Faculty of Natural Resources and Spatial Sciences
Integrated Land Management Institute (ILMI)
Land, livelihoods and housing
Programme 2015-18
Working Paper
The Integrated Land Management Institute (ILMI) is a centre of the Faculty of Natural
Resources and Spatial Sciences (FNRSS) at the Namibia University of Science and
Technology (NUST), committed to developing reputable and multidisciplinary
research and public outreach activities in the fields of land administration, property,
architecture, and spatial planning.
The Land, Livelihoods and Housing Programme aims at deepening and expanding the
focus on these three key issues in Namibia. This thematic approach seeks to reflect
the wide-ranging skills exiting at the FNRSS, and was developed to guide ILMIs
activities during the 2014-18 period. The programme is organised in four aspects:
institutional, environmental, fiscal and spatial processes.
August 2018
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Working Paper No. 9
A short
socio-spatial history
of Namibia
Guillermo Delgado
Integrated Land Management Institute
Namibia University of Science and Technology
ABOUTTHISDOCUMENT
ThefollowingdocumentwasproducedaspartofmydoctoralresearchattheUniversityofCapeTown
(UCT), in SouthAfrica.The scopeof the thesis shiftedup to apoint inwhich itwasnt necessary to
includea trajectoryofNamibias socio-spatialdevelopment for the reader to engagewithmywork.
Thetermsocio-spatialistostressthespatialdimensionwithinsocialprocesses.Tohavesimplyleft
thetermspatialwouldhavemissedthepointofspatialproductionasasocialprocess.Inotherwords,
spaceperseisnotwhatisatstakehere,butratherthedialecticrelationshipofhowspaceisproduced
andatthesametimeittransformsthosewhoinhabitit.Therefore,whatIwouldliketoencompassis
notmerely townplanningschemes, houses,orpublicspaces,butalsospatialsocial relations,policy
documents, jurisdictions,andtoacertainextenttheproductionofnature.However,thisreviewmay
be useful for other researchers and interested parties to have an overview of the trajectory of
Namibiassocio-spatialdevelopment. Idlike to thankWernerHillebrecht,PhillipLühl,AnnaMuller,
NashilongweshipeMushaandja,andWolfgangWernerfortheircommentsonthisratherpreliminary
document.Athoroughhistoryofsocio-spatialdevelopmentinNamibiastillremainsanoutstanding
task.
Ihaveproducedallthevisualsunlessotherwisenoted.
ABOUTTHEAUTHOR
GuillermoDelgadocoordinatestheLand,livelihoodsandhousingprogrammeattheIntegratedLand
Management Institute, at the Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST).
gdelgado@nust.na
© 2018 ILMI Integrated Land Management Institute
ISBN 978-99916-55-71-0
ILMI is a research centre at the Faculty of Natural Resources and Spatial Sciences (FNRSS) at the
Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST).
Views expressed by the authors are not to be attributed to any of these institutions.
Please visit our website for details on ILMIs publications policy: http://ilmi.nust.na
DELGADO A short socio-spatial history of Namibia
ILMI Working Paper No. 10 Page 1
1.Introduction
ThispaperislargelybasedonareviewoftheliteraturewrittenonNamibiamainlyinthe1980sand
90s, as well as some contemporary literature. Particularly the pre-independence section relies
considerablyonaspatialreadingofWallaces AHistoryofNamibia,aswellasfromotherhistorical
sources.Whiledoingareviewofurbanresearch inSouthernAfrica in1990s,Swillingnoted that in
Namibiaduring theperiodof1983and1991,only21publicationswerededicatedon the topicand
most of it focused on Windhoek. He attributed this to the limited research base and expatriate
academics and the pre-independence government dominating the research field (1994:309). This
situationhassomewhatchanged,butI includeittoaccountforthekindofreferencesthatIveused.
Thispapertriestocapturekeyeventsforsocio-spatialproduction,andthereforeneglectseventsthat
may be of historical importance for Namibia as a nation. While the longest section of this paper
addressestherecentdevelopments,itisinfactonlytoalimitedextent.Onecanconsiderthispaperas
an index of themes. This paperwasnt conceived to put forward aparticular thesis. However, the
reader will find that an argument inductively emerges, one that suggest the development and
consolidationofinequalitythroughsocio-spatialproduction.
Thetimingofthereleaseofthispapermayalsobetimely,ascurrentlytheissueoflandisataheight
in views of the looming Second Land Conference, which was recently announced by the president
(RepublicofNamibia,2018)andthatissettotakeplaceinOctoberthisyear.Asthereaderwillfindin
thefollowingpages,theFirstLandConferencetookplaceinacontextwherelessthanonefourthofthe
populationwaslivinginurbanareas;today,morethanhalfofthepopulationlivesinurbanareas,and
current estimates expect this to increase up to a point in which the situation in 2050 becomes
preciselytheoppositeasthatin1990(UNDESA,2018).Atthispoint,Namibiawillhaveabout3million
people living in urban areas; and while this number may provide a quantitative reference, the
implications of Namibias urban future is arguably far from being understood. Furthermore, while
informal settlements around 1990 were few, today most of those living in urban areas live in an
informalsettlement1. Inotherwords, thesocio-spatialtransformationofNamibia in less thanthree
decadeshasbeenastonishing.
Figure1Namibiaviewfromspace.Source:GoogleEarth.
1 The numbers of inhabitants in informal settlements gathered through the self-enumeration efforts of the Shack Dwellers
Federation of Namibia (SDFN, 2009) represent 60% of the population in urban areas reported in the 2011 census (NSA,
2011).
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At the same time, this kind of rapid and profound transformation has taken place in many other
contexts, thequestionis in fact theway inwhich thisdevelopmenthas takenplace.Therefore,what
may be actually astonishing is that this transformation has taken in a deeply unequal manner.
Namibia, togetherwithSouthAfrica, tops the listof inequalitymeasuredbyGINIcoefficient (World
Bank,2017);thecountrysnationalgeographyandurbanareasare,inmanyways,botharesultandan
engine for this condition. Namibias socio-spatial developmentmaywell be a paradigmatic case of
unevengeographicaldevelopment(Harvey,2006);orperhaps,asothershavediagnosedinthecaseof
South Africa, both uneven and combined development (Bond, Desai, & Ngwane, 2011). However,
defendinganyof these thesesisbeyondthescopeof thispiece.Thispapersuffers fromastructural
omission that presents the gradualprocess of appropriation of spatial production for profit-driven
purposesasuncontested.This isnotso:thehistoryofresistance to theGermancolonial regime isa
maintheme inkeysources(Gewald,1999);Garveystmovements inthecoastaltownsemergedasa
waytoresistoppressionintermsofworkingconditionsandracialdiscrimination(Kotze,1990);and
workers, students andwomen struggleshave alsoplayeda role inmany respects (Katjavivi, 1988).
However, in the documentation Ive used for this paper, resistance is mentioned only scantly. To
highlight these struggles wouldve required archival work or expanding this bibliography to other
fields,whichwasbeyondthescopeoftheprocessfromwhichthispaperstems.
What this paper highlights is not only a progression of uneven development, but perhaps also a
number of opportunities. An common idea that was generally shared by the various international
speakersatlastyearsUrbanForum(NUST,2017),was thatNamibiacanstillharnessthedynamics
takingplaceinitsfavour.Africaisthecontinentwiththefastestgrowthinurbanareas,andonlyonein
threecountrieshavewhatcanbecalledanationalurbanstrategyorplan(Turok,2015);Namibiais
notyetoneof them.Theextensiveeffortsand thoroughplanning that theApartheidadministration
putintorestructuringNamibiasterritorythroughtheOdendaalCommissionhavenotbeenmatched
byacomprehensiveandunitarydocumentcounteringthisandcharteringtheway foranewspatial
reality for the country. Therefore, expanding and deepening on the present document remains an
importanttasktomakedecisionsgainingfromhistoricalexperience,andhopefullydeliberatelyaiming
at transforming the trends that have progressively turned Namibias production of space into an
engineofreproductionofinequality.
Figure2Amomentataninformalmarket.Photo:PhillipLühl
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Figure3TimelineofeventsinNamibia,keyeventsinSouthAfricaandinternationally.
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Urban
Rural
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2.Theearlysocio-spatialdynamics
Thesocio-spatialtransformationofNamibiaslandscapestartedwaybeforecolonialtimes.Oneofthe
first clarifications Wallace makes when introducing her history of Namibia is that [b]y the time
Namibia became a colony in formal terms, it had already been considerably transformed (Wallace
2011:1). Already in 1870, she describes the central and southern areas of Namibia as a complex
political environment, inwhich groups of people speakingOtjiherero, Khoekhoegowab, CapeDutch
and San languagesmaintained varied and intertwined relationships, andwhere claims to rights to
land,waterandgrazingsometimesflaredintoconflict(2011:46).Thefirstarchaeologicalevidenceof
human inhabitation in what is today known as Namibia dates from about 10,000 years ago
(2011:20). From then until the 18th and 19th Century, Namibia was inhabited by pastoralists and
traderspassing through routesnegotiatedwithmore sedentarypolities.Thedeclineof pastoralism
was determined not only by gradual land dispossession from colonising forces, but also due to
diseases; Kinahan writes how a rinderpest outbreak in 1897 led to the effective collapse of
pastoralisminNamibia(Kinahan,2011:40).Uptothispoint,groupsdidntseekcontroloverlandper
se, but over rights to access its resources: wells, pasture [&] ants nests and beehives (2011:47).
Furthermore,groups themselveswerenotaggregatedas thesolidgroups that thecolonialandthen
theapartheidadministrationgraduallyimposed.
Akeydynamicthatfacilitatedthetransitionbetweenprecolonialandcolonialtimeswastheexpanse
ofmissionaryactivities.Initially,themissionarieswereseenbylocalleadersasthreatstotheirpower,
but eventually greatly expanded(Wallace, 2011:62) after the1842arrival of theRhenishMission
Society(RMS).Missionaryactivitiesareimportanttohighlightfortheproto-modernistorderthatthey
startedtoestablish:
missionaries promoted a salvation that lay not only in faith, a rigid sexual morality and the
abandonmentofwhattheysawasheathenpractices,butalsointheadoptionofthefeaturesofan
idealised,orderly,Europeanpeasant society:Western clothes, literacy, squarehouses,aChristian
education,arigidassignmentofmaleandfemalerolesconfiningwomentothedomesticspace,and
theuseoftheplough(Wallace,2011:64,myemphasis)
This framework placed space within a package of idealised European virtuosity promoted by the
church.Theproductionofcolonialspacewasnotisolatedbutcamewithinabundleofothervirtues
andmodernisation.Religionisalsoherebroughttotheforeforitsprimaryroleintheintroductionof
thecolonial regimeandthe ideaof thestate.During theearlycolonial times, thestateandsettler
powerhascometobeunderstoodasfrequentlyfractured,partial,andlimitedbycircumstancesand
resources,ratherthananall-powerfulmachinery(Wallace,2011:5).Themissionarychurchwouldat
timesfillsomeofthesefracturesofthecolonialstate;andinsomecases,mediatebetweenitandits
congregation.
3.Thecolonialmoment
European colonial powers gained attention to Namibia with the increase in interest in natural
resources, as well as the own political-economic events taking place in Europe at that time. The
earliest Europeans to settle in Namibiawere the British in the early 1800s. Itwas also themwho
startedexploringcommercialopportunities,anditwasduetotheiractivitiesthattheGermansbecame
eventually interested in it (Frayne, 2000). Early trade between local groups and Europeans was
encouragedbyaboominguanoascommodityin1844;anditwasalsoaroundthistimethatthefirst
rightstominingweregrantedtotradersbylocalgroups(Wallace,2011:66).Thewatershedmoment
forNamibiaandAfricaintheircolonialhistorywasthe1884-5BerlinConference,wherethecontinent
wassubdividedandapportionedbetweenEuropeancolonialpowers.Althoughitisdocumentedthat
Bismarckhimselfwasntkeenontheideaofcolonisation,heeventuallychangedhisviewin1884,but
with the specific position that colonies should be administered by private German companies
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(2011:116).ThegradualprocessofGermancolonisationofNamibia tooksuchpathway itself:Adolf
Lüderitz,aGermantrader,boughtlargetractsoflandfromlocalinhabitantsin1883,paidforingoods
andweapons.AsWallacenotes,thelandpurchasesinthesouthgaveBismarckabasisonwhichto
begintheprocessofinstallingGermanauthorityinNamibia(2011:117).AsLüderitzfailedtomake
profits, he sold his land holdings to the newly-established German South West Africa Company
(DKGSWA, standing forDeutscheKolonialgesselschaft für Südwestafrika inGerman).The company is
documentedtohavehadrightstoprospectandminenotonlythoseareasownedbyLüderitz,butthe
entire territory;asituation thatmost likelyhadlittle legitimacy.Forstrategicreasons, theGermans
came upwith protection agreements that they signedwith local groups,whichwere then used to
hinderthedominanceofthemorepowerfulgroupssuchasthoseloyaltopowerfullocalleaderssuch
asSamuelMahareroandHendrikWitbooi.The landdispossessionduringGermancolonial rulewas
gradual,anddespitetheskewedpowersituationbetweenthecoloniserandthecolonised,manyofthe
documentedexpansionsoflandholdingswerepurchases.Someleaderswouldusethesaleoflandas
awaytosettledebts;evenifsuchlandwasnotundertheirjurisdiction.Crucialinthisprocesswasthe
controlthatGermansattainedoverthelandregistration,whichwasapowerfultoolthatallowedthem
togain influence inthepoliticsofsuccessioninlocalpolitiesbyconditioninglandsales(2011:150).
Land tenure was here employed to exercise significant power over political decisions and colonial
expansion.
Figure4DiagramoutliningthecolonialprojectasrepresentedbytheGermans.Althoughthisvisualexpressesthe
resourceextractioncolonies,thesettlercolonialprojectalsoimpliedaflowofpeople.Texttranslation:(top)
Germany,(bottom)Germancolonies,(textinbetween,lefttoright)Germancapitalinthecolonies,colonialproducts
tothemotherland,industrialproductstothecolonies,increasedcapitalflow.Source:Kunze(1938).
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Theearlystructuresofcolonisationfortheextractionofresourceswerefollowedbythesettingupof
livingspaceforsettlers.GermanyconsideredthatNamibiawas,fromalltheircolonies,theonethat
could provide the healthiest conditions to settlers and, due to the armed conflicts that erupted,
furthermoresawitasaterritoryboughtwiththebloodofGermansoldiers(Wallace2011:194).In
1891, the Settlement Syndicate for South West Africa (SWA), as Namibia was known then, was
foundedwiththepurposeofencouragingGermanstorelocate;KleinWindhoekwasidentifiedforthe
useofsettlementandasmall influxoccurred then(2011:127). Itwashoweveronlyuntil1896that
the conditions for colonial development were created (2011:131): German settlers arrived, and
there was support to develop transport and other infrastructure. In 1896 there were only 2,000
whites including the armed forces, but by 1903 the number had more than doubled (2011:149).
Already here can one find the first town plans developed for Windhoek (Frayne, 2000). The
developmentof infrastructurepresaged theconstructionofanewformofcapitalisteconomy,with
muchgreaterindustrialisationandincreasedaccesstotechnologicalresources(Wallace,2011:151).
AlsoitwasintheseearlystagesthattheRedLinewasestablished,whichwasinitiallyageographical
delimitationtocontrolcattleinthedrierSouthernareasfrombeingaffectedbythediseasesformthe
Northern areas. This line would eventually acquire other socio-political and economic dynamics,
creating a clear social divide that arguably continues until today (Miescher, 2012). Already in the
1890sasystemofpropertyrightsandacapitalist landmarkethadbeenestablished(Simon,1991),
whichingrainedaWesterncapitalistlogicintheDNAofspatialproductioninNamibia.Atthispoint,
the resource extraction paradigm had already transitioned into settler colonialism rapidly gaining
roots;andthefoundationsforacapitalistspatialproductionandpoliticaleconomyhadbeenlaid.
The1904-8warbetweentheGermancolonisersandtheHereroandNamagroupswascrucialforthe
socio-spatialdevelopmentofNamibia.The fragileecologybetweenthese twogroupsbroke in1904,
andconsolidatedasingleruleovertheterritoryandconfirmedtheideaoftheGermancolonialstate
(Wallace, 2011:147).Maps available at theNationalArchives reveal a varyingunderstandingof the
spatialdistributionofthevariouspolitiesatthattime,butinallitispossibletorecognisethediversity
amonggroups.However,theeffectofthewarwasthemostdramaticintheHereroandNama.Wallace
attributes the victory of the German colonial rule not only in its might, but also to the level of
penetrationofmerchantcapitalintoSWA(2011:148)whichputpressureonleaderstosettledebts
throughsaleofland.Thesignificanceofthewar,Wallacenotes,wasthatitwascrucialincreatingthe
structure of unequal, and racially determined, land ownership (2011:155) in Namibia. The racial
segregationoftownswasalsoenhancedbythesituationcreatedafterthewar,andtheemergenceof
concentrationcamps:
Insometowns,raciallybasedspatialsegregationwasbeginningtoemerge,basedontheadhoc
constructionof separateareas forAfricans, includingdetention camps,accommodation for those
servingthearmy,andinsomecasesanolderandoftencomplexformofsegregationthathadgrown
uparoundthemissionstations(2011:154)
Furthermore, at a largerscale, the ideaof reserves hadbeenalreadydiscussed in the early1900s,
mainly as a debate between missionaries and the German colonial rule on how to deal with
settlements. In theyearsafter thewar,anapartheid-likesystemwas imposedby thepassingof the
NativeOrdinance(EingeborenenverordnungeninGerman)of1907.Wallacearguesthattheaimwasto
transformtheAfricansintoalandlessproletariat,destroytheirpoliticalorganisationandculture,and
force themtowork inadisciplinedandorderlymanner forwhiteemployers(2011:184).Thiswas
achieved by controlling movement, penalising Africans breaking employment contracts, and
institutingvagrancylaws,amongothermeasures.
AkeymomentthatfurtherattractedpowerfuleconomicintereststoNamibiawasthe1908discovery
ofdiamondsnearLüderitz.Atthatmoment,asystemforcontract labour forbringingworkers from
thepopulousnorthernareasofthecountryintothelesspopulatedsouthernareaswasalreadytaking
placeatasmallscaleinthe1890s.However,thediamondindustryandtheflourishingcopperindustry
in Tsumeb intensified this and eventually turned the contract labour system into the forceful
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restructuring factor that itwas.At the turnof the century therewere asmanyas1,700 (Wallace,
2011:152)contractlabourersworkingonrailroads,farms,andformissionaries;by1911,therewere
estimatedtobe15,000morejobsthanworkerswithinthecolony(2011:187).However,thisboom
didnt reflect on improvements of living conditions for workers. Hishongwa documented the
precarious conditions in the labour compounds (1992), demonstrating that economic activity was
undertakenwithhighdisregard for the labour thatmade itpossible.Thepost-warperiod also saw
rapidgrowthintheblackandwhitepopulationofNamibiastowns,whichwasamatterofconcernto
authoritiesastheyviewedthenewurbanblackpopulationasposingthedangerofindisciplineand
potential unrest (Wallace, 2011:192). This was also a time when urban governance started to
include Africans; Wallace explains how new forms of authority began to develop among urban
Africans,especiallywhenthestatebegantoappointblackheadmeninthetowns(2011:192).Thiscan
beregardedasamomentwheresegregatedgovernancestructuresstartedtobeestablishedinthecity.
Wallace quotes Bley (1996) to note employers everyday struggle for distance (2011:196) to
describe the efforts of authorities to keepa segregated social ecology around the concentrationsof
people that theneweconomiesrequired.Thepaceof the influxof blacks intourbanareas that the
economicimperativesdemandedwasthereforemuchquickerthanwhatwastolerablefromthesocial
pointofviewofthoseincharge;andsegregationwasthesolution.
Figure5PhotographshowingGermancolonialbuildingsandapartmentbuildingsbuiltduringSouthAfrican
colonialruleinWindhoektoday.
4.SouthAfricancolonialrule
WiththedefeatofGermanyintheWWI,NamibiacametobeadministeredbySouthAfricaunderaUN
(thenLeagueofNations)mandate.ThemandateofSouthAfricaoverNamibiawasintendedtobeonly
temporaryinnature,butinpracticeitbecameaformofcolonisationthatresultedinastrengthening
oftheon-goingandsystematiclanddispossession.ThelandinNamibiawasofstrategicimportancefor
thelocalsituationinSouthAfrica,particularlywiththewhiteworkingclassdisaffectionvis-à-visthe
hardenedemploymentsituation:
SWAopeneduptheprospectofjobsandlandforthegrowingnumbersofimpoverishedwhitesin
SouthAfricaitself,wherelandlessness,disaffectionandthethreatofsocialunrestwererising,and
weretoculminate inthewhiteminersstrike(Randrevolution)of1922.Theauthorities inSWA
respondedwithamasslandsettlementprogrammeforpoorwhites(Wallace,2011:216-217)
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WallacequotesWellington(1967)toaffirmthattheNativequestionissynonymouswiththelabour
question(2011:218).Shethenrepurposesthisstatementtoarguethat[i]fthenativequestionwas
thelabourquestionitwasalso,intheAdministratorseyes,thelandquestion(Wallace,2011:218).
Landwas largely allocated to South African applicants, but also to some Germans; no applications
werereceivedfrom'Natives',whowereundertheimpressionthatthelandwouldberestoredtothem
after the WWI (Goldblatt, 1971:226). Goldblatt quotes a Union Government document saying that
"[t]hegreatestdifficultywasexperiencedinexplainingtothem[Natives]thatthis[restoringtheland]
was utterly impossible" (Goldblatt 1971:226). In 1920 a Native Labour Commissionwas set up to
investigate the labour situation, and it also laid the ground work guiding the South African
administrationtoimplementtheestablishmentofnativereserves.
The rural areasunderwentmajor restructuring, andurbanareas grewconsiderablyunder thenew
colonialdispensation;bothofthesedevelopmentstookplaceinastarklyunevenmanner.Morethan
mining,whichwas the largestcontributor to the economyofS.W.A.,Wallacenoteshow[t]hemost
important economic shift [during the South African administration] was the increasing success of
white-owned agriculture (2011:235), particularly in the karakul2 sector. The relevance of the
agriculturalsectorforemploymentremainshighuntiltoday,asitcontinuestobethelargestemployer
inthecountry(NSA,2015).Duringthe1940s-50s,thenumberofwhite-ownedfarmsexpandedanda
reportonsocialsecurity, theLardner-BurkeCommissionof1945-47, recommendedtoshifttheRed
Line further north to createmore land forwhite settlement. Between themid-1940s and themid-
1960s, the number of white-occupied farms increased by 80%, and the white population doubled
(Wallace, 2011:251). At the same time, by 1946, about one seventh of the population was already
livinginurbanareas.TheNatives(UrbanAreas)Proclamation,No.34of1924,institutedresidential
segregationbyoutlawingacquisitionoflandbyAfricansinwhiteareas,andviceversa.Theinfamous
SouthAfricanGroupAreasActwasnot instituted inNamibiapartlybecause the existing legislation
provided sufficiently for residential segregation, so that whites did not feel threatened (Pickard-
Cambridge,1988:22).Someoftheseincludetitledeedsrestrictionsandotherkindsofdiscrimination;
most fundamentally in public education and health facilities. The towns in the north were
purposefully-developedinstrumentsfortheSouthAfricancolonialprojecttoexpand.AsDubresson&
Graefe note, they were created out of nothing (2001:70) for policing, recruitment of contract
labourers,andadministrativepurposes;aswellasforthecreationofmarkets.Themilitaryoccupation
inthenorthalsogeneratedabizarreconsumereconomyofsupermarketsandbottlestores(Leys&
Saul, 1995:10). A possible unexpected outcome of the growth in urban population, at least for the
Administration,was thaturbanareasbecame a significantarenaof unrest,withorganisedgroups
setting up tax boycotts and other forms of protest as early as the 1920s (Wallace, 2011:225).
Unionism,particularlyinthecoastaltowns,alsoaddedtothesocialeffervescenceatthattime(Peltola,
1995).
Themomentwhere the implementationofsegregationistpracticesgained itsstrongesttractionwas
when theNationalParty inSouthAfrica rose topower in1948.WallacequotesNgavirue (1967) to
clarifythatinNamibiatheimplementationofapartheidwasneverthelessslowerandlesselaborate
[&]thaninSouthAfrica(2011:251).TheNatives(UrbanAreas)Proclamationof1951waspassedto
regulateAfricanmobility,andtogetherwithsubsequenttownplanningordinances,itestablishednew
means of enforcing spatial apartheid in the towns, using the title deeds of individual properties to
preventlandin whiteandColouredareasbeingsoldtoAfricans(2011:252).Duringthistime,the
implementation of apartheid entailed only a limited number of forced removals (2011:253),
particularlyinthe1950s,howeverothersarguethatdisplacementwasasignificantforcethatshaped
the waywe understand urban areas in Namibia today (Lühl, 2013). It nevertheless took one such
eventtotriggertheliberationstruggleinearnest.From1954to1959,theclosureoftheOldLocation
inWindhoekandrelocationofresidents toanewtownship inthenortheastofWindhoek,sparked
protests thatwere violently crushed by authorities, killing at least 11 of those who demonstrated.
Irrespectiveofsuchviolence,Firstnoteshowthisrelocationwasinacceptableforinhabitants:
2 Karakul is a sheep race original from Kazakhstan whose pelts are highly valued in international markets for luxury
clothing.
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"OffersofmoneyfordevelopmentarerejectedbecausetheAfricansfearthatthemoneyisconditional
ontheiracceptanceofapartheid.Africansrefusetomove fromthetin-canslumofWindhoektothe
newKatuturatownship;thenewhousingisbetter,butitisapartheidhousing"(1963:16).
Some note that these removals were a key determinant that intensified the liberation struggle in
Namibia(Melber,2016);withmanyoftheleadersgoinginexiletocoordinateeffortswiththehelpof
allieselsewhereinthecontinentandbeyond.
Figure6AhouseinKatutura,Windhoek,today;withextensions
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Figure7RemainsoflifeintheOldLocationintodaysHochlandPark.
5.OdendaalCommission
Althoughtheconditionsforseparatedevelopmentwerebeinggraduallyandconsistentlyestablished
sincetheGermanandlaterthroughSouthAfricanoccupation,ithaditssummitwiththeappointment
oftheOdendaalCommissionin1964.AmongtheproposalsoftheCommissionreport,knownas the
OdendaalPlan,wastocreateHomelandsthatwouldeventuallybecomepoliticallyindependent.The
extenttowhichtheOdendaalPlanwasimplementedisnotwelldocumented,butthatwhichisknown
revealssignificantconsequences;particularlywithregards tomovementofpeoplesouthof theRed
Line,whichwas alsoknownas thePoliceZone.Oneof thekey contradictions in thisplan,Wallace
notes,wasthattherewerenohomelandsforwhites;theentirePoliceZone,apartfromthereserves,
wasconsidered tobe the whitearea (2011:263).Key in thisplanwasthedivisionofthe territory
into geographical and administrative regions based on racial and ethnic criteria,which created a
situation inwhich tenblack regions received40percentof the total landareaof the country, and
[whatcanbeconsidered]theonewhiteregionreceived43percent(Frayne2000:54).Wallacenotes
that a full-on implementation of the plan wouldve required displacing a third of the African
population (2011:264). The Odendaal Plan relied on three pieces of proposed legislation: the
DevelopmentofSelf-GovernmentforNativeNationsinSouthWestAfricaAct(1968),whichentaileda
degreeofself-governmentfortheHomelandsintermsofeducation,water,andrevenue-raising,and
which created positions for representatives from seven traditional authorities throughout the
territory; the SouthWestAfricaConstitutionAct (1968),which governed the white areas;and the
Mines,WorksandMineralsRegulationsof1968,whichlaidoutemploymenttermsbasedonrace.In
thisway,Namibiawasre-organisedintothreeunevenlydevelopedgeographicalunitswiththeblacks
occupyingthepoorerandgenerallylessproductiveareasofthecountry;thewhites,thericherareas;
and the [white,SouthAfrican]governmentcontrolling therichest,mineralzones (Frayne,2000).A
conditionthatstructuredthecountryinawaythatstillhascurrencytoday.
During its administration, the South African government performed a welfare state role with a
consistentbiastowardswhites.Wallacenoteshow,particularlyduringtheeconomiccrisisof1929,
[w]hite farmersandworkersreceivedstatehelp; in thecapital,anexampleof thiswashowAvis
Dam [in Windhoek] was built by white workers as a relief project (2011:227). Apart from the
segregationist consequences, the Odendaal Plan also triggered increased government spending
(2011:266). This had significant impact in the urbanisation of the territory: investment in
infrastructure, supply of water and electricity (e.g. Kunene hydroelectric scheme in Ruacana,
construction of dams and canals, drilling of boreholes); roads, air transport, postal and telephone
communications,radio,agriculturalimprovementinthereserves, industrialdevelopment;aswellas
increaseineducation,health,old-agepensions,andwelfareforAfricans(Wallace,2011:267)evenif
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suchinvestmentwasalwaystolagfarbehindtheamountsspentonwhites(2011:267).Irrespective
oftheracialandunevenimplicationsofthisplan,Wallacenotesthatitalsoaimedatincreasingstate
control(2011:266).
Figure8(Left)Odendaalplan:1.Damaraland,2.Kaokoland,3.Ovambo,4.Kavango,5.EastCaprivi,
6.Bushmanland,7.EastHereroland1,8.WestHereroland,9.EastHereroland2,10.EastHereroland3,
11.Rehoboth,12.Namaland.(Right)Today:1.//Karas,2.Hardap,3.Khomas,4.Erongo,5.Otjozondjupa,
6.Omaheke,7.Kunene,8.Omusati,9.Oshana,10.Oshikoto,11.Ohangwena,12.KavangoWest,
13.KavangoEast,14.Zambezi.
6.Towardsindependence
WhiletheeconomyofSWAwasbooming,thesocialcontract,albeitdistortedandlackinglegitimacy,
wasdeteriorating.Thiswas furthermore enhancedby the increasing internationalpressure against
theSouthAfricanoccupationofNamibia. In the1940sand50s, theeconomyofNamibia increased
phenomenally (Wallace, 2011:257) due to expansion of mining, fishing, andmanufacturing; all of
which was supported by the system of contract labour system. Around the time of independence,
Namibiawasin the leadinggroupinSub-SaharanAfrica in termsofeconomicdevelopment;witha
percapitaGDPofUS$1,610in1992,NamibiawasjustbehindGabon,Botswana,MauritiusandSouth
Africa (Diener & Graefe, 2001a:25). However, despite such economic boom, the general living
conditions were not improving and levels of discontent among workers were high (Wallace,
2011:258);thefrequentstrikeswereevidenceofthis(Dempers,2010).Thekeyeventwasthe1971
generalstrike,whichgaveaconsiderableblowtotheAdministrationandeconomyofSWA,andledto
themassdeportationofworkersto thenorth,and theshutdownofmostminesand large industrial
enterprises (Wallace, 2011:273) but also became a definingmoment for the labourmovement in
Namibia(Jauch,2018).Alreadyinthe1970s,Namibiasinequalitywasextreme(Wallace2011:301);
Wallaceexplainshowinthemid-1970sthetop10percentofthepopulationreceived52.8percentof
the total income,while the bottom40per centhad tomakedowith5.9per cent (2011:301). She
furthermore notes how, in1978, official unemployment stood at about 25%while in reality itwas
closer to 50% if those under-employed in the subsistence agriculture sector are included
(2011:301). These conditions of unemploymentwould also slowly reflect in the situation in urban
areas,whicheventuallystartedtoseeinformalsettlementsgrowwithinandbeyondtheirboundaries.
In1966theUNGeneralAssemblyendedSouthAfricasmandateoverSWA;whichwasapprovedby
theSecurityCouncil in1969initsResolution264.In1977anAdministrator-Generalwasappointed
and charged with preparing the territory for independence (Pickard-Cambridge, 1988:23). This
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Administratorendedmanyaspectsregulating themovementofAfricans inthe territory, abolishing
passes,permitstostayinresidentialareasandtheforcedremovalofunemployedAfricansfromthe
towns(Wallace,2011:287).Atthispoint,anexodus fromrural tourbanareasstarted,creating the
firstconditionsofinformalsettlements.Inrecognitionofthis,andtopromotehomeownershipamong
blackpopulations,theNamibiaBuildingInvestmentCorporation(NBIC)wascreated.Uptothispoint,
therewasnogeneralhousingpolicy,ashomeownershipinurbanareaswasreservedforwhites.NBIC
attempted to create low-cost solutions for blacks in urban areas, and while the institutions was
competent, it faced resistance from local authorities who didnt want low income housing
developments in theirconstituency(NBIC,1990),aswellas frombeneficiaries,whoperceived their
productsasinferiorandexpensive.In1978,theUNSecurityCounciltookResolution435,whichwas
agreedbySouthAfricaandwhichpavedthewayforNamibiasindependence.TheUnitedNationswas
taskedwithsupervisingthetransitiontoindependence.Theliberationmovementwholedthestruggle
towardsindependence,theSouthWestAfricaPoliticalOrganisation(SWAPO)wouldeventuallyagree
on principles which determined that the constitution of independent Namibia would be a liberal
democracy an indication that it was less committed to socialism than many of its statements
suggested(Wallace2011:292).Thiswouldeventuallyreflectinthesocio-spatialpoliciesthatwould
be implemented after independence, which were less redistributive and communal in nature, and
more anchored in the paradigm of individual private property and preserving privileges. In 1988,
negotiations for independence started, which culminated with Namibia attaining independence in
1990.
7.Namibiasfirstdecades
liberationstruggleisarevolutionthat[&]
doesnotfinishatthemomentwhenthenationalflagisraised
andthenationalanthemplayed
(Cabral,1966)
At the moment of independence, some observe that the whole Namibian socio-spatial system
functioned like anoutpost (the fifthprovince) of SouthAfrican capitalism (DubressonandGraefe
2001:53).Oneofthekeychangeswasthegeographicalreorganisationoftheterritoryintoregionsthat
had a socioeconomic logic, moving away from the racial logic of the past (Tötemeyer, 1992). The
restructuring of local government was also a significant step in the reconfiguration of urban
governance, as most functions were hitherto concentrated in central government (Simon, 1996).
Decentralisationpolicywasonlyestablishedin1997;andtheachievementsofsucheffortsareaftera
decade are still not conclusive (Republic of Namibia, 2008). Another key event was the Land
Conferencethatwasconvenedin1991toaddresstherurallandquestionand,toaverylimitedextent,
matterspertainingtourbanland.Thismomentseemedtoexemplifythelimitedtransformationthat
independence brought in the socio-spatial realm; something that has been discussed by various
writersindifferentfields(Jauch,Edwards,&Cupido,2009;Melber,2003,2007).Thedocumentation
oftheeventrevealsamoremoderateandtechnocraticapproachtothelandquestion(NEPRU,1992).
At this junction, thehistorical landdispossessionwasnot challenged, andamarket-basedpolicyof
willing buyer, willing seller was instituted. The limitations of this first Land Conference can be
exemplifiedbytheorganisationofaPeoplesLandConferencewhichtookplaceonlytwoyearslater,
in which both the original shortcomings of the 1991 conference and the lack of progress were
highlightedfromabottom-upperspective(NGO-WCLR,1994).Today,thelandreformprogrammeis
largelyconsideredafailure;andwhileconsiderableresourceshavebeenallocatedtoit,theoutcome
has not only been a limited amount of land redistribution (Werner, 2015). However, a key factor
tarnishing the land reform programme is that the redistribution is often redistributed to already
wealthymembersofthenewpoliticalandeconomiceliteofthecountry(Sibeene,2011;TheNamibian,
2016,2018),whichcanbeconsideredaformofelitelandgrabbing(Odendaal,2011).
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Also,justafterindependence,aNationalHousingSeminarwasconvenedbythethenMinisterofLocal
Government and Housing. Already then, frictions between inhabitants, local authorities, and NBIC
wererevealed(Andima,1992).Thismaybeattributedtocollectionofpaymentsbutalsotothesocial
alienationbetween inhabitantsandthekindofhousingprovidedandtheprocessesand institutions
thatproducedthem.Regardingthislatterpoint,andobservingthekindofhousingproducedbyNBIC,
Muller argues that [h]ouse typeswere designed for the socio-economic needs of a nuclear family
livinganeuro-americanlifestyle(Muller1993:213).Thistookplacedespitetherealityontheground,
wheretherewasnotanuclearorelementaryfamilyforwhichmodernhousesareusuallydesigned
(Muller 1993:226). At that time, the need for a housing policy to guide efforts of the various
stakeholderswashighlighted.Already in1992,someobservedthat [a]ccess toadequatehousing is
perhaps one of the most controversial and emotional urban issues in Windhoek today (Frayne,
1992:126). Reading through reports on both landand housing events, one can note the hopes that
afterindependencethattheinequitiesandinefficienciesofthepastwouldbeovercome.Thepatience
thatthesecontroversialandemotionalissuesawakenmayhavebeenquelledinthesefirstdecades
throughthesehopes.
Figure9CommercialfarmlandincentralNamibia
TheLandConferenceandhousingworkshopswerefollowedbythedevelopmentofnationalpolicies
thatwereintendedtoguidesocio-spatialdevelopmentinthecountry.TheNationalLandPolicythat
wasdeveloped in1998 isconsiderablybiased towards freeholdtitle.Withrespectstourbanland,it
states that such tenure form is the only form of secure, registerable title available in urban areas
whichaffordstheholderownershipthatistransferable, inheritableandprovidescollateralagainsta
loan(RepublicofNamibia,1998:7).Whiledisregardingotherformsofsecuretenureaswellasthose
thatcanbetransferableorinheritable,thisenhancestheovertfocusonprivatepropertyintroduced
bythecolonialGermanregimeahundredyearsback.Thepolicyisattimesprogressivebyprescribing
that informal housing structures should be upgraded rather than removed (Republic of Namibia,
1998:9),providingforcommunityparticipationinlanddevelopment,andprovidingforexpropriation
forunder-utilisedorabandonedurbanland.
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On the housing front, a National Housing Policy was developed by a committee led by NBIC and
approvedbyCabinetin1991(RepublicofNamibia1996).Thepolicyembodiedaneoliberalspiritthat
proposed theroleofgovernmentas a facilitatorrather thanadirectproviderandadministratorof
housing(RepublicofNamibia1990:17).Withoutreferringtoit,thepolicywasinlinewiththetenets
thatweresynthesisedintheWorldBankreportHousing:EnablingMarketstoGrow(1993)andthe
First United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat I). It substantiated this approach
based on the intention to avoid developing a syndrome of paternalism or dependence on state
assistance; it also made clear that the primary responsibility for providing family housing rests
clearlywiththeheadofeachhousehold(RepublicofNamibia1990:17).Although it recognisedthe
informalsectorand thegrassrootsinthehousingprocess itentailed, itwasconsiderablyconcerned
with the impact that housing had on the economy andmade clear that the Namibian government
wouldfavourhomeownershipasthemainobjectiveofsupportinghousing.Itdid,however,aimtoput
housingasamatterofnationalimportance.Atthattime,NBICchangedleadershipanditadoptedthe
nameNationalHousingEnterprise(NHE);thehousingpolicyreferstoNHEastheexecutingagentof
thecentralgovernment (RepublicofNamibia1990:38)withregards tostate-supportedhousing.At
thispoint, localauthorities(LAs)weretaskedmainlywiththeprovisionofservicedland,whilelow-
incomehouseholdswerebasicallyrelegatedtothetaskofsavingmoneytowardshousing.
Thepolicywasreviewedin2009,buttheunderlyingapproachdidntchange;ifanyitwasmademore
explicit: Housing: An Agent for Namibias Economic Growth, reads the introductory section of
Chapter 5 (Republic of Namibia, 2009).At the same time, itwas recognised that about70% of the
populationwasunabletoaccessacommercialhomeloan(RepublicofNamibia2009:4);afigurethat
today stands at about 92%, if one considers recent figures from theNamibia Labour Force Survey
(Chiripanhura,2018).Thisisarguablyamorechallengingsituationthanthatwhichwasdiagnosedin
the first housing policy, where 60% of the urban population couldnt afford to pay ANYTHING
towardshousing(RepublicofNamibia1990:2,capitalsintheoriginal).Thesamedocumentestimated
thatabout4,7%oftheGrossNationalProductwasspentonhousingin1988,whichwasinlinewith
the recommendations of multi-lateral organisations at that time (i.e. 5%) (1990:5). Furthermore,
privateinvestmentinhousingwasmainlyfocusedonWindhoek;a1994estimatecalculatedthatabout
70% of investments in housing at that time had happened in the capital,mainly due to the lack of
servicedlandelsewhere(Namoya-JacobsandHokans1994:7).Therevisedhousingpolicydidmakea
significant departure from previous documents by recognising the Shack Dwellers Federation of
Namibia(SDFN),whichhademergedinthelate1980s,andtheNamibiaHousingActionGroup(NHAG)
amongtheroleplayersinthehousingstrategy,aswellastheinclusionofpeopleshousingprocesses
amongthemethodsofdelivery.
During the 1990s, there were also several housing interventions supported by foreign donors in
Namibia.Inthenorth,theOshakatiHumanSettlementsProgramme(OHSIP)aimedatimprovingliving
conditions throughparticipatoryprocesses thatwere thought to instil democracy at the local level.
The projectwas supported by theDanish andalthough it had some success, the project developed
frictions with the local authority due to perception of competing authority created by the self-
organisedgroups formedby theproject (MRLGH&Ibis,1996)andtodaya lotof the infrastructure
that was produced is in ruins. In Windhoek, the Germans supported a comprehensive housing
programmeknownasOshatotwa,whichhaddifferentsub-componentstargetingdifferentgradients
of the lower income groups (SUM-McNamara Consultants, 1993). The project was implemented
through NHE with two partner consultants, one local and one from Germany. The programme
developed several housing units, but it also faced some difficulties in managing social situations
emergingduringallocationandwithrepaymentsforthehouses.TheFrenchalsosupportedahousing
interventioninWindhoek,aswellasresearchonthethen-newphenomenonofinformalsettlements
(Peyroux&Graefe,1995).HopeswerealsothatNamibiawoulddevelopcooperatives,particularlyto
tackle the housing question. While foreign specialists came to explore this possibility (Namoya &
Hokans, 1994), the concept had only limited success; mostly outside the realm of housing. These
interventions eventually ceased, and a review of their success in terms of the built environment
producedaswellasthesocialimpactisoutstanding.
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Figure10InfrastructurebuiltthroughOHSIPinOshakati:asillustratedinreport(MRLGH&Ibis,1996)(left),and
today(right).
The growth and consolidation of the SDFN membership and activities and the emergence of the
government-led Build Together programme can be considered some of themajor changes in post-
independencesocio-spatialproduction.Thisisnotonlyrelatedtoaccesstoland,butalsointermsof
enumerations, exchanges, and partnership building (SDFN & NHAG 2014:2). The Community Land
InformationProgramme(CLIP)wasthefirstnation-wideenumerationeffortofinformalsettlements
in Namibia and, according to Mabakeng (2015), also from all the country affiliates of the Shack
Dwellers International (SDI) 3, an international coalition of groups of inhabitants of informal
settlements.While thisprocess ison-going,currentlySDFNandNHAGhavesignedMoUswith local
governmentandalsowithuniversitiestoexpandtheiractivitiesthroughwiderco-production(ILMI,
2017). In recent years, planning studios have challenged top-down planning, where [p]ower is
placed in the hands of the local authority which side-lines community inputs (SDFN & NHAG
2014:26).
3 These member countries include Bolivia, Botswana, Brazil, Burkina Faso, Ghana, India, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi,
Namibia, Nepal, Nigeria, Philippines, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda,
Zambia, and Zimbabwe (SDI, 2015).
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Figure 11 Tsumeb. Meeting with inhabitants of informal settlements, the municipality, NHAG, SDFN members,
NUSTlecturersandstudents.Photograph:MartinNamupala.
On theotherhand,theBuildTogetherprogrammewasdevelopedaroundthe timeof independence
withsupportfromtheUnitedNationsDevelopmentProgramme(UNDP).Theprogrammeisakindof
state-led micro-finance system supporting home building and improvements. Theoretically, the
programmehasninecomponents:leasingaplotof land,addingservicestoaplotof land,supportto
savingsgroups,collectiveobtainingofapartly-servicedplotoflandthroughCommunityLandTrusts,
acquisitionofaplotofland,obtainingaservicedplotof land,buildingmaterials,acquirecompleted
houses, and building of collective facilities (Ministry of Urban and Rural Development, 2007).
However, only loans for a few of these objectives have been made available to beneficiaries. The
programmewas administered by central government, butwas later decentralised to LAs in2007.
This, however, has been observed to yield many irregularities due to the limited administrative
capacities inLAsat thetimeofdecentralisation(Simion,2007).Throughmyworkinotherprojects,
some stakeholders have mentioned that the programme was decentralised without provision for
flankingsupportforLAstodealwiththisadditionalbundleofadministrativetasks.However,perhaps
a more systemic shortcoming, is the threshold for eligibility and the need to demonstrate some
capacity of repayment.While the programme aims to benefit those earning amonthly salary up to
N$3,000,alreadyinthe1990s,areportbytheUrbanTrustofNamibia(UTN,n.d.)quotedinPeyroux
observedthattheprogrammewasnotreachingthelowest-incomeresidents,mainlybenefitingthose
with formal employment (Peyroux 2001:197). However, it is this programme, sometimes in
combinationwiththeeffortsofSDFN/NHAG,thathasthewidestreachstilltoday.
NamibiaparticipatedintheHabitatIIconferencein1996andthereportthattheMinistrypreparedfor
thatoccasionisaportraitofthestateofthecountrysurbanandhousingdevelopmentinthe1990s
(RepublicofNamibia,1996).Subsequently,Habitatmeetingswereconvenedwherelocalgovernment,
professionals,grassrootsorganisationsandgovernmentwouldcometodiscusstheirprogressintheir
practice.Whilemost of those who have participated have spoken tome highly of thesemeetings,
eventually they stopped taking place. In 2004, the Habitat Research and Development Centre was
establishedtopromoteincreasedexplorationonhabitat-relatedmatters;however,someobservethat
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ILMI Working Paper No. 10 Page 18
theaimtomainstreamsustainabilityinthebuiltenvironmenthasnotbeenrealised(Sweeney-Bindels
2011:27).With support from UN-Habitat and efforts of local and foreign planners, a plan towards
Namibiasurbanisationstrategywasdrafted(Ottolenghi&Watson,2011);however,itisalsounclear
what the impact of this document was, as currently no concrete steps are being taken to draft an
official nationalurbanpolicyorplan.Mattersof urbanisationdonot onlydealwithurban landand
housing,butalsoofinfrastructure;Namibiasmainroadsarepartofaseriesofnetworks:theTrans-
Caprivi Highway, connecting with Botswana, Angola, Zambia and Zimbabwe; and Trans-Kalahari
Highway,whichconnectsNamibiathroughBotswanatoSouthAfrica.However,fromthedams,mines,
and large real estate developments, the recent construction of the Husab uraniummine project in
ErongostandsasthesinglelargestinvestmentinNamibia(IJGResearch,2013).Itsimpactisnotonly
ineconomicterms,butalsointherestructuringthatsuchlarge-scaledevelopmentshaveintermsof
labour and, consequently, in terms of living environments. Information and communications
technologies deserve also a considerablemention, as today it can be said that every inhabitant of
Namibiahassomeformofcellularphonesubscription(CTO,n.d.).Andalthoughstillonly13%ofthe
populationisidentifiedasinternetuser,thecurrentministerhasmadehispersonalgoalfortomake
Namibia fully covered with internet access (MICT, 2017). In this respect, documents such as the
NationalDevelopmentPlansortheRegionalLandUsePlansbeingcurrentlyundertakenspeakmore
broadlytoawiderdefinitionofurbanisationbeyondthelimitsoftheboundariesofproclaimedurban
areas.
Therearearguablymorecontinuitiesthanbreakswiththepastinthewaythatspatialproductionin
Namibia unfolds since independence. One of the key colonial legacies of Namibia is an economy of
extractivenature,onethatessentiallyproduceswhatitdoesnotuseandconsumeswhatitdoesnot
produce(Rogerson,1990:31).AnothermorepracticalmatterisnotedbyWallace,whoobservesthat
[t]the newgovernment took over the existing civil service, addingposts for its ownpeople rather
than dismissing those already employed, something that helped to create Namibias current
disproportionatelylargebureaucracy(2011:309-310).Inthe2016/17nationalbudget,about30%of
nationalexpenditurewasusedtocovergovernmentspersonnelcosts,whichraisedconcernsamong
economicanalysts(Brown,2017).Legislationhasnotfundamentallychanged,andalthoughitisnow
widelyrecognised,eveninmainstreamfora,thatafreemarketlogicdoesnotleadtogoodcities4,the
lackofgovernment funds iscurrentlypushingsocio-spatialdevelopmentto therealmof theprivate
sector. Even after recently passed public-private partnership (PPP) legislation5 outlines clearly the
specificcasesinwhichsuchpartnershipsarerecommended(i.e.thosewheretheresadeficitbetween
supply and effective demand), the PPP phrase is currently a buzzword when discussing public
projects,particularlyintherealmoflandandhousingdelivery.Thechangesoutlinedinthissection,
appearmoreasreactivethanasconsciousstrategiesforfuturesocio-spatialdevelopment.
4 An example of this can be when the former executive director of UN-Habitat stated that the market doesnt produce
good cities (UN-Habitat, 2014)
5 Public Private Partnership Act 4 of 2017
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ILMI Working Paper No. 10 Page 19
Figure12Windhoek.Informalsettlementsintheforegroundandthecitycentreinthebackground.
Segregation continues tobe a significant legacy fromapartheid times.At the timeof independence,
WindhoeksvaluationrollrevealedthathousesintheupmarketandformerlywhiteareasofErosor
OlympiawereworththreetimesthatthoseinKatutura(Asiama1993:15).Intheearly1980s,about
36% of the houses inWindhoekwere owned by the state (Pickard-Cambridge 1988:24), which is
somethingthatsuggestsathepotentialopportunitythatpublicinstitutionshadineasingorenhancing
urbansegregationattheseearlystages;however,mostofthesehousesweresoldandarenowtraded
in the private market. Residential differentiation had clear racial connotations; a multidisciplinary
team in the 1980s observed that: [t]ypes of houses vary from a high standard (especially among
whitesandotherhigh-incomeearners),toaverage(especiallyamongtheColouredsandBasters),to
uniform mass schemes (especially among the Black people) (Stals 1987:16). Around the time of
independence,desegregationinWindhoek,intermsofblacksmovingintoareasreservedforwhites,
was scantly described as slight but noticeable (Pickard-Cambridge 1988:1). This preserved
inequality is documented not only in terms of figures, but alsodescribed through lived experience.
Some describe Windhoek as having a First World character and at the same time note that the
developmenttakingplacedoesnotyettakeintoaccounttheneedsofthemajorityofinhabitantsof
thelargerurbancomplex(Stals1987:26-27).Othersobservethatthecircumstancesatindependence
createdsomemomentsofspontaneousde-segregationwhich,throughstate-supportedprogrammes,
real estate dynamics, and legislation, was followed by an organized re-segregation [&] on a larger
scale than before (Peyroux 2001:205). As itwasmentionedat the beginning, Namibia, alongwith
SouthAfrica, tops the list in the inequality indexmeasured through theGINI coefficient andas this
briefhistoryhaslaidout,thisconditionhasbeenanon-goingandlong-standingprocessinthemaking;
andonethathasverymuchbeenunfoldinginandthroughthesocio-spatialmilieu.
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8.Recentdevelopments
Namibia canbe said tobe inanurban landandhousing crisis.On theonehand, propertyprices in
Namibiahave increaseddramatically; just between2012and2016, housingpriceshavemore than
doubled (FNB Namibia, 2016). Considering that such price increases have not been met with a
concomitantgrowthinemploymentorwages,thealarmsofapossible housingbubblewereraised,
which attracted multi-national organisations to assess the matter in question (IMF, 2015). This
confirmedthathousepriceswere overvalued (IMF,2016),andpartlydue toarecentgovernment
slowdown in spending, the sharp rise in house prices has eased. Partly to address the housing
dilemma, former President Hifikepunye Pohamba, just in his final years of mandate in 2013,
announced the Mass Housing Development Programme (MHDP). In scale, it was conceived as the
single largest development intervention in independent Namibia, aiming to build 180,000 housing
unitsby2030atanestimatedcostofN$45bn(RepublicofNamibia,2013).Toputthisinperspective,
thiswouldverequiredbuildingabout14,000housingunitsperyear,whilethestate-ownedhousing
parastatal (NHE),whowas implementing theproject, developedanhistorical averageof about400
units every year (NHE, 2014). The envisioned amount was also far beyond any budgeted projects
nationallyatthetimethattheprojectwasannounced.Whiletheprojectencompassedvariouskindof
housing-related interventions, including support for peoples hosing processes, only credit-linked
houses were developed in the first phase. However, after a number of difficulties, the project was
suspendedin2013.Twoyearslater,thereviewoftheprojectwascommissionedtoNUST,aprojectin
whichIhavetakenpartandthatcontinuestobeunderdiscussion.
Figure13PhotoofanuninhabitedhousedevelopedthroughtheMHDPinWalvisBay
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Despitetheseefforts,housingremainsunattainableformost,andit isinthiscontextthatin2014,a
numberofSWAPOYouthLeaguememberssymbolicallyoccupiedaplotoflandinthewealthyareaof
KleineKuppeinWindhoek.Thisunprecedentedmove,alongwiththethreatofurbanlandinvasions
nationwide, placed the young leaders in a politically powerful position. The President invited the
youngactivistsforadialogue,anditwasshortlyaftersuchmeetingin2015thattheMassUrbanLand
Servicing Programme was announced. This programme aims to service 200,000 plots of land
nationwide, and a steering and technical committee were appointed including the young activists.
However, they subsequently pulled out of these committees, and the most recent development
regarding this programme is not clear. The movement, which became known as Affirmative
Repositioning, continues to rally for similar matters in the socio-spatial field, such as a new rent
legislation aswell as supporting those affectedby evictions.Anothermobilisation ledby anousted
DeputyMinister,theLandlessPeoplesMovement,hasalsoemergedgivingvoicetoinhabitantsmainly
fromthesouthernregionsofthecountryonland-relatedmatters.Thesetwosocialmovements,along
withthehistoricaleffortsoftheShackDwellersFederationofNamibia,canbeconsideredthebottom-
upcomponentamongthestakeholdersinthecontemporaryproductionofspace.
Communalareasarealsobeingshapedbytherapidchangesinurbanisationandcouldbeconsidered
themselvesbe includedwithin it.Thegrowthofnorthern towns isalsotakingplaceatarapidpace,
and active informal landmarkets in communal areas have also been documented in these regions
(Mendelsohn & Nghitevelekwa, 2017). Considering that still most of the population lives in the
northernregions,thisremainsacrucialspacewherespatialdevelopmentcanbeexpectedtocontinue
atafastpace.Illegalfencingofcommunalarea,largelybyelitegroupswithincomefromurbanareas,
isbynowwidespread(Werner,2011).Experimentsoncommunity-basedresourcemanagementhave
beenimplementedinNamibia,andalthoughsuccesshasbeendocumented,thereareseveralobstacles
that require attention, particularly the uneven beneficiation through these schemes (Wang,
Humavindu,Bandyopadhyay,&Shyamsundar,2004).Recently,therehavebeenincreasingdiscussion
onmatterspertaining ancestral land, partly triggered by the announcement that the Second Land
Conferencewilladdresstheissueandpotentiallyresolveonthestancethatgovernmentwilltakeon
thismatter(RepublicofNamibia,2018).Matterspertainingallthepreviousmayalsoinprinciplebe
steeredinadifferentdirectionafterthisevent.
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Figure14TraditionalhouseholdsintheOshanaregiondevelopingthroughnewwaysofbuilding.
AlthoughNamibiasdefiningcharacteristicofitsurbanareashasbeenhistoricallythatofsegregation,
todayitcanbesaidthatitistherealityofinformalsettlementsformostofitsinhabitants.Therehas
beensomeinnovationinthisrespectatthelocalgovernmentlevel;Otjiwarongohasdevelopedaway
toguidethedevelopmentofinformalsettlementsandRehobothhasalsotestedtheideaof planned
layouts (Esterhuizen, 2016). A recently-established non-governmental organisation, Development
Workshop, is testing ways to develop serviced land that is ready for later upgrading at a cost
affordabletoalargeportionofthepopulation(Weber&Mendelsohn,2017).Atypology that isalso
reproducing quickly and becoming another defining characteristic of Namibias socio-spatial
developmentaregatedcommunitiesandlifestyleestates.Whiletheformerrefertosecuredhousing
estates subdivided through sectional title schemes, the latter refer to large-scale residential
neighbourhoods developed often in the outskirts of urban areas promising security and a kind of
affordableluxury(Morange,Folio,Peyroux,&Vivet,2012).Theexpansionandconsolidationofurban
areasintometropolitanregionsmaybealsoanewwayofunderstandingNamibiasurbanareasinthe
comingdecades.
DELGADO A short socio-spatial history of Namibia
ILMI Working Paper No. 10 Page 23
Figure15GatedcommunitiesinKleineKuppe,Windhoek
Finally,Namibia tookpart in theHabitat III conference in2016, and committed to the NewUrban
Agenda. However, the action plan to undertake this in Namibia hasnt been planned yet. The
documentpreparedforthiseventisalsoacontemporaryportraitofasituationofthecountrytodayin
terms of socio-spatial matters (Republic of Namibia, 2015). Housing and land issues also have a
prominent role in the national programmes developed by the Geingob administration, notably the
HarambeeProsperityPlan aswell as theFifthNationalDevelopmentPlan.Recently, theUrbanand
Regional Planning Bill legislation was passed towards the end of 2017, aiming to streamline the
statutory process of landdelivery (Genis, 2015); it also entails a spatial development framework
thatshouldprovidedirectiononnationalspatialplanning.Similarly,theFlexibleLandTenureActwas
passed in2012,which aims to createmore accessible formsof land tenure; the regulations for this
were gazetted during the time of writing this paper, which will enable the rolling out of pilots in
Windhoek, Gobabis and Oshakati. Furthermore, the jurisdiction of this field remains fragmented
between government offices, ministries and agencies, which further complicates coordination.
However, thepressure from thenewly emerged socialmovements, the increased recognitionof the
efforts of organised inhabitants around housing matters, and an increasing consciousness of the
importance of the right to urban life,will continue to keep socio-spatial issues as a crucial field in
Namibiasagenda.
9.Conclusion
The paper Ive drafted outlines a sequence of events in Namibias socio-spatial production. I have
suggestedintheintroductionthatthistrajectorycanbesaidtohaveprogressively(andconsistently)
turnedNamibiassocio-spatialproductionintoanengineofreproductionofinequality.Fromtheearly
historical dispossession during colonial times, until the more contemporary displacement of low-
incomeinhabitantstoperipheriesinurbanareas.Today,theactualcrisisseemsnotnecessarilytorely
ontheexistenceofinformalsettlementsbutonhowthesituationisbeingdealtwithandwherestate
supportisplaced.Attemptstobefitformalplanningandlanddeliverymechanismstotheneedsofthe
lowestincomeshaveprovedinsufficientandtheimpassecreatedbytheactualsocioeconomicreality
of the many vis-à-vis the nature of public interventions result in the kind of deeply unequal and
segregatedurbanexperience.Theplanthatisyettobreakorcountertheoverallprogressionofevents
outlinedinthispaperremainsapressingandoutstandingtask.
DELGADO A short socio-spatial history of Namibia
ILMI Working Paper No. 10 Page 24
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