some of their members who being employed in the pubhc sector, generally
eam good wages but also w~rk in the communal areas, usually in the ?orth.
In addition to the usual monetary flux from the former white zone 111 the
direction of the former homelands, there is a corresponding flow of~oney
in the opposite direction. This can be regarded as evidence a: the hneag:
strategy, a structure which cuts right across the entire range of 1ts mem?~rs

· . · If· advantageous pos1t1on, SOCio-economic standing, and wh1ch puts 1tse m an .
combining several sources of revenue and access to serv1ces. .

. . . . · d · aluable recourse Ill Yet lmeage sohdanty wh1ch constitute an mv d . ' . r todayun er limes of adversity under the apartheid system, IS on the dec me d .
1 h . . . . · d" "duahsm an soc1a t e mfluence of the new forces of acquiSitive Ill lVI f

d. · · c · Alongside examples o ISilltegration - which are mutually rem.orcmg. . bel'
I · · · be cited wh1ch le Pam mutual aid counter-examples of explmtat1on can . ht "te

" · l"d "ty We m1g c1 the Sunday sermon on 'traditional values' or ethmc so 1 an · "
h . . rcial farmers and ,arm-t e example of a pubhc meetmg between comme . . h rth

0 h.k t Reg1on m t e no · workers in the Mangetti district of the new s I 0 o . .
T . . f L b ti llowmg a surpnse he meeting was called by the Mm1stry o a our 0 . . t" and
· talogue of Ill JUS ICC InSpection. A report on the meeting amounts to a ca . ely
b . d 1 t wh 1te farmers, nam a use that in former times were attnbute on Y 0

11
oor housing

extremely low wages (i.e. N$50-1 00 a month) or none at a 'p t clinics.
. . . "d rt · and no access o cond1t1ons, poor food ratmns, unpa1 ave 1me, ] family mem-

Some workers received no wages as 'our bosses say (w: ~~bear in mind
bers and there is no need to pay'. In this respect we_ s out demand them
th · · h d did not hesitate o at these workers knew the1r ng ts an .

11
bab1"Iity share, fro · · · they m a pro . m bosses whose skin colour and ethmc ~ngm. r headman (The Namibian

1" the presence of the Ondonga king and h1s semo

344 Contemporary Namibia

27 /II /96). This incident illustrates the diminishing importance of lineage
ties, leaving the new kings to stand by helplessly. On the contrary, their
efforts to preserve such ties unwittingly undermine their positions when
they condone illegal enclosures. Have they possibly done this in exchange
for undercover political support for their own royalist ambitions?

In view of the various facets broached in this study, the role of lineage
in the new dynamic of interacting forces now at work is demonstrably com-
plex. Linea~ is the underlying principle of social organisation of the
formerly colonised population who are largely in the majority. From the
political angle, lineage appears as the chieftainship system. From the cultural
angle, lineage is a manifestation of what were formerly fluid ethnic entities
but which today are fixed: lineage is the road along which·most identifiable
socio-economic interests have been attempting to advance, often in opposite
directions. It cannot possibly be said whether or not the result of these twists
and tensions will be a 'nation', the officially declared goal, or 'tribalism',
officially condemned with equal vehemence and often in the same breath.

We use the term 'tribalism' in the sense of a political and socio-
economic configuration in which the state left behind by the former colonial
power, conceived and run to serve the latter's interests, becomes a bone of
contention, open to the struggles for power of the moment in the name of
tribal and ethnic loyalties. Rhetoric about identity, at this point, amounts
to so much mortar designed to cement the members of a given ethnic group
into a united political force cutting right across members' varied socio-
economic positions, with a view to asserting control over part, or. indeed the
totality, of the state machinery. Where this manoeuvre succeeds, the pos-
sibility of privileged access to the State's resources, all the more coveted in
times of penury, only adds substance to such rhetoric. Client networks
emerge which, though very similar in their modus operandi, enter into
competition with one another. Speeches extolling the merits of a common
identity may take on aggressive overtones, with rival networks being accused
of immoderate appetites. Such power politics tends to reduce state ma-
chinery to the level of booty, and its already meagre capacity to satisfY the
needs of the entire population, far from improving, only diminishes. This
situation sets the stage for a potential spiral of 'mal-development' (Rene
Dumont) in which the ferocity of the competition is inversely proportional
to the value of the booty to be plundered, a situation which leads to the
unravelling of the state and the eruption of genocidal wars.

The chances of such a catastrophic scenario occurring in present-day
Namibia are rather remote. Her relatively good GOP per inhabitant, despite
a highly skewed distribution, is likely to improve along with the anticipated
economic take-off once Angola achieves stability, and the entire sub-
continent stands to benefit from this. To the extent that a drop in the per-

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood . 345

fonnance of the state machinery would jeopardise economic growth, it is not
at all unreasonable to think that the need to protect this central instrument
in the long term will prevail over the temptation of short-term plunder.

The fact remains that the various threads of the web of tribalism are
gradually being spun. The democratically constituted power, in an attempt
to impose its authority, starting from the centre, brings about the unrelenting
'inflation of the state apparatus in an already overblown capital. A heavy-
handed administration, combined with SW APO's marked taste for central-
isation, prevents the emergence of decentralised powers, democratically
elected in tum. The traditional leaders' system, always ready to manipulate
kinship sentiment and real grudges, profits from and contributes to this.
The first clientele circuit emerges: the chieftaincy conditions the. electorate
to follow the central authority, and the latter lends it tacit support in return.
This results in existing economic resources being diverted to a considerable
extent by both of them, with the lion's share going to the central power.
Those left behind by independence find themselves dangling between the
stagnation of the former Bantustans and the joblessness of Katutura's and
other urban centre_s' shanty towns. New neighbourhoods called 'Luxury
Hill' here or 'Dorado' there are open only to those who have modestly
gained from independence whereas the big operators are to be found in the
really chic areas. As the p;rliamentary opposition becomes an anachroni~m
for those whites who embrace the cause of'national reconciliation', With
its system of privileges and perks, while failing to represent the desperately
Poor, the regime finds itself slipping towards a one-party system. H~re the
second clientele circuit emerges: the feeling of frustration by t?e ~lspos
sessed is to some extent blunted by lineage, and thus ethnic solidarity. To
the extent that the levers of power and the country's only source of ~hare
located at the centre, the latter becomes the main bone of contention.

A FEELING OF HOPELESSNESS

The map that can be drawn of the 'polis' ofNamibia, following th~ itinerary
chart d · h . . d' rting There 1s a State, e 10 t e precedmg sixteen chapters, IS ISCOnCe ' . J' "
of colonial origin which aims to forge into a nation the population 1vmg
00 its territory, th~ borders of which were defined roughly a hundred, years
ago using maps of the dark continent drawn by whites, spread out 0~ green
tabi " · . od This population was es 10 chancelleries somewhere in the Ant1p es. .

1
dom'

split u ·1 . d' · 1· s useful to coloma I-. P unt1 very recently by applymg 1stmc lOR h 'd· the split
nation, to which were added the extremist precepts 0~ apart el · :,. and
\\Vas · . . . lit' ·ca1 1t was econom~ . Spat1al, 11 was racial it was ethmc, 11 was po I "

346 Contemporary Namibia

it was social. Each group, partitioned by its particularity from the other
groups, was carefully drilled into adopting a position of distrust towards
the others. The colonisers, conditioned into uncritically accepting their
position of superiority, which appeared justified daily by the superior wealth
and power they held, found compensation for their feelings of guilt as the
occupier in forms of behaviour marked by an offensive display of privilege
and open disdain, alternating with fear. While the behaviour of the colonised
masses, indoctrinated into believing that their inferiority was linked to the
degree of pigmentation of their skin -each group having been led to believe
in their superiority over the remaining inferior masses- went from openly
submissive conduct to one of derisory imitation of their masters, along with
undercover areas providing an outlet for compensation and self-expression
which were half tolerated and barely controllable. They finally got the better
of the Herrenvolk 'democracy'. In such a colonial-style dialectic between
master and servant, there is the fact that the combined trauma of humiliation
fell to the colonised. The cumulative effect of dispossession, of collective
identities manipulated to a greater or lesser extent, of migrant labour, police
repression, of war and exile, of a God presented in terms of a theology of
superiority and a theology of liberation, of poverty and ignorance, is the
falling apart of the entire social and emotional fabric from which individuals
fashion a reasonably balanced inner existence," a life considered worth
living. Formed yesterday, these segments oftoday's population find them-
selves jumbled together under the same figure of 'the citizen'. What must
be done to make these strips of the social fabric into the stuff of a nascent
nation?

. In the past, unruly behaviour and disobedience were as much part of
surv1val strategy as forms of resistance. If the 'dividends' of independence
are not paid out in the near future, the resulting sense of bitterness among
the dispossessed will fuel a return to such attitudes, which in tum will streng-
then a tradition of authoritarianism which is already embedded in the public
sector and among the former colonial bosses, as well as within SWAPO.
long accustomed to looking after the refugee population in camps. The
churches d1d not practise grassroots democracy either, and the traditional-
leader system has been authoritarian at least since its instrumentalisation
by the colonial power. From this it follows, as a condition and a corollary.
that there is a kind of 'hand-out' mentality, maintained in exile by a de-
pendence on substantial foreign aid (Dobbel 1995: 172), and within the
count!)" by the- in most cases- free, if limited, water supply.

The lack of self-confidence of those kept in an inferior position was
central to the thought and action of the South African Black Consciousness
Movement m the 1970s. The idea of organising at grassroots level in order

11
Cr. Diener. Lachartre & Meillassoux ( 1982).

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the questiOn of the project of nationhood . . . 347

to promote clearly defined interests, and of relying on one's own resources,
was advocated as an effective means to counteract state-organised penury;
it was further considered as a form of collective therapy: a 'decolonisation
of minds', through the application of self-management. Such civic initiatives
spread throughout Namibia during the 1980s. 18 Part and parcel of the
resistance culture ('beat the system!'), they were destabilised by the new
citizenship agenda, as much as by the State's promise to make the desired
improvements a maxim for its future initiatives (cf. Ch. 4 herein), as it had
done with the absorption of many hardened militants into the new official
structures. In spite of successes in many areas, the proper remedy to the
(in)subordination/authoritarianism syndrome, which will permit the emer-
gence of the self-confident citizen, publicly critical and capable of freely
given solidarity, has yet to be found. For the time being it is the local
authorities that are paying the price: unpaid electricity and water bills are
an additional burden on decentralisation. At Tsumeb, for example, people
who regularly failed to pay their utility rates and angered by their ~ower
and water supplies being cut off, stormed the town hall. The new policy of
charging rural people for water consumption and borehole maintenance
could well turn out to be 'a disaster' .19

The chapters of this publication lead to a better understanding of the
objective conditions surrounding the loss of psycho-social bearings, and
Chapter I 0 touches on the way people feel and act. Although we do not here
present a study on the way people's inner lives have been damaged and on
the sordid processes in which they are ultimately trapped, and thou~h we
cannot shed light on this side of reality by resorting to largely non-existent
works of fiction, we still feel that it necessary to point out the extent of the
problem.

Alcoholism soon turned the colony into a captive market for the pro-
d ts f . . . . "t ation denouncing uc o European d1sttllenes. The endless v1rtuous VI uper
the vicious spiral that linked candidates for evasion with alcohol deale~
whose products found their way to shebeens everyone knew about, thodu
"t d" · 1 further un er-1 1d not have any significant effect on the coloma proces~, l"b" The
mined the victims' self-respect and provided profiteers With an~~ I. der
evidence furnished twice in the 1980s by Seith Eixab ( 198!.' 1988 '

0~
of the Katutura Community Centre, on his own turbule~t e~~t~~~= ~coho!
child sheds light on the daily desolation and the collective g . d sex
th t be · . . . 1 arty frenzy danctng an a gms on Friday evenings. After the tn1t1a P . ' batch of
d" d b b1e w1th a new le own, daily life becomes a little more un eara
related murders, rape and serious injuries.

II .

19
cr. Watkms ( 1995). -4/8/96.
The Namibian 27/6/96, 26/7/96, S/8196; NeW Era~. Seith Eixab conrcn-cd

20
A social worker trained in GennanY and a SW APO

348 Contemporary Namibia

This reminds one of the absurd state of affairs encountered by Antoine
de Saint-Exupery's Little Prince ( 1946: 44-45) on the planet of the tippler:

'What are you doing there?' he said to the tippler ...
'I am drinking,' replied the tippler, with a lugubrious air.
'Why are you drinking?' demanded the little prince.
'So that I may forget,' replied the tippler.
'Forget what?' inquired the little prince, who already was sorry for
him.
'Forget that I am ashamed,' the tippler confessed, hanging his head.
'Ashamed of what?' insisted the little prince, who wanted to help
him.
'Ashamed of drinking!' ... "

This sense of shame has found its way into anti-apartheid solidarity
literature, always ready to believe that the milk of human kindness flows
more abundantly when people are oppressed, even at the cost of having to
censure evidence to the contrary.22 In 1978 Daniel Tjongarero, then Deputy
National Chairman ofSW APO (inside Namibia) and today Director-General
of the NBC,

23
was mistakenly over-optimistic: 'Once Namibians have been

given the responsibility of nation-building, they would have other things to
think about than merely alcoholism. ' 24 Doubtless they are thinking about
it, but up to now this has had no noticeable effect. The recent explosion of
what appears to be gratuitous acts of violence that single out those who are
least able to defend themselves- old men, women and children -has sent
waves of insecurity and disbelief throughout a shocked society. The expo-
nential rise in the ravages of the AIDS virus, which affects young people in
particular, has in the course of time undermined people's belief in the
promise of a better life in the wake of independence. The spread of AIDS has
been 'aggravated by the fact that many people did not believe it was there

autonomous status to this community centre, which soon became a pole for community life
This earned him suspicion from both sides: SWAPO saw the hand of the colonial power
in any undertaking which went beyond its control. whereas the colonial administration sa\\'
'"him a Trojan horse for SWAPO. Wearied by his unstinting generosity. coupled with th_<
cumulaJ:J".-e effects of his O\\\\on drinking problem. this staunch advocate of walking\\\\ ith one s
head held high died in 1994.

" C'f Th" Lillie Pnnce. pp.S0-5 I.
:J Thus lngolfDiencr's anicle 'Eine Reise durch Namibia'. published in a semi-

underground Frankfurt-am-Main biweekly. Pj/asrerstrand (27/J-9/2179). appeared in an
c~purgatcd \\·crsion m the collccti..,e work of the German anti-apartheid mm:ement. 10
"'h"ch ,E"ab IS also published ( 1981 ).

;~At thc_timc of writing. Daniel Tjongarcro has since passed away.
lntel\\1ew by lngolf Diener. in 'Dossier Namibie. La SWAPO face a Ia farce

tlectonolc sud-africaine·. Apartheid Non'. No. 28. do!cembre 1978. Paris.

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood .. 349

and was killing the rest of the nation'.25 Moreover, from 1990 to mid-1996,
the number ofNamibians committing suicide shot up by a factor of five m
the regions constituting former Owamboland, which had backed SW APO
overwhelmingly and was hit so hard by the war. Thirteen-year-old youths
stop trying, and 85-year-olds stop wanting to go on.26 The _society of the ex-
colonised has fallen apart its people are in a state of emotiOnal shell-shock.

' · ·t t be in the fact If there is any glimpse of hope in such a bleak ptcture, t mus . .
that Namibian society is facing up to it. Between a fit of lucidity and yteldmg
to the temptation of the witch-hunt, who will win out?

SPECIFICITY OF 'POST-APARTHEID'

From an objective point of view independent Namibia strongly resem~les
. ' . t th. ises the questton what can be seen elsewhere m Afnca. To an exten ts ra

. . . d ·1h th utcome ofother(de)-ofthe spectfictty of aparthetd as compare wt e o
colonisations. ·d · the

What is particular to Namibia (and South Africa) does not_ rest e 111 ode
articulation between the capitalist mode of production and the ~~~~ge m b t

· d colomahsm - u -which provides the basis of all social formatiOns un er ,
. . . . 1 h as the 'spontaneous Ill tis Implementation. What mtght appear e sew ere h gh

. . h bo 1 in this case t rou result of the process ofcolomsatton was brou_g. t a u a racial doctrine
substantial colonial settlements, as the exphctt result of h. h gave
c . . · d tail by laws w tc "Ormahsed codified and regulated m mmute e ' . firmly

' b kbo e of the State ts t apartheid its particularly revolting aspect. The ac ~ . art of the
established on a flourishing capitalist system ~overmgoa m;~or ~h African
territory, with the expropriation of lands extendmg to 83 Yo_ 0h fiou long time
I . .1 fi labour whtc or a err~tory. The economy's enonnous appetl e or ' h

1
body of

h b · of thew o e was concentrated in the mining area, fanned t e. asts .
1

for racist and
apartheid legislation and provided the underlymg ra!IOnla e d asymmetry

d.· ofscaean ethnic discourse and practices. In such con ~!tons d red an affluent
· 1 · 1tahsm engen e organ,sed along racial lines, accumu alive cap .

1
d world at centre

White world of overlords exercising democracy 111 a c ose
1
" nt and confined,

. h . oor comp ta stage, Wtth a backstage black world t at ts P ' . ')world As a result
h. . d' ( d 'Astan · w tie m between there is a small 'coloure an

l ·ng an official report " · 1 Services presen ' 1 " to . Stated by the Minister of Health and Soc"" .. ~ the figure may wei nse
'"November 1996. Jf7% ofthe population are HJV-pos"t~:r:20., 18% in the 20-24 : 13% by the year 2000. Those infected are: II% of the u:.,orctec!ar<d cases haS daub
~~et and 17"/o aged 25-34. In the urban centreS the num
Withtn a three-year period (The Namibian 7/11/96)..

2
-418/96. ~.. .

"According to New Era. a SWAPO mouthpiece. If. -~

350 Contemporary Namibia

of its separating and sorting operations, Pretoria's social engineering made
this contrast, in the rural and urban areas alike, even starker than elsewhere
(Christopher 1994); hence the description of co-habitation within the same
countty as being simultaneously 'first-: and 'third-world', and even 1~ terms
of internal colonialism. Thus Pretona attempted to establish tts whtte
countty' as a metropolis, while presenting the process of Bantustanisation

I
. . 27

as a fonn of deco omsatwn.
If we compare the inequalities created by apartheid and the state ~f

dire poverty prevalent elsewhere in Africa, we observe that the aparthetd
propaganda machine often told the truth about illiteracy rates, extremely
low wages, etc. Nevertheless, such scandal-mongering concerning other
countries should not make us forget that the masters of apartheid had the
means to improve things at home. This constitutes the challenge for the new
democracy in Namibia(and that in South Africa) in the post-apartheid era,
on which other countries in Africa pin their hopes.

The other specificity of apartheid is that social engineering affected
the mental make-up of all the inhabitants more profoundly than elsewhere.
On the basis of a common attitude of racist contempt and inhibiting mech-
anisms, apartheid promoted African languages and cultural authenticity. At
the time of their accession to independence, the elites of future ex-colonies,
being new nations-in-the-making, believed that the most effective means of
warding off the spectre of tribalism was through an exclusive reliance on
the applicable European vernacular. They therefore opted for their former
masters' language which, to the extent that it was no one's mother tongue,
was judged fit for use as a lingua franca. This pragmatic stance of the early
days has since been called into question, in view of what it implies, namely a
fonn of alienating self-repudiation. Thus we arrive at the paradox that the
valorisation of African languages, urged by certain leading thinkers of
independent Africa as an instrument for the 'decolonisation of the mind'

27
Legal status and social formations should not be confused. From the point of view

of international law, colonial status, with its widely varying formulas, boils down to a
relationship of dependence, namely between a sovereign state, the metropolis, and a territory
placed under its rule, the colony. For instance, South Africa ceased to be a British colony
in 1910 and severed its last symbolic ties of dependence in 1961. Namibia, on the other hand,
was a colony until 1990, its metropolis having been first Germany, then South Africa. As
regards social formations marked by colonisation, these often take shape before formal
colonial status and continue to exist after the demise of the latter. This overlapping of de jure
independence and de facto dependence is referred to as 'neocolonial'.

It is in the nature of settler colonies to subjugate the native population, if they are not
virtually extenninated (e.g. the case of the United States). However, such subjugation is
independent of the legal status ofthe conquered territory. Thus social fonnations in the
aparthe1d mould are categorised according to two distinct legal modes: within the framework
of a sovereign state (the case of South Africa) and within a colonial framework (the case of
Namibia).

How to be a Nam1bian and a democrat: on the question of the project of nationhood . . 351

(Ngugi wa Thiong'o 1986) was also promoted in apartheid territory, but
here as a means of enclosing the population in ethnic ghettos. Since being
liberated from the straightjacket of apartheid, Namibia(and especially South
Africa, which recognises eleven official languages) perhaps has a better
chance of weaving a unificatory cultural framework out of its diverse
threads, for the reason that such threads are not simply thrown away, or at
best recycled, for folklore.

Then again, furthering the cause of ethnic authenticity well before the
transition to the citizen paradigm has made a prefabrication of what else-
where has usually been assembled afterwards. Yet here too, the two post-
apartheid countries have been grappling with difficulties that are all too
evident in the rest of Africa and are (re-)emerging elsewhere (cf. Ch. 12
herein).

Is it possible to conceptualise post-apartheid developments? Inasmuch
as the social pattern of apartheid came about by successive stages (a period
in which conquest and segregation overlapped, followed by four decades
of actual apartheid), and that the fall of apartheid is just as much a phased
process, one is tempted to conceive the advent of the post-apartheid society
as a kind of inverse process, i.e. a scraping away, layer after layer, of some-
thing which was built up in the course of time. In effect the transition lends
substance to such a model, from the first signs of a bending of policy in
Namibia imposed on the architects of apartheid in the mid 1970s, up to the
final break marked by universal suffrage in I 989 and in I 994, including an
interim period of neo-apartheid refonn during which Namibia became a
sort of test site for South Africa. Nevertheless, the model shows its flaws
as soon as it is wrongly taken as a sort of Wellsian machine designed to
take us back in time. At the risk of stating the obvious: on thevergeofgomg
global, with 'export processing zones' dotting the planet, capitalism bears
little resemblance to what it was a hundred years ago, when it acted as 3

spur to colonial expansion. Just as the Herero of today must not be _taken
for the 'blacks with cattle' of former times, almost a century ofmtgrant
labour have split the Owambo into mbuti (the detribalised) and those ~~0
consider themselves authentic. Similarly, I 997's SWAPO PartyofNamtbta,
Which is raising questions about its own role, is no longer quite the s:nne ~
11 was in 1987 when it imposed the culture of silence, etc. Umversa
suffrage resulting from the fight against apartheid is part of the road toward
something that has not existed before. In short, post-apartheid does not
equate with pre-apartheid, and even less with pre-colonial. .

A much more adequate approach to the reality of post-aparthetd: to
the extent that it synthesises its many contradictory aspects in their ~yna::
can be found in the figure of the Aujhebung so dear to Hegel. Denved I' h
the Gennan verb aujheben, the concept has three meanings: a) 'to abo 15 '

351 ( ·ontt!mporary ,\\'amibia

put an end to something, deny'; b) 'to conserve', in a new global context;
and c) 'to raise to a higher level'. Aujhebung is implicit in the reinterpre-
tation by the South African economist, Francis Wilson, of an architectural
metaphor widely used to represent apartheid, yet unable to clarify what
comes next:

We have always considered the body of legislation on the racial
and ethnic sorting-out of the population, their assignation to
separate areas, unequal access to the State's services, repression,
etc .... as the pillars of apartheid. Now that all these laws are
revoked, one after another, that the pillars are falling, one would
naturally expect the entire edifice to crumble. And yet, one can
only note that it remains standing. Might it be that these were
not the pillars, but only the scaffolding, that were removed at
h . ?28 t e approprtate moment.

The same applies to prior African decolonisations. Our use of this
figure, taken from the Hegelian dialectic, does not imply taking on board
the metaphysical notion of the Weltgeist ('world spirit'), which would
carry with it the universal triumph of the idea of liberty in its final form.
Namibia and South Africa have scarcely begun to engage in the Aujhebung
of official racism, yet already, since May 1996, in post-colonial Angola,
we see the return of race as a mark of identification on identity cards (Le
Monde Diplomatique April 1997).

The main characteristic of post-apartheid Namibia and South Africa
can be found in the continuing presence of whites, until yesterday the colo-
nial overseers and/or the Herrenvolk, who today find themselves on equal
terms with the others inhabitants as citizens. In these two countries, the vital
forces at work are no longer divided, combat-ready, determined to inflict
maximum mutual damage in order to conquer or maintain power. They no"
accept one another as major players in the social arena with conflicting
interests, within a configuration of'national reconciliation'. Where formerly
there was a logic of military conflict and more or less endemic civil war.
there is now the expressly stated determination to achieve synergy in order
to guarantee, if not the well-being of all, at least increased well-being: de-
mocracy as both the basis and the goal of development. As for the questions
'What development?', 'Whose?', 'By whom?' and 'For whom?', it is our
hope that the long journey through Namibia's polis will have contributed
to a better understanding of the ins and outs of this debate.

Some will reproach me for what may appear at times to be excessive
pessimism. I can only counter this criticism with a reminder that the external

"Contribution to a conference in Paris on January 15, 1993; cited from memory (I D).

How to be a Namibian and a democrat: on the quest1on of the project of nationhood . 353

observer is in no way tempted to come to terms with any kind of internal
censorship; furthermore I consider with Gramsci that speculative pessimism,
which envisages the worst with cold detachment, is a kindred spirit to active
optimism: to act as if the very best was attainable. This is the price for the
principle of hope. Or in the words of the poet Hi:ilderlin:

But where there is danger,
there too lies the wellspring of that which redeems.

(Translated from the French version by Jacob Edward Lewin)

355

Conclusion

Olivier Graefe

POST-APARTHEID CHANGE AND CONTINUITY

All.~ntributors to this publication confinn that independence has brought
pohhcal, institutional and territorial change. They show just as clearly the
continuity in socio-economic development and the relations of production.
As Chris Tapscott emphasises in his chapter on social class fonnation, this
continuity includes inequalities. There are many indicators of continued
~tsparities in the education system (Gretschel and Harlech-Jones herein),
In the rural areas of the fonner 'homelands' (Werner herein) and in urban
development (Peyroux, and Graefe & Peyroux herein).
. While the processes of social differentiation began long before the colo-

ma~ period, they were moulded by the German and South African c~lonial
reg~mes and apartheid rule, becoming more marked in the 1970s wtth the
easmg and readjustments of the latter regime during the 1970s and 1980s.
The beginning of social differentiation among migrant labourers

was
accompanied by the impoverishment of rural people and the growing socio-
economic disparities between town and country dwellers, due to the seg-
regation policy of the first half of the 20th Century. The creation of middle
c.lasses during the neo-apartheid era of the 1980s through the extension ~f
nght.s !o landed property in the 'police zone', the expansion ~fthe ethniC
admmtstrations after 1978 (Tapscott herein), the support gtven to local
merchants, and the granting of freehold titles in the homelan~s of the ttme
not only reinforced inequalities between urban and rural soctety, but also
developed differentiation within the rural population itself.

A. . . d ·-~~~ . tmed at maintaining the economy and mmonty omm " .
adjustments under apartheid rule went beyond existing racial segregat~on
to include increasingly marked social stratification. The partial incorpo~ton

I Th . h d. amond-mining sector
. e opportunities for social mobility were greater m t e

and 10 ,trade around Walvis Bay thWl in agriculture.
In the MWlgetti area Wld in fonner HererolWld.

356 Contemporary Namibia

of the homelands into the market economy was accelerated by the privati-
sation of certain agricultural sectors, as well as by the penetration of foreign
companies into the local market. These developments reinforced the dis-
parities that had been created, and which are being perpetuated - if not
aggravated- by the new political, institutional and territorial framework.

With the growing number of civil servants (Melber herein) and the new
liberal economic policy (Dubresson & Graefe herein), aimed at reassuring
those at the helm of the economy and at attracting foreign investment, recent
economic development is leading to the reinforcement of the role of wage
labour in social mobility, and to greater differences between the top and the
bottom rungs of the social ladder. The expansion of the market economy
inside the former police zone, together with the commercialisation of water
supply in the cities, the falling away of state subsidies for commercial
agriculture (Werner herein), the termination of support to the NHE (Peyroux
herein), and the reduction of subsidies to municipalities in the form of low-
interest loans, are all forcing the relevant institutions to recover their costs.
These steps have rendered access to property ownership, housing and ser-
vices more difficult for those in the low-income bracket.

The growth of socio-economic inequalities is nonetheless mitigated by
the strengthening of the middle classes in the urban and rural areas. While
communal lands are informally reformed (Werner herein) by fencing off and
privatising portions of them, by those who already have the means, and while
this move is tolerated by Government, it also allows for greater access to land
ownership for the middle classes and the new emergent elite. However, this
practice of fencing off communal land has accelerated the impoverishment
of the majority of small communal farmers: by reducing the land reserves.
subsequent overstocking and the deterioration of natural resources, while
population growth remains strong (Seely herein). A glance at the trends
brought to light in the contributions of the authors mentioned above shows
that the greatest changes appear in the former homelands, where the majority
ofNamibians live.

The acceleration of socio-economic disparities goes hand in hand with
the deterioration of the social fabric in both rural and urban society: growing
domestic violence (LeBeau herein), alcoholism, high suicide rates (Diener
herein), the anger of former PLAN fighters finding it difficult to adjust
(KoBler & Melber herein) and the peasants threatened with removal from
town environs in the Oshana Region (Graefe & Peyroux herein). These social
tens1ons arenot necessarily expressed by way of mobilisation or political
demands ~omg beyond sectoral interests, but they raise the question of how
the people s expectations and needs are politically represented and question
the nature of the State itself. '

<.'lHldusion 357

RULE OF LAW AND CIVIL SOCIETY

In independent Namibia, the new State can be observed to be sho" ing a very
strong hegemonic tendency, which is only slightly counter-balanced by a civil
society and a developing opposition in the process of reorganisation. The
analysis of several authors demonstrates that, in its inability to affirm its
authority by claiming it has reduced social and economic inequalities. the
new central power structure is tempted to reinforce its innuence. not only
through monopolising the state apparatus (!\\.oilier & Melber herein), but also
by allying with the economic elite.

A de facto coalition can therefore be seen to exist between the 'new
bureaucratic bourgeoisie' (Tapscott herein) and the traditional capitalist class,
as in the example ofNamdeb being jointly owned by the State and mining
giant De Beers. But the elite which emerged from the liberation movement
has found limited room to manoeuvre: Namibia's import/export-oriented
economy is highly dependent on South African capital, and the Constitution
caters, inter alia, for protecting the interests of the white minority, and kept
former colonial government officials in their jobs. What is at stake for
democracy is the capacity of these two elites to free themselves: in SWAPO's
case, from a political culture of 'democratic centralism', and in the case of
the others, from the authoritarianism inherited from apartheid. .

The monopolisation of the state apparatus by a part of the bureaucratiC
elite is accompanied by an attempt to neutralise all the potential social actors:
from traditional authorities whose role in respect of land allocation has been
undermined and who hav~ been removed from urban management (Graefe
& p · · hich have eyroux herein), to the new Regional and Local AuthontleS w
been relegated the role of a mere vehicle of the Central Government for fear
of their representing some kind of counter-balancing force. At the sam~ ume,
the Central Government, as has happened in other African countries (Piermay
1993: 547), maintains the uncertainty that hedges in crucial reform~ su~~ as
thos ffi · . f w mun1c1paht1es.

e a ectmg communal land or the proclamation o ne . d th
In th' · · · fth new ehte an e IS way the Government ensures the part1c1pat1on o e .
m'ddi 1 b of 1ts power. 1 e classes with a view to consolidating the electora ase t's

F ' 1 Govemmen
or many authors herein, the expansion of the Centra turing of

c?ntrol and powers is occurring to the detriment of a new restr~ct'ons and
Clv'l · . . fi · ic assoc1a I 1 SOCiety. Indeed, by recruiting personaht1es rom CIV " to censure
orga · · · d threatenmg

.. ~1sat10ns from the pre-independence p:no ". a ed by the press,
~nt_lclsm coming from the rank and file of c1~11 soc~ety re~r~ committees
atlonal television and radio and by controlling nelghh? h former home-

as Well as those involved in' community development 111 t/ 0 of what used
lands, the Central Government is impeding the tr~nsfo~~:e prefem:d ~rm
to be acts of civil disobedience or a 'culture ofreslstan:ess of civil soe~ety,
for Hillebrecht herein) into 'citizen culture'. The we

358 Contemporary Namibia

which limits its capacity to watch over the Central Government, is even more
noticeable in the absence of a strong parliamentary opposition.

Now, if democracy is guaranteed by the rule of law through the sepa-
ration of powers, respect for individual liberties and the cultural diversity
(Hinz herein) so rich in Namibia (Hi IIebrecht and Du Pisani herein), it is
civil society that leads it forward by utilising and filling this legal framework:

Democracy is never reducible ... to procedures or even institu-
tions; it is the interplay of social and political forces that attempts
to transform the rule of law in a direction that corresponds to the
interests of the dominated, whereas legal and political formalism
use it in an opposite and oligarchic direction, creating barriers to
the social demands which threaten the authority of the leading
groups (Touraine 1994: 38).

Thus the force of democracy does not lie in its laws, in the ensemble of
democratic institutions or in majority rule, but rather in civil society and its
political culture, which exists in Namibia. The example of the written press,
of the association of the former SWAPO detainees (Lombard herein), as
well as representatives of women, workers, students and churches, to name
those cited by the authors, shows that civil society is successfully trans-
forming the rule of law in a positive direction, despite the authoritarian
spasms of the Central Government.

This analysis of civil society sheds light on one of the weaknesses of
Namibian democracy: the absence of political representation capable of
uniting a variety of demands, of provoking debate and of fulfilling the role
of a counter-balancing agent. The lack of democratic bodies acting as links
between the 'top' and the 'bottom' of the State and of the social hierarchy,
and which are capable of regulating social tension, represents a threat to the
development of democracy. This is particularly true in the framework of
growing economic disparities, strong social differentiation and dwindling
national resources.' Is there not a long-term risk of political forces emerging
and once again making use of the ethnic divisions of apartheid in order to
enforce their claims (Diener herein)? The question of how redistribution will
take place is also far from settled. While redistribution seems limited in the
current political and institutional framework at the same time it takes other
path~, in particular that of informal network~ based on kinship, geographic
ongm. or participation in the struggle against apartheid, allowing a certain
stabthty desptte the persistence of numerous disparities.

'Th .
e per capita GDP has remained the same or declined since independence, according

to experts(World Bank 1995: 3; CSO 1995: 1391
.

359

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Index

alfmnali\\C action. 77. 84. 85. 91. 116. 137. 200.228,253,256,282,316,341
Alh'"'""· II J. 123. Ll2. 152. 154, 180, 189,249

393

agnculturc. 21. 25. 27. 37. 40. 49. 68. 124, 199,262,264,285,308,309,319,338,355,
35h

apartheid. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27, 29. 30, 31, 33, 53, 68, 74, 84, 85, 91, 93, 95, Ill,
114. 124. Ll2. IJ.l. 142. 148, 159. 161, 162.170,174,177,179,182,185,186,187,
189.1'XI.I94.195.196.197.198,199,200,201,203,206,208,230,233,236,248,
249. 250. 252. 25.1. 256. 258,261,273,277.279,286,287,288,289.294,301,310,
.108. 3 II . .115 . .12.1. 327. 331. 332, 334, 335, 338, 340, 343,346, 348,349,350,351,
.152 . .155 . .157 . .158

Bantu. Ill. 112. I Ll. 114, 179. 197. 237, 238, 241, 242, 243, 248, 336
BantuSiwl. 11.1. 136 . .108
Bantustwusation. 2.1. 112. 113.285.308,350
Bushmen (or San). 192. 235. 238, 247

Caprivi. 37. 41, 45. 47. 67. 81. Ill. 192. 235,246,254
ch"cls. traditional. 22. 331
chieftaincy (or chiefdom). 236. 244, 344,345
clicntelism. 324. 341
colonial economy. 25. 63. 198 254
colonialism. 20. 21. 27. 29, 93, 175, 189, 194,206.220,223,224,225,228,229, "

258. 307. 342. 349 288 295 341 350
coloured. Ill. 189. 190. 195, 197, 235, 246, 248, 249, 250, " " '
Commissum. Odendaal. 113. 233, 235,271,308 221 252,254,255,260,262. communal areas. 28. 36, 37, 38, 45, 46, 49, 51, 53, 100, "

264.266.271.272.331,335,341,343
Constituent Assembly, 21. 23, 25, 75,275,310

58 159
l61, 170,209,307,310,321,

corruption, 26, 31, 107. 139, 140, 148, IS4,155, I " '
325. 328. 334. 335 64 165 166. 168. 169, 170,172. 174,

Council of Churches in Namibia. 28, 151, 163, I " '
175, 177. 178,179. 180,181,183,229 73 275 283,288,331

Council. Regional, 65. 83, 85, 86, 87, 20\\~ iss JIB. 321
criminality, 20, 80, 81. 82, 83, 171, 182.2 " '
Cuito Cuanavale, 24 241 249 238 241 242. 243, 244,245, ' '
Damara, 3 7 87 Ill, 192, 193, 227, 23S, 237" ' '

252, 25:i. 2s6, 258, 260 227 229, 287,330. 347. 350.
351

313 322.
decolonisation, 20, 21, 22, 29, 32. 224j:iJS j16, 163, 168.273, 274,

307
" '

democracy, 20, 26, 28, 29, 31, 79,
50

99"
35
7 358,

328, 329, 330, 332, 346. 347. 3 ' '

~ .. ··

394 Contemporary Namibia

Democratic Turnhalle Alliance, 24, 26, 28, 150, 152, 156, 173, 181, 253, 255, 263, 264,
265,275,277,310,334,341

detainees, 31, 173, 174, 175, 177, 178, 180, 183,320,358
Die Repub/ikein, 109, 152, 259
discrimination (on grounds other than race), 29, 76, 77, 116, 123, 190,200,289, 340,342
discrimination, racial, 29, 76, 77, 116, 123, 190,200, 289,340, 342
discrimination, sexual, 29, 76, 77, 116, 123, 190, 200,289, 340,342

economy, colonial, 25, 63, 198
economy, market, 33, 53, 63, 72, 289, 313, 343, 356
education, Bantu, 112, 113, 114, 179, 197
elections, 23, 26, 65, 78, 98, 102, 147, 149, 156, 163, 164, 165, 168, 173, 176, 205, 248,

273,279,286,304,316,320,324
Epango, 255, 335
Epupa, 4 7, 221, 338
ethnic administrations, 71, 72, 95, 118,310,334,355
ethnicity (and ethnicism), 33, 231, 232, 233, 250, 253, 256, 315, 340, 342
exiles, 199, 220, 229, 315, 318

Garofb, Moses, 87, 140, 179, 256
Geingob, Hage, 93. 100, 107, 120, 156, 181
Gobabis, 65, 69, 190, 274
Grootfontein, 65, 123,274
Gurirab, Theo-Ben, 140, 174, 175

Hamutenya, Hidipo, 160, 174
Herero. 21, 87, Ill, 190, 192, 194,214,221,222,227,235,238,239,241,243,244,245,

246,247,249,250,253,255,257,258,261,264,308,309,329,330,335,342,352
Hereroland, 341, 355
Himba (or Ovahimba), 338, 339
homeland, 22, 25, 65, 233, 248, 277, 307
human rights, 76, 77, 79, 93, 159, 161, 162, 163, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 175,

176,178,181,182,184,307,313,320,325,328

infonnal settlements, 283, 285, 286, 288
international (suppnrt or cooperation), 22, 31, 47, 54, 63, 68, 69, 79, 89, 104, 119, 142,

148,158,161,162,165,166,173,174,177,180,183,203,209,213,215,220,222,
275,293,303,308,310,325,330,335,337,339,350

Karasburg, 65, 274
KatimaMulilo, 51,65,69,81, 125,128

Katutura, 25, 33, 199,204,209,212,215,218,235,249,253,287,288,289,292,293,
294,295.301,304,307,308,330,332,345,348

Kavango, 37, 71, 72, 81, Ill, 192,235,239,264,319
Keulder, Christian. 255
Khoisan, 237, 239, 240, 241
Khomas, 124. 287, 296
Koevoet, 23
Kozonguizi, Fanuel, 140, 255, 256, 309, 333, 334
Kunene,41,44,47,48,221,338,339
Kutako, Hosea, 258, 309, 330

Lau, Brig1tte. 36, 37, 192.238,240,241,244,334
Leys. C, 26, 30. 134, 151, 163, 165, 166, 213, 250, 275, 320, 323, 334, 342
liberation movement, 148, 149, 158, 161, 182, 262, 308, 323, 357

Index 395

Local Authority (or Authorities), 65, 83, 84, 85,273,274, 277,278,279,280,281,282,
283,284,286,287,288,289,293,294,295,296,301,303,304,305,308,309,331

LUdentz, 61, 65

Ma!We, 254
MarientaL 41, 65. 70, 267, 274
market economy, 33, 53, 63, 72,289,313,343,356
Maxuilili, NathanieL 201
Mbako, Esau, 178, 259, 265
Mbanderu, 239, 245
media, 80. 123, 133. 135. 136. 139, 152, 154, 156, 159,160, 161, 174,178, 179,180,

181, 184,218,277,325
Melber, Henning, 31, 82, 93, 94, 95, 106, 107, 108, 114, 147, 149, !50, 152,321,356,

357
migrant labour (system or workers), 21, 22, 25, 32, 72, 88, 198,204,229,239,246,247,

252.288,292,295,307,308,318,346,352,355
military, 21, 23, 24, 25, 53, 158, 240, 241, 245, 246,247,260, 286, 309, 312, 314,315,

318.320,323,332.353
Mushimba, Aron, 322

Nakamhela, Ngeno, 169, 178, 180
Nama, 21, 87, Ill, 192.213,222,227,235,237,240,241,242,244,245,246,247,248,

252,253,260,261,330
Namibian Broadcasting Corporation (NBC), !52, 160,202,213,218,227,321
Namibian National Students' Organisation (NANSO), 28, 119, 133, 136, 139, 140
Namibian National Teachers' Organisation (NANTU), 136, 139, 140, 141

140 15
2, 154

Namibian. The, 26, 5o. 64. 10. 75, 103, 101. 108, 111, 128, 134, 135" :ri14 i18 222. "
155, 156, 157, 159, 161, 162, 165, 175,176, 182,206,208, 2:·;30·334·33i337,
257, 265, 280,282, 283, 295,300,316,318,319,321, 322,J " " "

33~344,34~3® IS41~181Wa
National Assembly, 65. 78, 85, 87, 88, 90, 106, 147, 149,150, " ' ' '

259, 264, 265, 267, 268, 273, 277 Jl4 JIB. 32J
national liberation, 21. 22, 148. 224, 259, 262, 275, J~

17
; l78, 179, lBO. 181. 183,

natwnal reconciliation, 27. 28, 32, 91, 9J, 142, 167, 1Jil Jl5. 311. JIB. 320. 340. 345
208, 224, 229, 254, 259, 265, 275, 277, J07, 312. "

nationalisation, 263, 313
nationalism, 132, 142, 222, 227, 228, 229, J 11 l2. 267. J03 250. 2S1
non-governmental organisation (NGO), 44, 2ll, 2

5
8. 159, 160. 178. 179, IBI. ·

Nujoma, Sam, 27, 133, 134, 135, 140, 148,156, I
258,324,330

Odendaal Commission, 113, 233, 235, 21'J~:
Ohangwena, 41, 45, 51, 69,217,279, J~,

342
Okahandja, 37, 65, 70, 128,221,246,27 "

Omaheke, 51
Ombalantu, 25, 72, 257, 333 79 1.40 307
Ombudsman (or Ombudsper><>n). ~lB. '122. Z74, 279, 307
Ondangwa, 45, 65, 69, 71, 81, Ill,
Ondonga, 257, 344

396 Contemporary Namibia

Ongwediva, 45, 51, 65, 73, 82, 125, 128,274,279,285,286,307
Oshakati, 33. 44, 47, 65, 71, 73. 74, 81, Ill. 128,212,273,274,279,280,281.282,283,

285,286,287,288,307
Oshana, 41, 45, 51.274,279,306,319.356
Oshikoto, 41, 45, 51, 306, 319, 336, 343
Otjiwarongo, 65, 69
Otjozondjupa, 51
Outjo, 65, 274
Ovahimba (or Himba), 221,245
Ovayimba, 244, 250
Owarnbo, 26, 44, 47, 73, Ill, 118, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196,206,233,235,238,243,

246,247,249,250,253,255,257.258,274,279,314,319,330,333.341,342,352
Owarnboland, 37, 41, 71, 72, 81, 146,217,235,239,273,274,287,306,336,342,349

Parliarnen~ 27, 28, 49, 52, 80, 83, 84, 87, 94, 97, 101, 103, 115, 135, 144, 147, 154, !58,
182,255,265,320,342

Pendleton, Wade, 185, 186, 189, 190, 192, 199,204,250,274,286,289,306,332,342
People's Liberation Army ofNarnibia (PLAN), !51, 172, 309, 318, 356
political culture, 31, 96, 147, 154, 179,357,358
press, 26, 31, 129, 140, !52, 160, 173, 175,205,218,256,321,322,325,335,337,338,

341,357, 358
privatisation, 64, 123

redistribution. 27, 53, 70. 75, 149, !50. 151,259,263,266,267,271,272,277,278,358
Regional Council. 65, 83, 85, 86, 87, 205, 273, 275, 283, 288, 331
Rehoboth, 65, 78. 85, 128, 174, 246, 254
Republikein, Die. 109, 152,259
Resolution 435. UN Security Council. 2 I, 22, 23, 24, 75, 78, 165, 1.79
returnees, I 68. 229. 286
Riruako, Kuaima, 87, 255
Rossing Uranium Ltd (mine), 51, 53. 65, 128,339
Ruacana, 338
Rukoro, Vekuii. 316
Rundu, 51, 65. 69. 71, 81, 82, 125, 128,282

San (or Bushmen), II I, 192, 213, 221, 237, 240, 242, 250, 258
settlements. informal, 283, 285, 286, 288
Shipanga, Andreas, 309
Simon, David, 30, 99, 100,277,279,289,292,310
social differentiation, 225, 307, 313, 314, 315, 355, 358
South Africa, 20. 21. 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 37, 50, 53, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 70, 71,

72. 73, 74, 75, 77, 78, 91, 94, 95, 109, II I. 113, 114, 120, 131, 132, 133, 138, 145,
147. 148, 149, 151, 156, 157, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 165, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176,
179. 181, 182. 183, 184, 189, 190,207.209,212,213,217,219.220,222,223,236,
237.244,246.249,257,258,261,275,279,283,286,288,292,295,308,309,310,
311,316,320.322,323, 325.329,33!,338,342,347,349,350,35!,352,355,357

South African Defence Force (SADF), 283, 320
South West Africa People's Organisation (SW APO), 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 3 I, 54, 71, 75,

81, 108, I 13, 133, 134, 140, 142, 148, 149, 150, 152, !54, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160,
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178,
179,180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 190, 199,213,220,248,250,253,254,255,256,257,
259,262,263,265,273,274,275,287,301,309,310,311,313,314,315,316,317,

Index 397

319,320.321.322. 323.324,325,330.334,339,34!,342,345,347,348,349,352,
357.358

South West African National Union (SW ANU), 140, 259, 309
Southern African Customs Union (SACU), 62, 66, 67
Southern African Development Community (SADC), 51, 66, 67, 70, 71, !55, !57, !58,

162.296.325
squatters. 304. 307. 308

State. 21. 29. 36. 39. 49. 52. 53. 54, 63, 64, 69. 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98,
106, 107. 108. 109. 114. 140. 142, 146, 147, !59, 160,221,253,255,256,263,268,
272. 293, 310, 308, 309, 311. 331, 332, 334, 342, 344, 346, 347,350, 352, 356, 357,

students. 44. 119. 120. 126. 128, 131, 132, 133,134,136,137, 139,140,141,143,144,
145, 146. 147, 229. 309, 318, 358

Swakopmund, 47. 65. 70, Ill. 274, 294, 330, 339

The Namibian, 26, 50, 64, 70, 75. 103, 107, !08, 117, 128, 134, !35, !36, 140, 152,154,
155,156,157,159,161.162,165,175,176, 182,206,208,209,2!3,214,218,222,
257, 265. 280. 282, 283. 295, 300, 3 I 6, 3 I 8, 3 I 9, 321, 322, 324, 330, 334, 336, 337,
339,344,347,349

The Windhoek Advertiser, 82, I 52, !58, 256, 296, 322
Tjingaete, Fanuel, I 40
Tjiriange, Ngarikutuke, 154, 155
Tjongarero, Daniel, 160, 348, 349
town (status of), 19, 28, 41. 65, 70, 73, 195, 213, 216,274,278,279,280,281,282,283,

285, 286, 287, 288, 287, 288, 292, 294, 295, 303, 304, 305, 307, 309, 330, 347, 355
town clerk, 28, 278

2
85

towns, 52. 53, 65, 70, 7 I, 72, 73, 74, 75, Ill, I 98, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279, '
306,307.330,331,339,345 90 295

township, 24, 25, 33, 212, 235, 249, 278, 280, 281,285, 286,287,288,289,2 ' '
300,301,306,307

trade unions, 88, 89, 90, 169,267,311,323,335
traditional chiefs, 22, 33 I
tribalism, 208, 233, 342, 344, 345, 35 I
Tsumeb, 28, 65, 70, 81, 128, 212,347
Tswana, Ill, 194,235

unemployment, 27, 75, !08, 124, 128, 169, 186,187,207,296. 318

65 Umted Democratic Front (UDF), I 75, 256, 316
1 104

112. 148. 152. 164. 1 "
United Nations (UN), 2 I, 22, 23, 24, 40, 72, 75, 76, 78,8 " '

I 68, 173, 175, I 79, 262, 275, 292, 300. 303, 321
Uukwanyarna (or Kwanyarna), 255, 251

214 3
39 355

73,90.111,241. ' "
Walvis Bay, 24, 28, 47, 61, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 1~ :US. 346.
Weiland, Heribert, 26, 30, 180, 273, 275, 277. 2?8.

3
258.274,289,312. ~ 14,16. 99.

whites, 25, 27, 96, 133, !79, !89, 209,235, 2~, ~ 6s,fiJ.lll. 71, ~ ~77110,112.
Windhoek, 25, 28, 33, 36, 37, 46, 47, Sl. 5\\2. "15;, 163,164, Jfl},;,. :zJi 257. 264.

Ill, 118,121,125,128,144, 146,151,~124l.246.24:-:J07.--·
186, 207, 212, 213, 215, 216,235, :· 29; t96,301.303·
265, 274, 279, 287, 288, 289, 292. " 343.

. 312, 316. 318, 321. 322. 325. 330;i3~296.JZ2
Wmdhoek Advertiser, The. 82, 152. I
Witbooi, Hendrik, 87, 185, 219,330