Integrated Land Management Institute (ILMI)
Land, Livelihoods and Housing Programme
The Integrated Land Management Institute is a centre of the Faculty of Natural Resources and
Spatial Sciences (FNRSS) at the Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST) committed
to develop reputable and multidisciplinary research and public outreach activities in the field of
land, administration, property, architecture and spatial planning.
The Land, Livelihoods and Housing Programme aims at deepening and expanding the focus
on these three key issues in Namibia. The programme was developed to guide ILMIs activities by
organising it in four aspects: institutional, environmental, fiscal and spatial processes.
Livelihood needs for Namibias urban future:
a seminar series with John Mendelsohn
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Summary
This Document Note presents the discussions that took place during three seminars with John Mendelsohn on the issue of livelihood needs for
Namibias urban future. The first seminar focused on the topic of Traditional and modern forms of capital and security: value production and
circulation and took place along with the final presentations of the first year of the master in architecture at NUST; the second focused on the
issue of Land as capital and foundation: opportunities and limitations of empowerment of the poor, and included a visit to the land developed
by the Dibasen Homeless Committee of Katutura; and the final one focused on The question of the informal: engaging with the formal
economic and labour outlook in Namibia and took place at Oshetu Market, including input from the market managers.
This document describes the main points of the seminars, the discussions, and notes on the accompanying activities. The event took place in the
context of the Urban Forum, which is a platform for multi-stakeholder engagement on issues of urbanisation in Namibia, Southern Africa and
beyond.
___
This document was compiled by Guillermo Delgado, Land, livelihoods and housing Programme Coordinator at ILMI.
+264 61 207 2483
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Document No. 4/2019
Date: November 2019
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Acknowledgments
Our appreciation goes to Dr John Mendelsohn, who kindly agreed to join us in our pursue of a research agenda on the
question of livelihoods for Namibias urban future. He is now based outside Windhoek, so having him with us in
Windhoek at NUST was a privilege.
The organisers of the event were Guillermo Delgado, Urban Forum and ILMI Coordinator at the Namibia University of
Science and Technology (NUST); and Sigrid Nyambe, intern at the Urban Forum programme and Land Administration
student at NUST.
We would like to thank the participants to the three seminars.
The event was supported by the NUST-GIZ Grant agreement and made possible with the kind support of the partners
for each event. For the first seminar, we would like to thank the lecturers and students of the Master in Architecture at
NUST, particularly Phillip Lühl and Sophia van Greunen. For the second seminar, we would like to thank the Dibasen
Homeless Committee of Katutura, particularly Josef Hoxobeb, Chairperson of the Committee. For the last seminar, we
would like to thank the staff of the Oshetu Market, particularly Ms Tilly van Neel, who kindly agreed to speak to us about
her experiences with managing municipal markets in Windhoek.
This document was prepared by Guillermo Delgado, based on the presentations by Dr Mendelsohn and the rapport of
Sigrid Nyambe.
All images in the document were taken by the Dr Mendelsohn and/or the organisers unless otherwise noted.
Introduction
The question of livelihoods is probably one of the aspects about urban (and rural) development that is currently most
often left aside in the debates on the topic in Namibia. While access to housing and affordability take centre stage in
current debates in Namibia, the kinds of economic activities that are supposed to animate the places in question are
seldom discussed. It is still assumed that, as it has been argued in the workshop with Prof James Ferguson1, the future
of Namibia will still be based on the imagined society where everyone has the proper job2. What implications would it
have for Namibias urban future to shake these assumptions? To address this and other questions, the organisers
engaged Dr John Mendelsohn, who has experience in geographical research in Namibia and has recently focused on
informal land markets3 and informal settlements4. Throughout his career, his inquisitive mind kept him alert about the
kinds of livelihood strategies in the places where he has worked; primarily Namibia, the Democratic Republic of Congo
and Angola. Based on this, we invited him to share with us some of his reflections on livelihoods collected throughout
his previous work.
Collapsing the entire conversation about livelihoods in one session would have been too reductionist, therefore we
planned for a three-part series of seminars focusing on three aspects of this. The first seminar focused on the issue of
traditional and modern forms of capital and security, exploring the differing economic rationales found in Namibia
1 See: http://urbanforum.nust.na/?q=node/56
2 Ferguson, J., & Li, T. M. (2018). Beyond the proper job: Political-economic analysis after the century of labouring man (Working
Paper No. 51). Cape Town: Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies.
3 Mendelsohn, J., & Nghitevelekwa, R. (2017). An enquiry into land markets in Namibias communal areas. Windhoek: Namibia
Nature Foundation & Ministry of Land Reform.
4 Weber, B., & Mendelsohn, J. (2017). Informal settlements in Namibia: Their nature and growth. Exploring ways to make Namibian
urban development more socially just and inclusive (Occasional Paper No. 1). Retrieved from Development Workshop website:
http://dw-namibia.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Informal-settlements-in-Namibia-their-nature-and-growth-DWN-2017.pdf
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that currently coexist but that are often not regarded as equal in value. Dr Mendelsohn asked why mainstream
economists are so focused on tracking the formal economy in Namibia, while it is known that bulk of the economic
activity takes place outside its domain5. This was a question that resonated throughout the three seminars. The second
session focused on the question of how land can be seen as a way of accessing capital; not necessarily following the De
Soto argument of land as collateral for accessing commercial loans6, but rather as a base or platform for furthering
economic and social security. The third session tackled more frontally the question of the informal, where questions
of the importance of the so-called informal economic activities were raised in one of the most vibrant economic places
in Windhoek; namely Oshetu market. Here, vibrant exchanges between economies were plain to see; and after the
discussion, the realities of such mixed or hybrid economic life and managing these at the local government level were
competently accounted for by those negotiating these on the ground.
We strived to strike a balance between academic discussion and everyday life by bringing the conversation closer to the
spaces where the lived experiences of the livelihood strategies we were addressing were taking place. For this, each of
the sessions aimed to start the discussion in a seminar format, followed by a more interactive activity linked to the
issues at stake.
The attendants to the event were primarily lecturers and students, but during the first event we profited from the
attendance of local authority organisations representatives, consulting engineers, NGOs, and private sector
professionals.
As way of conclusions, we list some suggestions on ways of enhancing urban livelihoods based on the arguments drawn
in the three seminars.
Seminar 1
Traditional and modern forms of capital and security:
value production and circulation
The focus of the seminar was not only about discussing the livelihoods strategies of the poor, but also of people in
transition from a traditional society to a modern one; particularly the use, nature and distribution of capital in these
spheres. For this purpose, capital was not equated to capitalism, but as forms of social, physical and financial value
that are created, accumulated and used when needed by their owners and descendants.
Despite this interpretation of capital, the sheer reality is that today it is safe to say that everyone needs a kind of
revenue for sustenance and improvement of ones living conditions. Capital in this sense can be understood as a form
of value that is kept for difficult times, or when everyday forms of revenue do not suffice. From this point of view, capital
serves the purpose of creating resilience (i.e. goods and services to get out of difficulties) and/or production (i.e. good
and services to add value to life). However, the Western conceptions of capital dominate the imaginary, prioritising
some specific forms of value-creation (e.g. gross domestic product, cars being sold, houses being built) over others (e.g.
social connections or livestock assets as savings). This influences also the inter-generational distribution of capital, which
is traditionally inheritance or education.
To be used, capital needs to be exchangeable; it needs to be something that can be drawn upon and traded. While land
can be considered capital, it cannot be regarded as such if it may not be allowed to be transacted.
5 The Namibia Labour Force Survey indicates that about 57% of those who are employed find themselves under some kind of
informal employment. See: NSA. (2019). Namibia Labour Force Survey 2018. Retrieved from Namibia Statistics Agency website:
https://d3rp5jatom3eyn.cloudfront.net/cms/assets/documents/Namibia_Labour_Force_Survey_Reports_2018_pdf.pdf
6 For a debate of these arguments in the context of South Africa, see: Napier, M., Berrisford, S., Wanjiku Kihato, C., McGaffin, R., &
Royston, L. (2013). Trading Places. Accessing land in African cities. Retrieved from
http://www.urbanlandmark.org.za/downloads/ULM_book_2013s.pdf
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Capital can be intangible (e.g. human or social, relatives, friends, education social groups [churches, clans, clubs, political
parties, companies]); which offers access to rights. It can also be tangible (e.g. investments, stocks), property (e.g.
individual or family/village), livestock (individual or family); which offers ownership. In traditional settings, a village
offers a bundle of tangible and intangible assets for the benefit of those belonging to this physical and social unit.
Many differences can be drawn between modern and traditional forms of capital. For instance, while modern ones
are well measured, traditional ones are not well recorded; modern ones are supported by formal institutions,
whereas traditional ones are relegated to traditional affairs.
However, society is undergoing various transitions: from traditional values to modern ones, from informal to formal,
form rural to urban, from food-based economies to income-based ones.
What is nevertheless crucial to discuss is the nature of interventions in this context; particularly regarding access to land
and housing. One key area to discuss this is land ownership in informal urban areas in Namibia, which are generally
tenure-insecure and where interventions on this preclude assumptions that render land as a capital asset.
Discussion
Can the modern and traditional systems co-exist? This can be exemplified when people migrate to urban areas, they
are not allowed to build houses with building materials of their choice.
Is the traditional society and communal areas working well? What would be the contemporary meaning of
enhancing these geographical divisions that were created during apartheid? Can it be repurposed as a safety net (a
kind of rural social security)?
There is a misconception in informal settlements in the City of Windhoek about who owns the land and how to access
it.
How can we ensure that land titling can really empower people? Most of the policies in Namibia are framed around a
modern society which can be a problem for informal settlers.
There is a need for more options; the flexible land tenure might be ideal for one area but not for the other.
Presentations of the master in architecture students
The seminar ran in dialogue with the programme for the first year of the master in architecture. At the point where the
seminar took place, the students were concluding an exercise preceding their work for their masters thesis, and aimed
to develop ideas for their research proposal. The studio, however, ran in parallel to the process of development of their
research proposal.
Students were assigned a topic they chose through a literature review exercise at the preceding Critical Urban Theory
course. After this, they went through a five-week exercise to develop an investigation on an urban system. To do this,
they developed atmospheric images that would then be developed into a spatial section to understand how these
topics interrelate to space. From this, students developed a sectional model to bring this to three dimensions. Students
then looked at precedents that could be related to these questions to have references to the kind of interventions that
could happen in the site of their choice. The final task was to develop an axonometric drawing. At the end of the course,
the question of what could be site and what could be an intervention in relation to their topic. The following
paragraphs summarise the presentations that the students made after the seminar, including aspects that related to
the livelihoods questions raised during the seminar.
Martin Namupala presented about the question of borders, putting as an example the division between Palestine and
Israel. He discussed how victimisation often occurs at the border between Namibia and Angola, and argued for the need
to understand what is taking place, and work with what exists. He further discussed how foreigners are often allowed
to come in and buy in bulk but are not allowed to trade with citizens unless they have a license.
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Jeremy Scholtz presented about the fragmented city, about the lack of connection between towns. He explored how
human activities are linked to public transportation. He gave a case study of Addis Ababas expansion as an example of
fragmentation.
Tapiwa Maruza presented about informal trading. She spoke about how informal traders are often excluded and gave
a case study of Cairo, Egypt. Among her objectives was the need to find out how both the formal and informal traders
rely on each other.
Damien Britz discussed about the development of the coastal line and used South Africa as a case study. The researcher
studied the area of Walvis Bay, and argued that the increased development is taking place yields opportunities and
challenges for the urban area.
Willie Junius presented on the social condenser and the need for social integration. The researcher sought to find out
how space is connected and compared Eveline Street in Windhoek to the streets in Medellín, Colombia.
Discussion
The Oshikango and Santa Clara border was initially aimed to separate kingdoms, and now separates countries. The
border now enables a unique social ecology, however the exchange between the two is not always legal (e.g. petrol,
cooked food). Is there a chance for interstitial spaces? How can one spatially intervene in this context? It was argued
to identify the spaces of exchange and potentiate them. Bribes to the police can in this way be understood as a form of
tax.
The divisions in Addis Ababa and its fast growth provide lessons on how a fragmented kind of urban development can
result from enhancing divisions rather than interstices. Similarly, the question of informal trade as a kind of livelihood
strategy that needs to be supported rather than suppressed, was discussed.
The relevance of the case of Medellín was stressed, which embraced its informal settlements and re-shaped the city for
the benefit of the poorest inhabitants.
Photograph 1
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Seminar 2
Land as capital and foundation:
opportunities and limitations of empowerment of the poor
What is land? Land can be both a source of revenue and capital. Primarily, land is an economic resource, a source of
livelihood.
In Namibia, land can be public (managed by the state); privately owned; or communal land (family-allocated or for
community use), which is managed by traditional authorities on behalf of the state.
However, access to land by the poor raises a number of questions. Is communal land accessible to the poor? And if
so, does it contribute as a poverty-eradication measure or does it preserve poverty? Are informal settlements a form of
capital?
There are a number of challenges that the poor face with regards to access to land. Firstly, it is believed that the poor
dont need to own land; that is not in their tradition; that they cant be trusted; and that even if they would own the
land, they would not be able to access credit and use the land for collateral. These beliefs are aggravated by vested
interests in controlling land markets in communal areas. There are also vested interests in limiting the supply of land in
urban areas to drive up prices. Without access to land, the poor cant build a further string of assets.
Tenure-secure land is therefore a basis for investments, savings, and developing further assets. However, currently this
privilege is enjoyed only by few in Namibia; which continues to be at the top of the most unequal countries in the
planet measured by GINI coefficient7.
If currently policy, legislation and practice prevent the poor, lower class and most Namibians from owning land, what
would be a desirable way forward is to provide options to access land to develop capital, to be resilient and to expand
ones life.
Visit to Dibasen Homeless Committee of Katutura8
The Dibasen Homeless Committee of Katutura started around the year 2000 to access land for housing. They engaged
the Municipality, which allocated a piece of land to them in Goreangab, very near Eveline St. Fifty households then
settled in the land, and slowly developed the land in partnership with local government, professionals, private sector
and central government. They accessed a Build Together loan to build their houses and today they are just about to
attain freehold tenure for their properties. What is notable to observe about Dibasen for the purpose of the livelihood
discussion, is how access to land has enabled economic activities for residents; particularly rentals, home-based
economies (e.g. seamstresses, tuck shops), and in some cases full-fledged businesses (e.g. laundry). These have only
enabled with perceived tenure, as the land remains officially owned by the group. Business land uses are furthermore
likely to be not allowed. However, even if the income from these local economies may be limited, a flow of cash has
visibly had a positive impact in those running these activities.
7 World Bank. (2017). GINI Index (World Bank estimate). Retrieved March 18, 2017, from World Bank website:
http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SI.POV.GINI
8 For a detailed account of the case of Dibasen, please refer to: Delgado, G. (2019). Bringing something for oneself: The case of
the Dibasen Homeless Committee of Katutura (ILMI Working Paper No. 11). Windhoek: Integrated Land Management Institute.
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Seminar 3
The question of the informal: engaging with the formal economic and
labour outlook in Namibia
It must be said that today the division between the formal and the informal is a division that very much resembles
the segregation between the whites and the non-whites. While racial discrimination was abolished, today we remain
with divisions that pit some against the other, preventing us to profit from the diversity that exists.
In the formal economy, people have one job; the economy is monitored by statistics agencies (e.g. the NLFS9), the
fiscus, and economists. In this economy there are unions and professional associations. To access a formal job,
qualifications are fundamental, and criteria is restricted (e.g. age, experience). Some salaries are controlled, such as
those of professional associations10 but also for some low-waged workers11. Time is restricted and health and safety
regulations apply (e.g. hats, insurances). Taxes are paid and there is social security. Services are quality-controlled (e.g.
standards, return policy) and when a company goes bankrupt, the state can come in with mechanisms to rescue the
situation. In broad terms, it is perceived as good.
The informal is more difficult to pinpoint, because its not really a diametric opposite of the formal. Salaries are
intermittent, and while there is increased flexibility, there is rigour and service delivery, as there is considerable
competition in this sector. There may be child labour, and a wider participation in terms of constituencies. Prices may
be negotiable, as is work and services. In broad terms, it is perceived as bad.
The informal sector contribution to GDP can be calculated for some cases; and generally it can be said to contribute to
about ¼ of economies in the global south (see Table 1).
Region Contribution of the informal economy (%)
Northern Africa 20,6
Sub-Saharan Africa 25,1
India (2013) 25,9
Latin America 21,8
Table 1 Contribution of the informal economy to regional economies12
In Namibia, about 2/3 of those employed operate in the informal sector13.
The distance between the one and the other economy can be imagined as a gulf separating various realms. This gulf
separates the upper and the middle/lower classes; those with recognised and unrecognised education; the traditional
and modern forms of capital; formal and informal tenure; regulated and unregulated transport.
An example can be how the use of motorcycles for transport in Angola is widespread, while in Namibia is non-existent
and unlikely to be allowed. While the motorcycle transport is more affordable and flexible than taxis, they do represent
a risk; and due to this, it will be almost certain that Namibian authorities would forbid due to safety regulations. In
effect, what this does is to prioritise standards over necessity in a context where the population does not have too many
9 See 5
10 Examples of these are architects, town planners, and engineers.
11 Examples of these are construction and domestic workers.
12 See: https://europa.eu/capacity4dev/rnsf-mit/wiki/133-contribution-informal-economy-gdp
13 See 5
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other options. This illustrates the current approach in Namibia to enabling urban livelihoods, which is still more standard
than need-based.
Photograph 2 Motorcycle transport in Angola.
Contributions by Ms Tilly van Neel, Manager of the Oshetu Market, City of Windhoek
Oshetu Market was colloquially known as Single Quarters before. Around 2005, when the Municipality started to work
in the area, the market was already 10 years old. The new name for the market was chosen by traders through a poll
undertaken by the Municipality; oshetu means ours in Oshiwambo.
Municipal markets usually start at bus stops or taxi ranks. When people leave in the morning (to work in town) at 5-
6am, then the market starts. Around the point where there are about 20 people, the Municipality starts engaging
traders and they consult with town planners and road engineers on the feasibility of upgrading and/or establishing a
municipal market. If they get a go ahead, the area is declared as undeveloped approved site. At this point, traders
dont pay rent but they are in dialogue with the municipality. The municipal workers get IDs and names of the traders,
and they are encouraged to start a committee. Then a market proposal is designed for the specific case of the market
in question (e.g. food, services, etc.). Those that are enumerated in the first round get the first opportunity to access
the market. Committees are elected every 3 years, and they undergo training (e.g. management, conflict resolution).
Market rules are established, and municipal management makes sure that tenants pay rent. There is no alcohol allowed,
as in the experience of the Municipality it creates problems. The municipality also checks on maintenance such as toilets,
windows, fences, etc. The municipal management also manages credit; and they also manage conflict among traders.
They sometimes liaise with the health department for certain activities (e.g. hand wash days). Some traders approach
municipality to get formalised, but the city can only do so if the traders comply with the established regulations. She
admits that there is often no graduation, and that some traders get stuck for long periods in income-generating
activities that yield only a small revenue. However, she recognises that even in these difficult cases, families are often
able to send their kids to universities and move a household forward. In some cases, market administration at local level
is successful, but plans get interference from higher authorities, who impose their solutions on the ground; which
hinders locally-develop strategies and commitments.
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Conclusions
The seminar series provides a background to draw some suggestions on the nature of the action with regards to
livelihoods for Namibias urban future. Some of these are included below:
- Increase the supply of commodities suited to informal trading.
- Expand places where informal traders can operate.
- Increase access to micro-credit.
- Equip informal traders and entrepreneurs with particular skills.
- Reduce legal and bureaucratic barriers to the informal economy.
- Start counting the informal economy.
- Fight prejudice.
- Relax unnecessary controls and protections.
- Ease the transition between rural and urban, between traditional and modern economy.
- Facilitate for the informal economy to create its own jobs.
- Allow for urban residents to have secure tenure and assets.
- Inaction is just as undesirable as action with risks associated with activities without full regulation.
Further reading
Collins, D., Morduch, J., Rutherford, S., & Ruthven, O. (2011). Portfolios of the poor: How the worlds poor live on $2 a
day. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press.
De Nardi, M., & Fella, G. (2017). Saving and wealth inequality. Review of Economic Dynamics, 26, 280300.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.red.2017.06.002
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Annexes
Programme for Seminar 1
Urban Forum 2019
Livelihood needs
for Namibias urban future
Seminar series with John Mendelsohn
Seminar 1
Traditional and modern forms of capital and security:
value production and circulation
Friday, August 30th, 9-13h
Seminar Room, Department of Architecture and Spatial Planning (DASP)
Directions: http://ilmi.nust.na/?q=node/35
Today, many forms of value exist in traditional form (e.g. social, land, education, livestock, land, etc.)
in a context increasingly privileging modern ones. This furthermore takes place in a context where the
urban and rural interconnections change, income-based economies overtake food-based ones, and
where the economy seems to display distinct prospects different from those ideals
PROGRAMME
9.00h Key questions on traditional and modern forms of capital and security
John Mendelsohn
9.45h Discussion
10h30 BREAK
11h00 Exhibition of Master in Architecture students works and discussion.
> This is the first in a series of three seminars dealing with questions of livelihoods for Namibias urban future.
The following seminar will be on Land as capital and foundation: opportunities and limitations of empowerment
of the poor (Monday, September 16th, 14-16.30h); and the next one on The question of the informal:
engaging with the formal economic and labour outlook in Namibia (Friday, October 4th, 9-13h).
Venue to be announced in due course.
About John Mendelsohn Born in Kenya in 1953, John Mendelsohn found wings before he found his feet.
From a childhood passion for birds, ornithology soon became his career after finishing his PhD on the
biology of Blackshouldered Kites at the University of Natal. He started RAISON in 1996. Today matters
concerned with environmental processes, the socio-economics of rural livelihoods, land rights and uses,
and river systems form the basis of his academic passions. http://www.raison.com.na/
Contact urbanforum@nust.na
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ILMI Document No. 4/2019 Page 10
Programme for Seminar 2
Urban Forum 2019
Livelihood needs
for Namibias urban future
Seminar series with John Mendelsohn
Seminar 2
Land as capital and foundation:
opportunities and limitations of empowerment of the poor
Monday, September 16th, 14-16.30h
Point of departure: NUST Hotel School lobby
(Beethoven St, between Wagner and Brahms Streets; Windhoek West)
Land ownership has been long debated as the answer to the plight of the poor, while questions arise on the
assumptions behind this. This seminar will engage in this debate based on experiences in Namibia.
PROGRAMME
14.00h Meeting at NUST Hotel School
14.15h Key points on land as capital and foundation
John Mendelsohn
14.30h Departure to development by Dibasen Homeless Committee of Katutura
14.45h Meeting with Committee leaders and partners supporting the Committee
15.00h Walk through the neighbourhood
15.30h Discussion
16.15h Drive back to NUST Hotel School
16.30h Arrival at NUST Hotel School
> This is the second in a series of three seminars dealing with questions of livelihoods for Namibias urban future. The
following seminar will be on The question of the informal: engaging with the formal economic and labour
outlook in Namibia (Friday, October 4th, 9-13h); it will take place at Oshetu Market.
About John Mendelsohn Born in Kenya in 1953, John Mendelsohn found wings before he found his feet. From a
childhood passion for birds, ornithology soon became his career after finishing his PhD on the biology of
Blackshouldered Kites at the University of Natal. He started RAISON in 1996. Today matters concerned with
environmental processes, the socio-economics of rural livelihoods, land rights and uses, and river systems
form the basis of his academic passions. http://www.raison.com.na/
Contact urbanforum@nust.na
URBAN FORUM 2019/20 Livelihood needs for Namibias urban future: a seminar series with John Mendelsohn
ILMI Document No. 4/2019 Page 11
Programme for Seminar 3
Urban Forum 2019
Livelihood needs
for Namibias urban future
Seminar series with John Mendelsohn
Seminar 33
The question of the informal:
engaging with the formal economic and labour outlook in Namibia
Monday, October 21st, 14-16.30h
Point of departure: NUST Hotel School lobby
(Beethoven St, between Wagner and Brahms Streets; Windhoek West)
Namibia displays dual economy characteristics, where the rich and the poor economic realities seem to both
link and disconnect at different occasions. At the same time, the informal economy is increasingly playing a
more important role nationally, which furthermore seems to be increasingly recognised. This seminar will
explore the question of how the informal serves as an interface between the two economic realities.
PROGRAMME
14.00h Meeting at NUST Hotel School
14.15h Departure to Oshetu Market (Single Quarters)
14.30h Key points on the question of the informal
John Mendelsohn
15.00h Discussion
15.30h Walk around neighbourhood
16.15h Drive back to NUST Hotel School
16.30h Arrival at NUST Hotel School
> This is the last in a series of three seminars dealing with questions of livelihoods for Namibias urban future.
About John Mendelsohn Born in Kenya in 1953, John Mendelsohn found wings before he found his feet. From a
childhood passion for birds, ornithology soon became his career after finishing his PhD on the biology of
Blackshouldered Kites at the University of Natal. He started RAISON in 1996. Today matters concerned with
environmental processes, the socio-economics of rural livelihoods, land rights and uses, and river systems
form the basis of his academic passions. http://www.raison.com.na/
Contact urbanforum@nust.na