Development of Urban Settlements in
Independent Nam.ibia

Astrid Seckelmann
September 2001

NEPRU OCCASIONAL PAPER NO. 20

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THE NAMIBIAN ECONOMIC POLICY RESEARCH UNIT
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© Copyright 2001 by the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit.

NEPRU Research Report ISSN 1026-9223

First published in 2001 by the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit,
P.O. Box 40710, Ausspannplatz, Windhoek, Namibia

Contents

Contents

List of Tables and Figures

Acknowledgements

1 Introduction

2 Objectives of the Investigation

3 Methods

3 .1 The Research Procedure

3.2 The Selection ofthe Interviewees: Theoretical Sampling

3.3 The Investigation on National Level

3 .4 Interpretation of the Data

4 Urbanization and Intermediate Cities in Sub-Saharan-Africa: Features and

I

IV

v
1

2

4

4

8

9

10

Tendencies 11

4.1 Urbanization J.:;. 11

4.1 .1 Current Urbanization 12

4.1.2 Urbanization and Development 14

4.2 Intermediate Cities 15

4.3 Inner Structure of Southern African Cities 16

5 Namibia 20

5.1 The State of Research in Namibia 20

5.2 Historical Development of Namibian Cities 21

5.2.1 Fist Exploration by Missionaries and Traders (1793-1884) 21

5.2.2 Systematic Colonization by German civilians and German Military

(1884-1915) 22

5.2.3 Unbalanced Growth under the South African Mandatory (1915-1977) 24

5.2.4 Deregulation and Urbanization during the Period of Transition (1977-1990) 28

5.3 The Current System of Urban Centres in Namibia 29

5.3.1 Definitions and Responsibilities ofthe Namibian Local Authorities 29

5.3.2 Criticism of the Local Authorities Act 32

5.3.3 Local Politics 33

5.3.4 Population Distribution 34

5.4 Small and Intermediate Cities in Namibia 34

5.4.1 Physical Structure of Small and Intermediate Cities in Namibia 35

I

5 .4.2 Intermediate cities in the Perception of Supraregional Institutions and

·Companies
"

5.5 The Selection of the Case Studies

36

39

6 Kalkfeld

6.1 History

41

41

41 6.1.1 Foundation and Growth

6.1.2 On the Road to Decline

6.2 Situation and Development after Independence

6.2.1 Physical and Demographic Structure

6.2.2 Infrastructure

6.2.3 Economy

6.3 Perceptions

43

6.4 Factors and Tendencies of Development

7 Omaruru

45

45

47

49

51

54

58

58

58

60

7.1 History

7.1 .1 First Influences by Damara, Herero and few Europeans (until 1894)

7 .1.2 Expansion under the German Colonial Power (1984-1915)

7.1.3 Economic Changes and Population Development under south African Rule

(1915-1990) 61

7.2 Developments after Independence 62

7 .2.1 Spatial and Population Structure 62

7.2.2 Infrastructure 64

7.2.3 Economy 65

7.3 Perceptions 67

7.4 Factors and Tendencies of Development 69

8 Otjiwarongo 72

II

8.1 History 73

8.1 .1 Precolonial Settlement by Damara and Herero (1390-1904) 73

8.1.2 Foundation as Traffic Junction and Rural Service Centre (1904-1915) 73

8.1.3 Further Development as a Centre of Administration, Trade and Education

(1915-1990)

' 8.2Development after Independence

8.2.1 Settlement Structure

8.2.2 Infrastructure

74

76

76

78

8 ~2 .3 Economy

8.2\\4 Urba9 Planning and Politics

8.3 Perceptions

8.4 Factors and Tendencies of Development

9 Transformation Processes and Development Factors in Small and Intermediate

Centres of the Farming Zone in Independent Namibia

9.1 Inner Structure

9.2 Perceptions

9.3 M igration

9.4 Social Developments

9.5 Dependence and Autonomy

9.6 Economic Change

9.7 Local Politics and Administration

10 Potentialities and Problems of Small and Intermediate Urban Cities in the

Process of Urbanization

10.1 Unbalanced Frame Conditions

10.2 Attitudes and Behaviour of the Actors

10.3 Insufficient Development Objectives and Strategies

10.4 New Objectives: Economic Diversification, Expansion of Co-operation, Sectoral

Integration

11 Summary

12 References

12.1 Literature

12.2 Interviews

79

80

82

84

87

87

90

92

94
95

96

97

98

99

100

102

107

109

112

112

116

III

List of Tables

Table 1: Research procedure 5

Table2: Guidelines for the interviews with residents and decision-makers 6

Table 3: Tasks and responsibilities of the Namibian local authorities according to the Local

Authorities Act 30

Table 4: Jobs in the formal sector ofKalkfeld 50

Table 5: Kalkfeld in the eyes of residents and decision-makers 53

Table 6: Omaruru in the eyes of residents and decision-makers 68

Table 7: Population development ofOtjiwarongo 75

Table 8: Otjiwarongo in the eyes of residents and decision-makers 83

List of Figures

Figure 1: Model of the apartheid city according to Davies 1981 and apartheid model of

Namibian small and intermediate cities. 17

Figure 2: European settlements in south and central Namibia before 1894 22

Figure 3: Farming Zone and homelands according to the Odendaal-plan of 1964 26

Figure 4: Administrative hierarchy of settlements according to the Local Authorities Act

1992 and 1996 3 1

Figure 5: Location of the places investigated in central Namibia 40

Figure 6: Functional structure of Kalkfeld in 1997 46

Figure 7: Functional structure of Omaruru in 1997 63

Figure 8: Functional structure of Otjiwarongo in 1998 77

Figure 9: Orwetoveni 1997: Chronology of extensions 78

Figure 10: Apartheid and post-apartheid model ofNamibian small and intermediate urban

settlements 89

Figure 11: Rejection of responsibility by the actors 93

Figure 12: Vicious circle of segregation and development obstacles 102

IV

Ackn oyvledgements

The investigation presented Here is focussing on the people who live in the small and

intermediate urban settlements of the Namibian farming zone. Its realization would not have

been possible without the assistance of many of them, who did not only gave me useful

information and practical advice but treated me with cordiality and hospitality. My interview

partners often gave me a very personal insight into their current living conditions and their

biography. Since this cannot be taken for granted, I wish to thank all inhabitants of Kalkfeld,

Omaruru and Otjiwarongo and all representatives of the various institutions who spent time

with my questions for their assistance and openness. Furthermore, I am grateful for all the

help I received with practical and organisational problems. In this context I wish to mention in

particular the families Nambuli, Kurz and Jacobi, who offered me the opportunity to live in

their homes and, thus, to experience the daily life in the small and intermediate urban centres.

I am most grateful for the scientific supervision by Prof. Dr. E. Struck (University of

Wuerzburg, Germany) and Prof. Dr. F. Becker (University ofNamibia), who contributed a lot

to the interpretation of the empirical results and the theoretical discussion. For proof reading

of the English Version I thank Katharina Kober (who can, of course, not be held responsible

for the remaining shortcomings).

The investigation presented here was conducted as a doctoral thesis at the Department of

Geography at the Bavarian Julius-Maximilians-University of Wuerzburg and has therefore

been published in German. The English Version given in this paper does not contain the

whole thesis, but focuses on those aspects, which are of significance for the Namibian

institutions and for those persons who have expressed their interest in the research. Therefore,

it mainly contains the chapters on the empirical investigation in Namibia and does not render

the whole methodological and theoretical discussion.

v

1 Introduction
f

Namibia is a young nation: before it became independent just one decade ago in 1990 the

territory was under external administration for more than a century. After it had been

colonized by the Germans until World War I it was placed under the South African mandatory

and became subject to the apartheid system, which restricted the public and private life of

black people to the highest degree. Thus, the liberties and obligations of democracy are new to

the majority of the population and have changed its life fundamentally. The 1990s in Namibia

are characterised by social deregulation and economic liberalization, which have an impact on

all levels of the new nation from the parliament in Windhoek to the citizens on the omahangu

fields in the north of the country. The cities function as intersection between these various

spheres of living and working, and their development reflects the socio-economic

transformation of the country. Urban centres, however, are not only subject to the new

conditions but gain themselves more and more significance in the formation of the new

society and economy. The most important cause for this is the strong urbanization process,

which, starting at beginning of the abolishment of the apartheid laws in 1977, is still ongoing

today. Windhoek is the main destination for the migrants, but the regional centres in the north

of the country see a significant growth, too. This has only become possible due to the freedom

of movement, which was not granted to most inhabitants before it was guaranteed in the

constitution of 1990. Since then all Namibians have been able to move and settle according to

their own needs and, thus, react to external events such as economic changes or natural

disasters. This "freedom of movement" does not only mean a choice between rural and urban

areas but also the choice between different parts of a city, whose living areas of the ethnically

defined populations groups had been clearly segregated before. In consequence, a number of

changes in the settlement systems are a result of the socio-economic changes in Namibia such

as the shifting of functions between settlements, the establishment of new administration

centres, the discovery of the cities in the former homelands as a market for South African

mass products as well as changes in the innerurban structures with the tum to more

heterogeneity in the urban areas and, thus, more or less the transformation of the apartheid

structures.

2 ~Objectives of the Investigation
I

In the last 10 years small and intermediate cities in developing countries have gained in

significance in planning as well as in the scientific discussion. The rather pragmatic reason for

this is the fact that in the long term the growing problems of the capitals and bigger cities

cannot be solved in the metropolitan areas only. Thus, small and intermediate cities are of

interest mainly in their function as relief for the metropolises. This is true for Africa, as well.

Even though urbanization here set in later than in other parts of the world, it has since created

socio-economic problems to which so far no solutions are visible.

However, a profound analysis of the smaller urban areas is still problematic, since data on the

specific local features and information on the relation between settlements of different sizes

and functions are lacking: "The paucity of fact is demonstrated by the lack of Third World

based studies on how urban systems grow and develop, and the influence of social, economic

and political forces on this process. ( ... ) Government policies for small and intermediate urban

centres must be based on careful assessment of the local needs, local resources and local

potentials which are particular to each urban centre" (Hardoy & Satterthwaite 1986, 3).

Therefore the study presented here aims at analysing the development factors and processes,

which are of significance for the small and intermediate urban centres of the Namibia farming

zone. By pointing out trends in the transformation of these settlements after the political

change in southern Africa it will contribute to the research in urban development as well as to

the theoretical discourse on urbanization.

During the last decades in Namibia politics, planning and scientific research concerning urban

development have been focussing mainly on Windhoek as the capital, Walfish Bay as the

main harbour and Swakopmund as a centre of tourism, administration and education. A major

part of the national resources is accumulated in these cities (capital, industry, administration,

technical and social infrastructure) and a tenth of the population of Namibia lives in

Windhoek, a fact that can be accounted for by its high immigration figures . Unfortunately

migration figures exist only for the capital. There is neither quantitative nor qualitative data

on the migration from and to smaller cities, e.g., the significance of these centres for the

population living there- why, for instance, these people do not move to Windhoek- has so far

not been analysed. While Windhoek has been the main subject of research regarding the

innerurban social and spatial structures 1, during the second half of the 90s some studies have

1 Graefe & Peroux 1995, Frayne, 1992, Simon 1991, City of Windhoek 1996 a etc.

2

been cop.ducted in centres of the former homelands in the north of the country2. They are of

special interest 'nowadays since population and capital concentrate here increasingly. The

urban settlements in the farming zone, however, which are negatively affected by deregulation

and market liberalization, have been neglected since independence.

Small and intermediate cities - those settlements which form the medium level between rural

settlements and the national centres - are no homogeneous category in Namibia. Because of

the almost hundred years of spatial segregation of the various cultural complexes in Namibia,

settlement structures developed differently in different parts of the country. Solely in the cities

of the farming zone the population was already ethnically heterogeneous during colonial times

and under apartheid, which was the reason for the continuous efforts of the European settlers

to enforce segregation. These endeavours finally led to the creation of the typical social and

spatial Apartheid structures. Cities in this part of the country were subject to rigid planning

principles and were laid down according to a fixed pattern. Cities in the former homelands, on

the other hand, developed less systematically. In addition, the Apartheid system of

administration, which was based on many restriction, created an "artificial world", in which

the towns of the farming zone were favoured above those in the homelands. It was not before

independence that a real competition for resources developed between the Namibian cities and

only recently more and more planners and politicians and - even more important- investors

has begun to tum to the north of the country. Consequently, the small and intermediate cities

in the farming zone face serious changes.

One of the topics of this study is the transformation of the segregative urban structure, which

was once created with an immense expenditure. The research concerning "post-apartheid

cities" since the 1980s has focussed chiefly on the South African metropolitan areas3 and does

not allow conclusions for smaller places in Namibia. At the same time recent developments in

the urban centres concerned are analysed regarding the new conditions for political and

economic actions, and the local resources and bottlenecks. The study is focussing on those

processes of acting and decision-making which determine the development. In consequence, it

is based on an actor-orientated approach. The basis is the ascertainment of the perceptions of

inhabitants as well as of decision-makers (representatives of public and private institutions

which have an impact on the urban development).

2 Tvedten & Porn uti 1994, Devereux, Melaku-Tjirongo & Naeraa 1993 etc.
3 Dewar 1995, Napier 1994, Lemon 1991 b, Saff 1991, Bahr & JUrgens 1990 a, 1990 b and 1996

3

3 Methods
'

The study is 'based on the assumption that the transformation of urban settlements is not only

determined by the larger political and economic development, but is mainly influenced by the

decisions and actions of individual persons or interest groups. These actors are not mere

rational subjects following the legal and economic frame conditions, but decide on the basis

of their own values, their social and cultural milieu with all its unwritten rules and on the basis

of the actions of other people concerned, or, at least, on their interpretation of these actions.

Therefore, the interpretative paradigm forms the methodological background of the research,

which was accordingly conducted with methods of qualitative research.

The aim of qualitative social research is to develop a comprehension of "the process of the

constitution of reality" (Lamnek 1995, 25). Thus, it does not intend to explain, but to explore

and understand the actions and behaviour of people. Hypotheses are not defined in advance

but derived from the results of the investigation and related to each other to develop data-

based "grounded theories"4" Following this methodological approach the study presented here

was conducted according to the main principles of qualitative research procedure: openness,

flexibility and reflexivity. Openness and flexibility refer to the objectives and the particular

procedure of the research, the latter of which was continuously adjusted to the results

obtained. Reflexivity means the interrelation between the single results (statements, events

etc.) and the whole context, since one cannot be understood without the other. To illustrate the

use of qualitative methods in this study, the particular research procedure in the empirical

investigation shall be explained in the following.

3.1 The Research Procedure

The research was conducted in three phases (table 1): In the first stage, the main topic of the

investigation was defined (processes of socio-economic transformation in small and

intermediate urban settlements in the Namibian farming zone since independence) and the

towns for the empirical investigation were selected (three towns in central Namibia, for the

reasons of the selection see chapter 5.5). In the second stage the empirical investigation in the

selected urban settlements as well as in some national institutions was conducted. In the final

phase, the results were analysed and integrated into the superior questions of the research,

4 Glaser & Strauss 1980 and 1998, Glaser 1978

4

combinLng the empirical findings with the larger socio-economic development background of

Namibia and the iheoretical discourse on urban development.

First phase Definition of the topic of the investigation,

development of an investigation guideline,

choice of the towns for the empirical analysis.

Second phase Empirical investigation (including the development of the interview

guideline) in

- the three selected urban settlements (Kalkfeld, Omaruru,
Otjiwarongo),

- some national institutions.

Third phase Integration into the superior questions of the research,

combining the empirically gained . results with the broader SOClO-

economic development ofNamibia,

interrelating it with the theoretical discourse on urban development in

developing countries.

Tab. I : Research Procedure

The empirical investigation was based on the assumption that urban centres depend on various

development factors, of which the actors are the most important ones. Thus, the investigation

followed a three-perceptions-approach, in which the perspective of the inhabitants of the town

is compared with the one of the decision-makers and supplemented with an external view

(frame data and the perspective of the researcher). The methods used for the interviews with

inhabitants and decision-makers were guideline-based, non-standardized interviews, the

method for the external view was participant observation and the interpretation of statistical

data from public and private institutions.

Before the beginning of the survey two investigation guidelines were developed. The first one

aimed at determining the topic of the investigation more in particular. It was used as a

guideline for the whole second and third stage of the investigation (collection and

interpretation of data), but it was continuously modified according to the results gained in the

previous steps (following the principles of openness towards the objects of the investigation

and flexibility towards the procedure). The leading questions were:

>- Which advantages and disadvantages do the urban centres offer their inhabitants and all
decision-makers involved into their development?

>- Which socio-economic and spatial developments exist?

5

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n

> , Which factors and processes determine the development of the urban centres?
Thus, the fo~uses of the investigation can be summarized as follows:

" Development trends relating to

migration,

economy,

social integration and segregation;

" control mechanisms relating to

participation,

processes of deciding and acting;

" survival economies

of individuals,

of the whole town;

" interrelations between

the individual actors,

different levels of administration.

These questions served as guideline not only during the survey, but during the interpretation

of the data as well. They are not identical with the interview guideline (table 2), which was

developed on the basis of these focuses, but was also modified according to statements and

assessments of interviewees.

3.2 The Selection of Interviewees: Theoretical Sampling

The selection of interviewees was also consistently done according to the qualitative

methodology and followed the principles of "theoretical sampling", which means a

systematical selection of the participants according to the existing (and permanently

broadening) pre-knowledge: "Theoretical sampling is the process of data collection for

generating theory whereby the analyst jointly collects, codes and analyses his data and decides

what data to collect next and where to find them, in order to develop his theory as it emerges.

This process of data collection is controlled by the emerging theory. ( ... )The basic question in

theoretical sampling is( .. . ): what groups or subgroups does one tum to next in data collection?

And for what theoretical purpose?" (Glaser & Strauss 1980, 45f.) .

The participants were selected on the basis of a number of several topic-orientated factors .

The basic idea was to conduct interviews with representatives of the various social groups of

the towns to cover a broad range of interests, on the one hand, and to interview representatives

8

of the different public and private institutions as well as "key figures" who prove a

competence in certain topics, oh the other hand.

The relevant social groups could not be defined in advance but were determined on grounds of

statements of the local population. As a first step the field was approached according to the

spatial urban structure, which can be justified with the strong social segregation of (post-)

apartheid cities. From the interviews it could be derived which groups exist in the mind of the

local population and according to which factors they were differentiated. Further statements

and assessments of the interviewees led to the selection of others with this choice being based

on a combination of various factors: It could be members of certain social groups (chosen for

their "being typical") as well as persons explicitly standing out from the norm. The selection

of the interviewees of another group (representatives of the different public and private

institutions) was easier, since it became clear during · the process of investigation which

institutions have an influence on the local development and should therefore be included. The

third group of people, the "key figures" were people whose behaviour has a special

significance for the urban development (e.g. much initiative, prestige) or who have a special

function outside the public authorities (e.g. traditional leader, preacher).

3.3 The Investigation on National Level

Parallel to the above described procedure on the local level a second investigation was

conducted on the national level of private and public institutions which operate interregionally

and have potential to influence the development of intermediate cities. Again the perceptions

of their representatives regarding the small and intermediate urban centres was ascertained.

This meant focussing especially on their interest in investing or in conducting development

projects in the urban centres of various sizes and functions. In this context representatives of

four administration and planning institutions, two banks and four trading companies were

interviewed. While the representatives of administration and planning were interviewed in a

problem-centred manner according to the objectives, tasks and procedures of each institution,

the interviews with the representatives of the public sector were half-standardized. The

introductory questions were:

1. In which Namibian cities does your company have branches?

2. In which Namibian cities did your company have branches which have been closed? Why

were they closed?

3. In which Namibian cities do you plan to open further branches?

9

4. ~ According to which factors does your company decide on the location of new branches?

Based on tf1tt answers some aspects 1·could be deepened in the following open interview. This

was necessary, for example, if the answers didn't explain the location ofthe existing branches

sufficiently. An additional subject of the interviews was the co-operation between businesses

and public authorities.

3.4 Interpretation of the Data

The interpretation of qualitative data aims at pointing out main features of the case studies. On

the one hand, the individual statements have to be understood, on the other hand, the common

reality, which is formed in a mutual process between the individual and the society, has to be

reconstructed. According to the principle of hermeneutic interpretation the comprehension of

reality develops in a circular process. The knowledge of an entire situation (common reality)

evolves from the comprehension of the individual cases and the comprehension of the

individual cases is extended by the knowledge of the entire situation. There is no universally

valid procedure for the interpretation, but it is adjusted to the subjects and objectives of each

analysis. This is one of the strengths of qualitative research.

In this study the first stage was the interpretation of the individual interviews regarding their

contents (almost all of them have been recorded on tapes). A transcript was made of all

relevant parts of the interviews and the single statements were related to the topics of the

investigation guideline. Comparing the different statements common perceptions and

contradictions could be found out. Factual contradictions (which did not reflect personal

opinions) were clarified. The results of this first step of interpretation are presented in chapters

6 to 8.

In the next stage the findings of the topics were mutually connected to achieve a superior

context. This process of abstraction, which cannot be standardized5, leads to "grounded

theories"6 . On the one hand, these theories form a superior structure based on empirical data,

on the other hand, they are continuously subjected to modifications. They are characterized by

never being "ready" or complete7. They reflect a limited part of the ever-changing social

reality.

5 Wiegandt 1989
6 G laser/Strausss 1980 and 1998
7 Glaser 1978

10

In this study the context was constructed at different levels : For each of the selected towns, for

all towns togeth~r, and finally ~n relation to the information given by the national institutions.
Relations and dependences between the individuals, the socio-economic networks and the

spatial and administrative developments were thereby ascertained. The local situation was

integrated into the entire Namibian development and complemented by theoretical findings.

4 Urbanization and Intermediate Cities 1n Sub-Saharan-

Africa: Features and Tendencies

Although urban development in Africa is not homogenous, some common features exist in the

countries south of the Sahara as far as the development of intermediate cities, their role in the

settlement systems and their significance for economy and society in the countries is

concerned.

4. 1 Urbanization

The process of urbanization in southern Africa can be subdivided into stages which are related

to its political history. The fundamental order for the actual city system was laid in colonial

times. Unlike in western Africa there were no considerable cities on the territory of today ' s

Republic of South Africa and the neighbouring countries before the arrival of European

settlers8" The most important cities in the region emerged not before the end of the 19th

century. Johannesburg was founded in 1886, Harare in 1890, Windhoek in 1891. The

colonialization developed differently according to the local conditions and to the motherland

of the settlers, but still there are some common features in the settlement process which can be

described in accordance with Vance's model as optimizing of trade9. This led to the high

significance of a harbour city in each country (export of raw material, import of goods for the

settlers). Between the harbour and the point of origin of the raw material settlement axes

developed. Secondary centres did not develop before the military and administration grew

considerably. These early settlement structures still determine many countries today.

Examples are the bipolar developments in South Africa (Cape Town and Johannesburg) and

Kenya (Mombassa and Nairobi) where the separation of harbour and capital is dominant or in

~ An exception is Great Zimbabwe of which the origins can be traced back until the 6'h century. The buildings
, which still exist today have been constructed at the beginning of the 18'h century. The fortification probably
served as the core of an urban settlement (Davidson 1987).

11

co4.11tries with primate cities combining trade and administration, e.g. Tanzania (Dar es

Salaam), An~ola (Luanda)', Mozan1bique (Beita).

Originally urbanization meant the foundation of European cities which only in their further

development became home to Africans, too. With their interest in cities a new phase of

urbanization began which was of a different nature from the first stage. Migrants of rural areas

came to find work, above all - firstly in private homes, later in mines or manufactories.

Because of their work their centre of daily life shifted into the cities, yet they kept contact to

their families remaining in the villages. Thus, their identification with and their ties to the

urban areas were much less intensive than those of the European settlers.

Migration focussed more and more on the bigger centres, a development which was

influenced by political decisions and planning: Regarding public investment and economic

initiatives the established cities were favoured above smaller places concerning 10 " Growth of

economy and population growth mutually strengthened each other and hence formed the basis

for primate structures.

A third wave of urbanization followed in the countries of sub-Saharan Africa when

independence replaced colonization (which occurred in each country at a different time).

Independence in most cases meant the transition to democracy. Restrictions concerning the

freedom of movement of the citizens were abolished and an influx to the cities began. Usually

the largest rural-urban migration took place right before and after the beginning of

independence (Gaebe 1994), causing the problems of too dense populations and informal

settlements with a very low standard of living in the cities - problems which are still not

solved.

4.1.1 Current Urbanization

The growth of larger metropolitan areas has m average world-wide been lower since the

beginning of the 1980s than during the 60s and 70s 11 " In the countries south of the Sahara,

however, this is not visible since the focuses of urbanization shifted from Latin America and

the Middle East to Africa. Between 1980 and 1990 the annual urban growth rate in sub-

Saharan Africa was 5,9%, while it was 3% in South and Middle America (Gilbert 1993,

9 Vance 1970
10 Prestele 1989
11 Habitat 1996

12

722£) 12 " " An essential feature and problem of the African urbanization is additionally that it

does not go alo~g with considerable economic growth but is accompani'ed rather by a decline

of many economic indicators 13 "

Many factors can be named as cause for the continuing urbanization. The individual decisions

are based on the push-and-pull-factors such as overpopulation in the rural areas (in Namibia

the former homeland) with insufficient food supply, lack of technical and social infrastructure

and income opportunities as well as the hope for jobs, the modem lifestyle and better

infrastructure in urban areas. Schools, in particular, form a main attraction of cities. The

abolishment of the legal restrictions, which before independence prohibited migration,

triggered its sudden onset. Yet, the reasons for urbanization cannot be found in the individual

behaviour only. The advantaged development of urban areas was pushed by the urban bias

which means a favouring of cities towards rural areas concerning public and private

investments, the location of industry and administration etc 14 "

Rural-urban migration, however, does not solve the migrants problems and enlarges the

bottlenecks already existing in cities. Additionally new problems are created or removed from

the rural to the urban areas (unemployment, low health and education standards, lack of

shelter, crime). Most of the new urban inhabitants live in informal settlement with insufficient

dwellings, no or little technical infrastructure, a lack of access to clean water, no reliable

income and therefore no chance to take part in modem urban living. These problems are not

necessarily new in the life of the migrants but become visible in the city only now.

At the same time the concentration in the primate cities is not the only migration trend in

developing countries. In some cases polarization reversal can be observed: "the turning point

when spatial polarization trends in the national economy give way to a process of spatial

dispersion out of the core region into other regions of the system" (Richardson 1984, 67). This

leads to a higher significance of secondary centres (in contrast to counterurbanization which

is a real tum to rural areas). Since the first observance of polarization reversal planners tried to

push this development ahead since it promised a relief for the metropolises. However, this

measure has not yielded the desired results so far.

12 Habitat presents lower figures with annually 4,4% (Africa) and 2,86% (Latin America) for the period between
1975 and 2000 (Habitat 1996, 447), but still with much higher growth rates in Africa than in Latin America.

13 Gilbert 1993
14 Gaebe 1994

13

Th~ migration process has been analysed more in detail for South Africa where the model of

d(fferentia{ ztrbanization was developed. It describes the "simultaneous occurrence of more

than one migration pattern in the same area" (Geyer 1989, 276). Summarizing it can be

explained with wealthier people leaving the large cities (named as environmentalism) and

poorer people still immigrating to the primate centres (productionism) 15 " Although the model

describing the various stages of development, aims at reflecting the complex reality of

migration as far a possible, it is not of major importance in Namibia since the

countermovements to urbanization are quantitatively not of much significance. Besides this

the model was based on investigations conducted before the abolishment of Apartheid and has

little significance for the period of independence.

4.1.2 Urbanization and Development

Urbanization and socio-economic development of a country are related to each other. Usually

it is assumed that growing urbanization goes along with a positive economic development.

According to this assumption, which is based on the model of western nations, the countries

with the highest urbanization rate have the highest~ In this concept cities are regarded as

motors of development which determine the e.c.onomic, technological and political
"-----

transformation. The advantage of urban growth is the concentration of resources in a

comparatively little space thus multiplying their potential. The resulting economic effects can

stimulate social developments: improvement of the education and health system, decrease of

birth rates, development of a common value system which ~ontributes t<;> , the nation building

of the young African countries 16" Yet at the same time new problems are occuring in_the cities

with a high population density, the rise of unemployment and poverty, crime, lack of

infrastructure and the destruction of the traditional social value and security system. In Europe

these problems have arisen, too, but finally the positive features of urbanization have

outweighed the disadvantages. This, however, does not necessarily mean that African

countries will follow the same path. So far the problems which are generally related to

urbanization emerged in Africa, but an accompanying economic stimulation is only

remarkable in few places. While European cities always served as centres for the

accumulation of resources the African metropolises have from the beginning been points

where the natural resources of the countries were removed. The integration of the new nations

15 Geyer & Kontuly 1993
16 Stals et al. 1987

14

into the. global economy has not much changed their role: They continue to be providers of
" I

raw materials without receiving adequate inputs. There is no parallel development of

urbanization and economic development which is why urbanization in Africa might rather be

a problem than a solution. It does not enable progress but makes it necessary.

4.2 Intermediate Cities

Intermediate cities form a relative category for which there is no universally valid definition.

They need to be differentiated in the context of a national settlement system. The absurdity of

general quantitative definitions becomes evident if applied to Namibia: Aka (1991, 175), for

instance, defines intermediate cities in small countries with 100,000 to 250,000 inhabitants.

Accordingly only Windhoek would be a Nambian intermediate city, which is incompatible

with qualitative criteria given, e.g. by Habitat, which demands that intermediate cities must

not own primary central functions . In general it is accepted that there is a need for qualitative

criteria, but usually they are not unequivocally named. Some authors demand that

intermediate cities should have accumulated enough economic activities to give them a larger

significance for the national production and service sector17 " At the same time they have to

combine urban and rural character in the view of others18 " More precise is a definition of the

German "Gesellschaft fiir Technische Zusammenarbeit". According to their interpretation

intermediate cities have a regional significance determined by three functions: supply,

development and relief. Supply relates to markets, education and health institutions as well as

to superior institutions of trade, finance and administration. Development comprises

consultancy for agriculture and manufacture, accumulation and exchange of agricultural

products and consumer goods, industrial production, services directed towards businesses,

vocational training, and exchange of information. Relief is defined by the location of industry

and private services as well as national and parastatal institutions as alternative to the location

in bigger cities 19 " Yet even this definition cannot be used universally since it obviously refers

to countries with a dense population. No Namibian intermediate centre can fulfil all these

demands. In particular the development activities only exist in few places.

The present study does not create its own criteria for the definition, but it follows the

categories laid down in the Namibian Local Authorities Act. The urban centres defined in this

17 Blitze et al. 1988

18 Pourtier 1993

19 Drewski, Kunzmann & Platz 1989

15

act,as municipality II, town or village are summarized here as small and intermediate cities,

although they have very different standards in centrality and productivity.

4.3 Inner Structure of Southern African Cities

Since cities in sub-Saharan Africa were founded by the European settlers their structure has

been determined by the colonial settlement policy, the main feature of which was the spatial

segregation of the European and African population. The most obvious manifestation of this

was the creation of inner urban residential areas allocated to the different ethnic groups with

the white population having access to the major part of the city and the African and Asian

inhabitants crowded in much smaller quarters. At a later stage, in some countries such as

Zimbabwe, pure "dormitory suburbs" without any supply structure were established. The

most extreme form of racial segregation, however, took place under the South African

apartheid regime which was finally implemented in Namibia, too. The spatial separation of

the races was complemented by a package of laws restricting the freedom of movement and

economic activities of the non-white population.

The first townships outside the city for which a resettlement of African residents became

necessary were established in Cape Town, Durban and Johannesburg at the beginning of the

century. Some years later the occurrence of plague epidemics was used as a pretext to further

restrict the permission to stay outside these areas20 . 1913 the Native Urban Land Act

expropriated blacks of their real estates in urban areas, 1923 the Natives (Urban Areas) Act

underpinned the creation of separate residential areas for the African population and 1948

finally apartheid became the official political programme of the government. It imposed for

segregation of four races, arbitrarily defined by the government: blacks, coloureds, Asians and

whites. With the exception of the whites all races - above all the blacks - had to suffer

considerable restrictions in their personal freedom. Apartheid was exercised on three levels:

on the macro-level (the national level) homelands were established - territories in which the

black people had to stay as long as they were not working in another part of the country. On

the meso-level apartheid meant the segregation within the cities (described in the following)

and on the third level micro-apartheid provided for the separation in daily life (in public

space, public institutions). While Micro-Apartheid was not legally established in Namibia,

macro- and meso-apartheid were realized there as well as in South Africa.

20 Beavon 1981

16

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Th~ spatial structure of the apartheid-city as well as the legal basis, which made the

systematic 'r~alization possible, have been often described21 . Davies' model of the apartheid-

city (figure 1) illustrates the social element of segregation: While the major part of the urban

area could be used by the white population, the residential areas of the non-white population

were crowded, at the periphery of the city and separated from the white quarters and the city

center by a wide strip of undeveloped land, the buffer zone. Additionally the Asian and

coloured residents were settled between blacks and whites, thus serving as another buffer. The

black population was regarded as the labour reservoir of the urban areas and therefore settled

next to the industrial zones. Infrastructure was insufficient in the black townships and private

property of real estate was not allowed (the houses belonged to the local authority). Moreover,

the economic activities were restricted, e.g. trade was strictly controlled. Supermarkets and

department stores were not allowed to be located th.ere, and the floor space of stores in general

was limited to 1500 ft2 (later 3500 ft2). In this manner businesses in the city centres were

secured against competition22 " The black quarters had local authorities of their own, but these

had so little financial means that they could not do anything to improve the very low standard

of living. Consequently dissatisfaction rose in the population and found its expression in the

boycotts of rents and fees in the 1980s. The black residents did not only want to force

constructional and technical improvements in their areas but to achieve the abolishment of the

separate administrations and the establishment of democratic bodies23 "

The structure of cities described here was, of course, only established in such centres where

the population was ethnically heterogeneous. Urban centres in the homelands which were

allocated by government to specific ethnic groups were more homogenous. There was no need

to establish a differentiation here because the segregation had been conducted in advance. The

spatial structure of these cities depends until today rather on the respective social, cultural and

economic conditions. (An exception were places in the homelands which had a special

function for the whites, e.g. the military bases Oshakati and Opuwo in north Namibia.)

The social and spatial transformation of the apartheid-cities is a lengthy process which began

already in South African cities at the end of the 70s by circumventing the laws24 . Grey areas

evolved in former white residential areas into which non-white households moved with the

21 Davies 1981 , Bahr & Schroder- Pate ley 1982, Lemon 1991 a etc.
22 Turok 1994

23 Swilling, Cobbett & Hunter 1991

24 Bahr & JUrgens 1990 b

18

assistance of middlemen. The government tried to react to this bottom-up-development by

using a top-dm~~-strategy. It established some free residential and trade areas25 . The labour

and housing market, however, developed their own dynamic and even liberalizing laws could

not keep pace 'With it. As a result soon the emigration of white residents out of their former

quarters began. Thus, not all grey areas are still "grey". Yet the refusal to live in mixed

neighbourhoods was not the sole reason for the whites to move. An increase in poverty and a

decrease of the birth rates also influenced their behaviour6"

For the future development of the cities in southern Africa forecasts have been made since the

end of the 80s. For post-apartheid-cities the continuation of the described processes of

invasion and succession has been assumed27 , while at least Biihr and JUrgens regarded a

considerable movement of blacks to the wealthy white suburbs as unlikely. Parallels to the

American block development have been drawn, too, but in general America does not seem to

be a model for South Africa, since the conditions are too different: America has a much better

economy, a higher urbanization level and, above all, blacks are a minority in America but the

majority in South Africa. Thus, it is assumed that the large ghetto-building of the American

kind will not occur in southern Africa where rather small scale heterogeneous developments

are expected28 . Other scenarios foresee a less dynamic development and assume that only few

blacks will gain a profit from the political change, while the majority will have to fight

poverty and unemployment in future, too. A fundamental problem is that the apartheid

structure has been established with immense expenditures. It was an actively planned process

whereas the abolishment of the apartheid laws does not directly change the spatial structure.

The transformation is rather passive and not centrally organised. Planners often remain in

their office and may be tempted to continue with the planning on the basis of the existing

structure. The disadvantaged city quarters with their insufficient technical and social

infrastructure would then remain as they are now (Lemon 1991 b).

Alternatively compact and integrative urban models have been proposed. Open space could be

filled with housing for lower income groups and smaller units in general could become the

foundation for planning to break the monotony of South African residential urban areas?9 One

25 Cloete 1991 etc .

26 Btihr & JUrgens I 996
27 Btihr & JUrgens 1990 a, Lemon 1991 b
28 Saff 1991

29 Dewar 1995, Napier 1994, Lemon 1991 b

19

int~nded effect is to awaken at least the awareness of the social groups for each other: "They

would 1'help', ,if not to integrate city populations, at least to bring the separate worlds of the

apartheid city closer to one another's consciousness" (Lemon 1991 b, 212).

5 Namibia

5.1 The State of Research in Namibia

In Namibia urban research followed the same path as in the rest of Africa. It focussed in the

first place on the primate city before small and intermediate urban centres became a subject of

interest, too. In the 70s studies of geography or social sciences were conducted only

concerning Windhoek.30, but the interest in general was little and the studies had a mere

descriptive character. At the end of the 80s for the first time interest in the disintegration of

the apartheid structures arose31 . The works of the 90s deepen this topic and deal above all with

the changes caused by the amendment and abolishment of apartheid legislation. Main topics

are the continuous growth of the capital and the problems this entails, the living conditions in

Katutura, and finally the development, conditions and significance of informal settlements32 .

The squatter settlements as well as the lack of infrastructure show that the influx exceeded the

capacity of Windhoek to absorb migrants. Therefore the interest of researchers and planners

shifted to the rural areas of origin of the migrants and to those levels of the settlement

hierarchy in-between the small and intermediate urban centres.

First studies on the settlement system, however, are much older33 . They demonstrate that

during German as well as South African rule the colonial pattern determined the settlement

structure. Considerable new development trends did not occur before independence when the

focus of urbanization shifted to the north.

For a long period investigations of single towns and cities in Namibia were of a historic

nature. Yet, since the 1990s problem-orientated analyses have been conducted34 and first

investigations of cities in the former homelands have been published35 . They analyse critically

30 Bahr 1970, Pendleton 1974
31 Simon 1986& 1991
32 Frayne 1992,'Pendleton 1994, Windhoek Municipality 1995 b, Graefe & Peroux 1995, Seckelmann 1997

&1998
33 Schmidt 1922, Klapper 1967, Leser 1982, Bahr 1983, van der Merwe 1985, Weigend 1985
34 Philippi 1993, Devereux 1993
35 Hangula 1993, Kim 1993, Hangula & Tvedten 1994, Tvedten & Pomuti 1994, TRP Associates 1994

20

the socio-economic situation of the population as well as the means of the local authorities to

influence the1se · QOnditions. THey are complemented by political reflections on the intentions

and realities of the new Namibian government and its decentralization programme36 .

After independence the interest in the urban centres of the farming zone declined, since they

lost significance in relation to the cities in the former homelands in the north. The present

study aims at closing this gap with an analysis of their transformation and their role in the

Namibia urbanization process.

5.2 Historical Development of Namibian Cities

The development of the Namibian cities can be traced back to the activities of European

settlers which began approximately 200 years ago with the first economic use of the coast of

the territory. Permanent concentration of population, however, took place only about 100

years ago. Nevertheless, even the early settlement patterns of the 19th century have had as

fundamental an influence on the city system as those of the beginning of the 20th century. The

much older pre-colonial settlement did not have a considerable impact on urban development.

5.2.1 First exploration by Missionaries and Traders (1793-1884)

The first economic explorations at the Namibian coast took place under the Dutch and the

Britons. Since 1793 the Dutch used the Isle of Halifax, the Britons Walfish Bay, Spencer Bay

and Ltideritz Bay as bases for whaling. In 1844 they expanded their activities to the

exploitation of guano on some neighbouring islands, but no permanent settlement emerged as

the deposits were soon depleted (Schmidt 1922). Settlement rather took place in the inner

country with missionaries and traders advancing from the south. Especially mission posts

were of great significance, since they often formed the core of the succeeding development. In

the first stage of exploration they led to a settlement axis along the north-south-route from the

South African border to Windhoek (fig. 2)37 " Usually the missionaries constructed the first

buildings and established contact with the local population in the vicinity. Thus, they attracted

traders which hoped to do business with the Europeans as well as with the Africans. Although

there were few traders during this first stage of exploration they contributed significantly to

the creation of a second settlement axis in east-west-direction. Due to the connection of the

inner country!with the coast 1836/37 a row of small places developed along the routes, which

36 Weiland 1992, Simon 1996, Graefe 1997
37 The missions in Windhoek (founded in 1842) and Gobabis (founded in 1856), however, did not exist anymore

in 1884 (Schmidt 1922).

21

s

" Fransfontein'
18910

Waterberg
, , 18840

, , ,Omburo .
OmiJruru 0 1876
18670 ,··

'kombahe 0 , Ameib O'kahandja
1882 .... 01867 0 1870

tjiwmbingwe · Windhoek " Gobabis . ··
.184901842 " ·." . 1856 " "

Walfis Bay . ··
184 Rehoboth

· 1845 " ' Hoachanas ··
".."" ,, .1853

Grootfdnteln
(Sud)1878 o Gibeon

1862.

Berseba
1850.

Gochas
01889

Bethanien
LDderitzbucht1814 "
1883 Auso

Keetmanshoop
.1866

1883

European
Settlements
in South and

CentraiNamibia
before 1884

" First settlemtent axis:
South-north-route mainly
developed by missionaries

0 Second settlement axis:
Missionaries, Craftsment, Traders

(Data according to Schmtdt 1922)

Okm 400 km

A. Seckelmann

Fig 2: Historical development of European Settlements in South and Central Namibia before
1884.

led from Walfish Bay to the centre and the north of the country (figure 3): Walfish Bay 1845,

Otjimbingwe 1849, Omaruru 1867, Okahandja 1870 etc. (Schmidt 1922). At the same time

rural settlement began with some scattered British and South African (Afrikaner) farmers. The

time until 1884 can be regarded as a first settlement period38 which was mainly determined by

missionaries, in some cases additionally by traders and craftsmen. At the end of this period

Windhoek, Otjimbingwe and Omaruru were the largest centres of the territory.

5.2.2 Systematic Colonization by German Civilians and German Military (1884-1915)

From 1884 onwards, when German troops took over the rule, in the territory, the development

path changed. From now on settlement activities followed the location of military posts.

22

Often, though, military posts were established next to existing settlements, e.g. 1894 in

Li.ideritz, Warrn'bad, Gibeon, Keetmanshoop, Bethanien,!'Okahandja, Omaruru, Otjimbingwe

and Grootfontein-South (Schmidt 1922). In this manner, these places became multifunctional

as centres of church, trade and military. Probably this is the reason why they exist as more or

less significant towns and villages until today while other military posts could not attract

civilian population (e .g. Heusis, Nonidas, Tsaobis) . 1888 Otjimbingwe became the capital, but

already in 1891 it had to leave this function to Windhoek where a fortress had been built.

Equally important for the foundation and gro·wth of urban centres in Namibia was the decision

of the German government ("Deutsches Reich") to promote the colonization of the territory

systematically. A resolution to that effect was passed by the German Colonial congress

("Deutscher Kolonialkongref3") in 1902. The official German interest focussed in the

beginning on agriculture, namely on cattle breeding. An important measure to reach this target

was the creation of wells and dams. A further step after the end of the war with the Herero

was the resettlement of soldiers who wished to stay in the territory. Farms the size of 5,000

hectares were given to them under special conditions (Weigend 1985). The systematic

expansion of rural settlement is significant for the urban development in so far as the many

German farms in particular contributed to the growth of rural centres of supply and trade.

Some of them still exist today, others experienced a decline caused by the crisis of certain

agricultural sectors (e .g. Kalkfeld which depended on karakul-breeding).

In this early settlement period the abundance of raw materials had already a large impact on

settlement development. Little centres grew next to mines and developed according to the

richness ofthe deposit into more or less significant towns.

An important feature of this stage of German rule was the formal separation of the spaces of

living of the white and the non-white population. It was realized in urban areas with the

establishment of "native areas" ("Eingeborenenwerften") and on a larger scale in rural areas

with the division of the territory into two large parts: Southern and central Namibia was

declared as farming zone ("Farmzone"), in which only whites had the right to own land and to

stay permanently. Blacks were not allowed to live in the farming zone unless they had a job

there. The North of the country was "reserved" for the African population. Although this part
'

of the country offered better climatic conditions for agriculture, it was insufficient for the total

number of its inhabitants. Men in particular had to leave the region to be employed as contract

38 Schmidt 1922, Weigend 1985

23

workers in order to gam an additional (monetary) mcome m mmes or other European

enterprises. ,

1915, the year in which the Gem1ans handed over the territory to the South Africans, marks

the end of this period. While until then the significance of the settlements had depended on

their military and strategic function it now began to be based on their economic function. Of

what were the main centres in 1894 only Windhoek retained its importance in 1915 . Instead of

Otjimbingwe and Omaruru Swakopmund and Ltideritzbucht had a leading position. \\Vhile

Otjimbingwe lost more and more significance during the following decades, Omaruru could

remain an intermediate city because of its function as rural service centre.

5.2.3 Unbalanced growth under the South African Mandatory (1915-1977)

The third settlement period was determined by the policy of the South African Union, which

became the Namibian mandatary by the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. According to the League

of Nations a mandated territory was to be administrated with regard to the interests of the

local population. South Africa, however, transferred the apartheid system to the Namibian

territory and did not even retreat when the United Nations withdrew the mandate. At the heart

of the apartheid policy was the spatial and social segregation of the ethnically defined

population groups. So far the South Africans could continue and deepen the politics of the

German colonial power. The innerurban as well as the regional separation were not only

maintained but expanded. The foundation for this was laid by a number of laws which were

progressively widened and became more restrictive. As a result, Africans were tolerated in the

cities only as long as their labour was needed. Some of the most important laws in this context

are

" the "Native Administration Proclamation" (1922), which introduced the pass control to

Namibia,

" the "South West Africa Constitution Act" (1925), which enabled the adoption of South

African Law in the mandated territory,

" the "Prohibition of Credit to Natives Proclamation" ( 1927), which made it almost

impossible for blacks to start an independent business or build a house,

" and finally the "Native (Urban Areas) Proclamation" which comprised a number ofi rules

such as

the establishment of black urban locations,

the imposition of a curfew for blacks in white areas, ·

24

..the prohibition of acquisition and property of land in urban areas by blacks,

the prohibition for blacks to remain in urban areas for more than 72 hours (without

special permissions),

the removal to the rural areas of all blacks who were not needed in the local labour

market anymore or who remained otherwise illegally in a city.

The two last regulations formed the basis for the "influx control", which was meant to prevent

uncontrolled rural-urban migration.

As a result of this law the municipalities faced the problematic task of creating enough

dwellings for the black population living in the municipal territory. They copied the South

African concept of simple, small, identical houses. The resulting monotony was heightened by

the grid pattern of the street layout. The street layout and the entrance to the townships were

outlined according to military and strategic principals; so that in case of uprisings it was

possible to quickly block off single areas. Houses were rented to the inhabitants (not sold). In

view of the very low standard of living and the resulting many social problems the rent

boycott soon developed into one of the most popular forms of protest against the apartheid

reg1me.

Outside the urban areas the segregation of the population groups was pushed forward, too.

Based on the spatial division made by the Germans the Odendaal-plan was introduced in

1964. Following the South African model it was meant to create independent homelands. A

certain part of the territory was earmarked for each ethnic group and supposed to be handed

over to political autonomy. This last step was never realized in Namibia, but the separate

territories were established and the ethnic groups were forced to live there (figure 3). The

homelands were used exclusively for agriculture, but their capacity was often not sufficient to

provide for the entire population who lived there. The white settlement area, the farming zone,

comprised south and central Namibia where precipitation, but also population density, was

much lower. The farming zone was used for extensive livestock farming (with the exception

of the triangle between Tsumeb, Grootfontein and Otavi which is climatically favoured and

could be used for the cultivation of crops). Until today, commercial and export-oriented

livestock breeding is pursued only in the farming zone, since in other parts of the country

there is not sufficient veterinary control. Therefore the border between the farming zone and

the former homelands has remained a dividing line until today preventing the crossing of

livestock. In the homelands subsistence economy prevailed, and the land was usually not indi-

25