What's in a Map?
Regional Restructuring and

The State in Independent Namibia

David Simon

June 1996

NEPRU OCCASIONAL PAPER NO.8

Centre for Developing Areas Research
Department of Geography

Royal Holloway
University of London

EGHAM
Surrey TW20 OEX

United Kingdom

Tel: +44 1784 443651
Fax: +44 1784 472836

Email: D.Simon@rhbnc.ac.uk

&6N ' SIZ4-S

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© Copyright 1996 by the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit.

NEPRU occas. pap. ISSN 1028-9223

First published in 1996 by the Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit,

P.O. Box 40219 Ausspannplatz, Windhoek, Namibia

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................... 1

STATE RESTRUCTURING AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF REGIONAL COUNCILS ....... 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ................................................................................ ........ ..... 9

THE EARLY RECORD: REGIONAL COUNCILS, 1993-5 ................................................... 10

STAFFING, FINANCIAL RESOURCES AND FUNCTIONS .... .... . .. .. .... ... .. . ... . . . . .. ........ 00 " """ " " " " 00 " " """ "" """ " 1 0

ACHIEVEMENTS ... . . ... .. ... .. .... . . .. .. . .. .. ....... ....... ......... . .. . .. .... ... .... .... .. .. . .. .. . ... ..... .. .. ... ... .... . . .. . ..... . 14

THE ROLE AND PROFILE OF COUNCILLORS .. ........... ........ . ... . .. . .. . .. .... .... .. .. ... . .... . . ... ... . . .... ... .... . . 16
VIEWS FROM THE REGIONS VERSUS THE VIEW FROM WINDHOEK .. .... .. . . .... . . .... . .... .... ... . .. .. . ... . . 18

EVALUATION AND COMPARISONS WITH RECENT INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE ... 22

DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM VERSUS DECENTRALISED DEMOCRACY ...... . . . .. ... ..... . ... .. .... . .. ...... . .. . 22

REGIONAL COUNCIL PERFORMANCE oo· ···· ··· ····· · ···· ··· ····· ····· ······ ·· ·· ··· ·oo······ ·oo···· ·· ···· ·oo· ···· ····· ·· ··· 23
RECOMMENDED CHANGES .. ... .. ...... . .. ................ . ... .... ... ... . .. ... ... . .. ...... ......... . . .... . ... . . . . ..... . ..... ... 25
SENSES OF REGIONAL IDENTITY .. . . ..... . ..... . . . .. ..... ... . . . .. .. .. . ... ... .. . ..... ... . . ... .... . . . .. . . . ... . . .. .. oo .. .. ...... 28

NOTES ........................................ ........................................ .. ........................... ...... ..... ...... .. 30

TABLES

Table 1:
Table 2:
Table 3:
Table 4:

FIGURES

Figure 1:
Figure 2:

Governmental Structure: The Post-colonial Namibian State
Political Composition of Regional Councils (1992 elections)
Basic Regional Indicators
Regional Council Finances and Allocated Regional Development
Expenditures

The Political Geography of Pre-Independence Namibia
Namibia's New Regions and Local Authorities

ABSTRACT

The significance of redrawing maps to reflect changing geopolitical orders is discussed as a
prelude to an overview of the process by which the post-colonial state has been restructured in
Namibia and its internal political map redrawn since independence in 1990. This, in tum,
provides the context for a detailed discussion of the establishment and early performance of the
thirteen regional councils which commenced work at the beginning of 1993. The Act
establishing these bodies accords them wide powers in relation to development promotion and

the management of small settlements but in practice central government has not devolved any
substantive functions or resources to them. Consequently, regional councils have to date
performed essentially a limited consultative role, being unable to fulfil their potential as catalysts
for area-based development planning. Hence, elected councillors perceive their position to be
invidious because they represent specific geographical constituencies but have neither the
power nor resources to address people's needs directly. They can merely make
representations to central government ministries. The final section of the paper provides a

detailed evaluation of the situation in the light of recent international experience with
cJecentralised state structures, and recommends a series of improvements which have very
modest resource implications.

INTRODUCTION

In literal terms a map is merely the representation of a bounded territory, filled with relevant

information, drawn to a stated scale according to certain conventions and using specific colours

and symbols to indicate the required features . At the same time, few other documents can

have such potent symbolic meaning and the commensurate ability to arouse strong emotions.

For maps reflect how we see - or would like to see - our world and the division of control over it.

As such they are human artifacts, stylised representations of the globe or parts of it, which
reflect the political , economic and cultural norms and values of those responsible for

commissioning and drawing them, as well as the purpose(s) for which they are compiled. In
other words, there is no uniquely 'right' , 'correct' or 'best' form of cartographic representation.

This is perhaps most easily illustrated with reference to the ongoing controversy over the choice

of projection for representing the Earth's globe by means of a flat, two-dimensional map. This

cannot be done entirely accurately, so some distortion is necessary, usually involving a trade-off

between accurate portrayal of the shape of landmasses and the their respective areas. Most

traditional projections have favoured shape. resulting in some exaggeration of the size of the

polar and high latitude regions relative to equatorial zones. Because these have become

familiar over time, we have subconsciously come to think of them as 'natural' or 'right' . The

outcry spawned by publication in the 1970s of the Petermann's Projection - which sacrifices

accuracy of shape in favour of relative geographical area - largely reflected the unfamiliarity,

strangeness and 'difference' of the shapes of the respective continents in most people's eyes.

Whether it is actually any 'better' or more useful depends on how well suited it is to the intended

purpose of a given map as much as on subjective aesthetics. There can be no purely 'objective'

or universal yardstick. The same argument applies to world maps drawn in different countries.

People accustomed to world maps centred on the Greenwich meridian, and thus having

Western Europe and Africa in the centre, with the Americas on the left and Asia and the Pacific
on the right, often have difficulty adapting to Japanese world maps centred on Japan, for

instance.

Internationally recognised sovereignty over a given territory is one of the defining features of a

country or nation-state. National identity is thus inextricably bound up with and expressed

through territory and landscape, in addition to the exercise of 'traditional' forms of control over

particular territory and sovereign rights to the resources within it. However, as important as

territory itself is its boundedness in space. In other words, territory is defined and delimited -

both customarily and statutorily - by means of identifiable and defensible boundaries. Maps

provide a key instrument for representing and legitimising them, together with any claims on
additional territory beyond current borders. A dramatic change to the political order within a

country is therefore likely to be reflected in a new name, a restructuring of the apparatus of

state, legislation and perhaps a re-mapping of its internal political geography to accord with the

needs and priorities of that new order.

1

Such has been the case in Namibia (formerly South West Africa) , which finally gained

independence from its powerful neighbour and de facto coloniser, South Africa, in 1990. Since

South African forces ended German colonial rule in 1915 and South Africa subsequently took

over civil administration under a League of Nations Mandate, that country's domestic policies of

racial segregation and apartheid had been imposed in Namibia despite opposition and growing

resistance from the majority of the local population. One of the cornerstones of apartheid was

the balkanisation of territory along officially defined racial and supposed ethnic affiliations,

creating a network of bantustans within which members of designated African tribal/ethnic

groups would be forced to live or at least to exercise their political rights. Eventually these

bantustans were intended by the architects of apartheid to become politically independent of the

rump white state. Technically, the bantustans, illustrated in figure 1, were abolished as political

entities in 1980, ten years before independence. However, administration was still predicated

on race and ethnic affiliation through the so-called Representative Authorities, many of which

retained a strong territorial identification with particular bantustans.

It naturally followed that the new SWAPO-Ied government which took power at independence

on an explicitly non-racial and anti-apartheid ticket, moved rapidly to abolish remaining apartheid

laws and structures and to promote national reconciliation and more equitable development. A

more appropriate sub-national structure was therefore required. Following a brief outline of the

redrawing of the map to institute a system of thirteen regions, this paper focuses on the process

of filling that map with meaning through the establishment of regional councils and efforts to

promote new regional identities . This process and the record of regional councils over their first

two to three years are documented and evaluated. Finally, experience in other countries

undertaking comparable exercises is drawn upon in formulating recommendations for the

strengthening of regional performance and legitimacy.

2

j

STATE RESTRUCTURING AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF
REGIONAL COUNCILS

The ethnically based, second tier Representative Authorities were abolished and other

remaining apartheid laws repealed by Namibia's independence constitution , which had been

formulated through a remarkable inter-party process of give-and-take negotiations within the

Constitutional Assembly and especially within its committees in the months following the UN-
supervised elections of November 1989. The staff of former apartheid state structures, as

existing civil servants, benefrted from a constitutional prohibition against dismissal except for
professional misconduct. Representative authority staff1 and others were therefore absorbed

into the most appropriate ministries as an interim measure, pending an envisaged

reorganisation and rationalisation of the civil service and the establishment of new regional

councils.

The new constitution instituted a three tier government structure headed by an executive

president and bicameral parliament, comprising the directly elected National Assembly and
indirectly elected National Council. The former is the principal legislative chamber while the

latter exercises a watchdog role with powers to request amendments to draft legislation. It is

designed to give regional representatives a direct say in the national lawmaking process. At the

intermediate level, a new system of regional councils was to be established, while the third tier

would comprise local authorities. Terms of office and the basis of representation in each case
were specified, but the precise nature of both regional councils and local authorities were to be

finalised subsequently. The outcome of these exercises produced the institutional structure

shown in table 1. Nevertheless, until February 1993, the country functioned with a de facto

unicameral parliament, since the National Council is indirectly elected, its membership

comprising two representatives from each regional council. This body could, by definition,

therefore not be constituted until the regional councils were in place; the constitution required

this to occur within two years of independence (see below).

As provided for in the constitution, President Sam Nujoma appointed the First Delimitation

Commission in September 1990 to initiate the politically vital and sensitive task of restructuring

the inherited regional and local apartheid geographies. Its three members2 were required to

determine the number and boundaries of new regions, to divide each of these into a minimum

of six and maximum of twelve constituencies containing approximately equal population

numbers, and to determine the boundaries of local authorities. The only criterion laid down was

that no account was to be taken of race or ethnicity.

The regional question presented the most difficult and complex task, absorbing most of the

commission's time. Not only had apartheid and the bantustan experience given regional

'development' a justifiably bad name among black Namibians, but it was clear from the outset

that the radically different aims and objectives of the constitution could only be given effect

3

' .
through an altogether different approach. Much was at stake, not least in view of the conflicting
political, sectional and regional interests being articulated to the commission .

At this point it is appropriate to consider why provision was made for regional councils at all.

The importance of having an intermediate level or tier of government between the central state

and municipalities is widely accepted and almost universally applied in the name of greater local

appropriateness and responsiveness through some form of decentralised representation and

service delivery. These entities vary greatly in terms of physical size (both absolute and relative

to the state), number, population, economic and other resource base, the scope of their powers

and functions, their level of resourcing from locally derived sources and/or central allocation ,

and elected versus appointed membership. Efforts to formulate general 'rules' or procedures for

determining optimal numbers, sizes and so forth have proved fruitless; it is now generally
recognised that the principal requirements are local appropriateness and sustainability in terms

of resourcing, political considerations and the range of functions they are to perform3 .

While it would arguably be cheaper not to have a second tier of government, the great size of

Namibia (approximately 825,000 km\\ very uneven and often sparse population distribution ,

cultural diversity, and wide range of physiographic and environmental conditions means that

central government in Windhoek is remote from most Namibians, while regional needs and

priorities differ substantially. Conceptually, the case for regional councils is strong; however, the

very sparseness of population , widespread poverty and limited infrastructure in some regions

pose severe problems for establishing bodies which are both viable and still sufficiently

accessible to their populations in both physical and political terms. The commission was quickly

convinced that, under such conditions, regional structures could best be justified and could

maximise their contribution if they were geared to the active promotion of development within

their boundaries rather than serving primarily an electoral function, as some senior government

figures originally envisaged.

The number and boundaries of the new regions therefore had to be determined in a manner

that enhanced developmental potential rather than impeding it by cutting across already

integrated systems or activity fields. However, boundary delimitation cannot be undertaken in

the abstract, since, as with the cartographic representations discussed above, there is no

uniquely 'right' or 'best' boundary; appropriateness is determined by the intended purpose and

envisaged functions. The commission's work was impeded by long delays in the drafting and

promulgation of legislation to establish regional councils and local authorities. These had been

due during the commission's lifetime but eventually appeared in final form almost a year after

the commission's report had been submitted. Efforts to obtain even an approximate idea of

government thinking proved difficult, as successive drafts of the laws reflected substantial

changes, not least to powers and responsibilities. It became clear that there was a high level

tussle behind the scenes between centralists who sought to retain effective power and

resources in the line ministries and others prepared to promote genuine decentralisation of

4

I

functions antl powers. Everi a one-month extension of the commission's reporting deadline

from June to July 1991 failed to provide clarity in this respect.

Nevertheless, after an exhaustive study of available international literature, southern African and

other experience, an international tour, public hearings and an extensive countrywide tour to

consult with local communities and to inspect conditions on the ground, thirteen regions were

proposed as representing the most appropriate 'frt' of a wide set of criteria and in line with the

intended objectives4 . Among the most important criteria were infrastructure and accessibility,

senses of community and regional identities, the linking of commercial and communal areas,

territorial coherence and development potential. Although the boundaries then had to be

formally delimited, the commission's own work was decidedly not a technicist exercise, but one

taking a broader, 'soft' approach informed by all available data and views. It is evident from

figure 2 that the largest number of - and generally smallest - regions are in the north, where

population densities are highest and underdevelopment most marked. In line with the definition

of the country's borders in the constitution, the enclave of Walvis Bay (at that time still claimed

and occupied by South Africa) was included as a separate constituency within Erongo Region ,

so as to facilitate its integration into Namibia's regional and local government structures as soon

as practicable.

In the event, the government accepted the commission's report in its entirety, although the

proposed names of four regions were changed following local representations5. Names aside,

public, media and political comment was limited but generally appreciative of the rationale and

the fact that bantustans as distinct territorial entities were finally to disappear from the map.

Despite the fact that the regional boundaries and number of regions did not correspond to the
proposals of any political party, all seemed willing to accept the outcome. In short, the

legitimacy of the proposals seemed to have been established. The respective regional and

local authority boundaries were subsequently given legal force and gazetted in March 19926 .

This concluded the initial process of redrawing Namibia's internal political map7. Naturally, it

would take time for the new entities to become widely known and to be adopted by official and

non-governmental bodies and individuals. The real test would, of course, be the extent to which

and speed with which the new regions would be assimilated into popular culture in the sense

not just of spatial referents but, more fundamentally, of fostering distinctive regional identities.

This, in tum, would depend largely on what institutional structures with what powers were put

into the new geographical 'containers' and how effective they would prove administratively and

in addressing the development priorities of their inhabitants.

Another five months elapsed before the Regional Councils Act and Local Authorities Act were

eventually promulgated8 . The provisions of the latter, the results of the local government

elections and subsequent performance of the three categories of local authority have been

discussed in detail elsewhere9 and will not be repeated here. The Regional Councils Act makes

provision for regional boundaries to be changed at any time, and constituency boundaries within

each district to be altered at intervals of six to twelve years, following the recommendations of a

5

I
)

' new delimitation commission appointed for the purpose. The specific period for review of
constituency boundaries was stipulated to ensure that approximate parity of population is

maintained across the constituencies within a region, with adjustments as appropriate being
made after no more than two six-year terms of office. The principal powers conferred upon
regional councils by Section 28 of the act are:

1. development planning, with due regard to the role of the National Planning Commission,
in relation to:

" the physical, social and economic characteristics of the region (and where relevant,
also of neighbouring regions);

" the distribution, increase and movement and the urbanisation of the population ;

" natural and other resources and economic development potential;
" existing and planned infrastructure, such as water, electricity, communication

networks and transport systems;
" general land utilisation patterns;

" the sensitivity of the natural environment;

2. the exercise of duties and functions which may be delegated by the President;
3. to establish, manage and control 'settlement areas' (which are defined in the Local

Authorities Act as human settlements too small to qualify for a village council, the most
basic form of local authority);

4. to make recommendations to the Minister of Regional and Local Government and
Housing regarding any local authority in the region;

5. to advise the President or any minister on any matter referred by them to the regional
council;

6. to assist any local authority within the region in the exercise of its powers, functions and

duties;
7. to make recommendations to the Minister of Finance in relation to the region for

purposes of preparing the government's annual budget10.

While some of these are purely advisory, in either proactive or response mode, the roles of
development planning and creating settlement areas are extremely important and wide ranging.

At least in theory, therefore, regional councils have been given the powers to become proactive

in influencing and shaping development within their regions. This is entirely consistent with what

the First Delimitation Commission had envisaged in the execution of its task. What this has

meant in practice so far, will be analysed below. In order to assist the new councils in this task,
at least three major studies have been completed: a strategic overview of regional development
problems and potentials and the need for integrated, territorially focused, planning in the four
northern regions comprising the former Owambo bantustan; a manual providing a national

overview of regional data and official structures; and a national overview comprising a regional

6

data inventdry, study of state institutional structures in relation to regional councils, and
perceptions in and of each region 11 .

Section 33 of the Act is very vague in relation to sources of income for regional councils .

However, in practice, their principal direct source of dedicated income is a five per cent levy on

local authorities' property rates . This was specified by Section 77(1) of the Local Authorities Act .

Apart from miscellaneous fees and user charges, regional councils derive the bulk of their

current, and all their capital, resources from the MRLGH. As a result, regional councils are

heavily - and, in the case of those lacking any sizeable urban centres to generate income from a

rates levy, totally - dependent on the central state. The implications of this are problematic in

both theory and practice, as will become clear below.

Each council is required to elect a management committee of three or four members ,

depending on the number of councillors ; the chair of the management committee is known as

the regional governor. This is a rather unfortunate term, since it erroneously suggests a strong ,

executive leader with rather greater authority and power than is the case with a councillor

elected as the representative of a single constituency within each region. Moreover, the

Regional Councils Act does not clearly define the rights and powers of governors, nor does it

specify that they do (or should) represent their entire regions 12. This point will be discussed

further below in the light of experience to date.

The long delays in promulgating the Regional Councils and Local Authorities Acts also perforce

necessitated the granting of a special constitutional dispensation to hold the regional and local

elections more than the stipulated maximum of two years from the date of Namibian

independence. Following promulgation of the required electoral legislation and the holding of a

voters' registration period, the elections were ultimately held from 30 November to 2 December

1992. Notwithstanding a few minor incidents, these were generally conducted in a relaxed and

enthusiastic atmosphere, with high turnouts. Together with a couple of immediate by-elections,

they produced the situation shown in table 2. SWAPO, the governing party at national level,

obtained a majority of seats in nine regions, with a clean sweep in four, namely Omusati,

Oshana, Omusati and Ohangwena. Together, these correspond quite closely to the former

Ovamboland bantustan, the demographic heart of Namibia and SWAPO's safest stronghold.

The main opposition Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA) gained control of Caprivi, Omaheke

and Hardap, while Kunene Region returned a 'hung' council with no party in overall control.

Walvis Bay constituency was included in the election, despite its disputed status, although

voters had to cross the enclave's border to vote in Swakopmund as South Africa refused to

permit this to take place in the area under its jurisdiction. In practice, however, the enclave

could become a full part of Erongo Region only upon the enclave's eventual reintegration into

Namibia on 1 March 199413. At least two detailed election studies analysing voter behaviour.

countrywide and assessing the implications of the results have been published 14 .

7

'
The councils met fnitially later that month but commenced serious work in January 1993, while

the newly constituted National Council was inaugurated on 23 February 1993. It is to a

discussion and evaluation of the initial performance records of regional councils and - to the

extent that it is relevant, also the National Council- that this paper now turns.

8

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Conduct of this research was greatly facilitated by long experience in the country and contacts

with previously exiled Namibians. Direct involvement with the First Delimitation Commission's

work naturally proved particularly valuable. The contemporary and topical nature of this project,

addressing politically contested agendas, necessitated care, sensitivity and the use of the

widest possible range of contacts and primary and secondary sources. Formal records, such as

parliamentary debates and council debates. annual reports , audited budgets and expenditure

accounts appear with some delay, so were not always available for the most recent period

covered by the research. In addition , some variation was detected in the comprehensiveness of

regional council reports and the regularity with which they were submitted to the MRLGH as
required by law. A key reason for this is staff shortages and lack of experience, an issue that

will be discussed further below. Press reports, articles in popular magazines and journals,

government gazettes and other published and unpublished secondary materials were collected

systematically.

Extensive primary research was also undertaken. This involved detailed face-tc:rface interviews

with key personnel in the MRLGH, including the Minister, the National Planning Commission

(NPC), the Director of Elections, local authorities, non-governmental organisations, and donor

agencies; a semi-structured questionnaire survey of all thirteen regional councils, and follow-up

interviews with a representative sample of town clerks (and a few regional governors) drawn

from those who responded to the questionnaire.

A high level of interest and co-operation was experienced from all quarters. This is almost

certainly attributable to the perceived relevance and timeliness of the project, providing a form of

evaluation and feedback to officials and councillors. They often feel isolated and were

invariably keen to learn how other regions were addressing similar problems and issues, what

the MRLGH's views were on regional council performance, and so forth . On several occasions,

officials remarked that they had been prompted to think about new issues or had gained new

perspectives and ideas from our interviews. Responses were eventually received from ten of

the thirteen regions, providing a firm basis for the analysis which follows.

Apart from the problem of incomplete availability of reports and recent data referred to

above, the principal difficulties related to logistics: the vast distances to be covered

between regional headquarters for these interviews (although local authorities were being

interviewed simultaneously) and occasional unavailability of key staff when we were in the

region . This reflects both the extreme shortage of staff in regional council offices and the

pressures of time on regional governors and councillors, some of whom also serve in the

National Council. Nevertheless, we were usually made welcome and even invited to sit in

on a meeting of Erongo Regional Council , which took place during our visit to

Swakopmund.

9

THE EARLY RECORD: REGIONAL COUNCILS, 1993-5

The first part of this section provides basic information on the regional councils; thereafter their

performance is examined, highlighting particular achievements and problems, relations with

local authorities and with the MRLGH, and other issues raised by respondents .

The new regional councils have clearly faced tremendous challenges. First, they have all been

established from scratch , with no appropriate predecessor bodies on which to draw. Second,

the vast majority of staff and councillors (as with virtually all black Namibians) have had no prior

experience of formal, representative, democratic institutions. Third, resources have been very

limited. Fourth, the range, nature and extent of problems in each region are vast; some are

shared but others specific to one or two. Fifth, as indicated in table 3, there are substantial inter-

regional disparities in terms of physical area (see also figure 2), population, population density

and urbanisation.

At one extreme, three regions in the north compns1ng entirely communal lands, namely

Omusati, Oshana and Ohangwena, are small and densely populated with poor infrastructure

and largely subsistence economies. By contrast, Oshikoto includes Tsumeb town and

magisterial district, with its important economic base of mining, some industry and commercial

agriculture. Khomas, the other populous region, comprises commercial farmland and is centred

on Windhoek, the national capital city, which accounts for the vast majority of the 167,000

population recorded in 1991. Hence the average regional population density is comparable to

that of Oshikoto and only a quarter or less of that in the three densest regions . Wrth the

exception of the Caprivi, all other regions have average densities of less than one per square

kilometre. At the other extreme from the far north is the deep south, where Hardap and Karas

regions are geographically vast, together covering one-third of the country's surface area, but

are home to only 66,500 and 61,000 people each. These are arid and particularly drought-

prone areas of extensive commercial and communal livestock farming.

Staffing, Financial Resources and Functions

Resourcing, in the broadest sense, has been a particularly problematic and sensitive issue for

regional councils: problematic in that it has circumscribed their ability to operate, and sensitive in

that it reflects underlying tensions at central government level regarding the extent to which

executive power and commensurate resources should be devolved to the regions.

Personnel: The MRLGH granted most regional councils an initial staff establishment of six,

comprising two skilled, two semi-skilled and two unskilled posts. More specifically, these are a

regional officer (who is the chief executive officer), chief control officer, secretary, clerk, driver

and cleaner. These six personnel have responsibility for all regional council operations within

10

vat geographical areas, and serving the substantial populations, shown in table 3;

little account was iaken of inter-regional differences on these or other variables in the allocation

of staff complements or of initial budgets to cover recurrent expenditure in 1983/4 (lable 4).

However, both Hardap and Okavango regional councils reported having ten established posts

each, four and seven of these respectively being skilled. Nevertheless, only five posts in

Hardap and one in Okavango were apparently filled at the time of the survey. The latter seems

erroneous.

In practice, the regional officers, in particular, are required to service their councils; to liaise with

the MRLGH, NPC, other ministries, local authorities and the public; to formulate and

operationalise policies through the council; to travel within their regions; and to supervise the

other staff. This is clearly unrealistic and forms one of the most binding constraints on regional

council activily and performance. There are no planners, engineers, technicians, social

researchers, legal officers or any other professional and artisanal staff who would be essential

to the carrying out of the responsibilities relating to development planning, settlement areas and

local authorities. In addition to these, several councils expressed the need for an accountant,

permanent secretary, additional clerks and eventually a personnel officer. By the time of the

survey reported here, no council had been authorised or able to employ any additional staff.

Morsover, it quickly became evident during this research project that the early record of each

council has depended to a great extent on the calibre and motivation of is regional officer and

the councillors themselves, especially the governor,

Offices: A related problem has been the lack of adequate or appropriate office premises for the

new regional councils. Sometimes, e.g. in Khomas Region, the council has rented reasonably

convenient privately owned offices, in this case close io Windhoelk's central business district.

Occasionally, councils have inherited premises from former baniustan or representative

authority administrations. In most cases, however, especially in the former Owambo, the

councils have had to make do with a handful of rooms in a govemment-owned building housing

the regional offices of one or more ministries and perhaps also a local authority. Ohangwena

and Omusati were in the invidious position of lacking any appropriate premises, even on a

temporary basis, within their boundaries, and therefore had to operate initially out of offices in

Ondangwa and Oshakati respectively. This is clearly most unfortunate, making the councils

inaccessible to their populations, hampering their efforis to become established, and raising

questions about their relevance and importance. More generally, too, the councils offices are

often not centrally located within the fowns concemed, are inconspicuous and poorly labelled

and sign-posted. This also creates a poor impression and has done nothing to help the new

councils establish a distinct identity, prominent profile or substantive presence. The often basic

nature of, and lack of fittings and facilities within, most councils offices merely serve to underiine

this problem in the eyes of any visitor. This concem should not be misinterpreted as an

argument for costly prestige premises designed primarily for conspicuousness; unnecessaiy

waste of scarce capital resources should certainly be avoided, but there is a strong case for

11

I .

the often ~t ographical r as, d rvi g bstantial pulations, n i l ;
littl count as t n f i t r-r i nal iffere es t se r t er ri l s i t ll ti n

f t ff ple ents r f i iti l dgets ver rent penditure i 93/4 t l ) .

owever, th ardap d kavango i nal uncils rt d vi g t bli d sts

ch. f r d en f t se r ectively i g ill . everthele s, nly fi sts i

ardap d e i kavango ere parently ille t i e f rvey. e l tt r s
rr ous.

I r cti e, t r i nal ffi rs, i rti ular, r r uir d t rvi e t ir uncils ; t liai it

RLGH, PC, t er inistri s, l a.l thoriti s d ublic; ulate d
erati nalise li i s t r h t uncil; t tr el it i t ir r i ns ; d t pervise t

t er t ff. his i l rly realistic d s e f ost i i g nstraints i nal

uncil ctivity d r ance. ere r o l ners, gin ers, nici ns, cial

archers, l al ffi rs r y t er r f ssional d rti al t ff ho ould ssential

rr i g ut f ponsibiliti s l ti l ent l ning, t le ent r as d

al thoriti s. diti n se, veral uncils r ssed ed r countant,
r anent cretary, diti nal l r s d entually r nel ffi r. y i e f

r ey ort d re, uncil d en t ori ed r le ploy y diti nal taff.

oreover, i ickly e i ent ri g i arch r j ct t arly rd f ch

uncil s ended r at t nt li re d otivati n f it i nal ffi r d

uncill rs selves, pecially vernor.

fi es: l t d l s en k f equate r propriate ffi ises r
i nal uncils. eti es, . . i as egion, uncil s t d nably

venient ri tely ned ffi s, i i se l e t indhoek's ntral si e s i trict.

casionally, uncils ve i rit d r ises fro f r er ntustan r r r sentative

thority ministrati ns. ost ses, ever, pecially i er ambo,

uncils ve d ake o it ndful f s i rnment-owned il i g using
i nal ffi s f e r ore inistri s d r aps l l al thority. hangwena

d musati ere i i i i s siti n f l i g y propriate r ises, en n
t porary sis, it in t eir undaries, d t r f re d t erate i iti ll ut f ffi s i

ndangwa d shakati r pectively. his i l arly ost f rt nate, aking t uncils

in e sible eir pulations, pering eir ff rts e t bli ed, d i i

esti ns out eir le ce d i ort nce. ore nerally, , uncils' ffi s r

ft n ot ntrally lo t d it i t ns rned, r in i ous d orly l ll d

d i - osted. his l tes or i re sion d s ne t i g lp w

uncils st bli h i ti ct i ntity, inent rofil r bstantive nce. e ft n sic

t re f, d l k f frttin d f ciliti it in, ost uncils' ffi s erely rve t derli e

i l i es f y i itor. his rn ould ot isi t r r t d s n

ent r stly r sti e r ises si ed ri arily r spi ousne s; ece sary

aste f rce pital rces ould rtainly oi ed, t re i t g se r

. I
I

improvement and upgrading more in keeping with regional council responsibilities. To

date, office rents have been covered by the MRLGH as part of its funding to councils.

Financial Resources: This research has shown the lack of adequate funding to be one of the

two principal constraints on regional councils. It has greatly restricted their ability to become

established, to perform even remotely effectively and to camry out the substantial range of

powers and functions accorded them in the Regional Councils Act. The amount initially

allocated by the MRLGH to cover recurrent expenditure during 1993/4 was not only low but alsc

identical for each region (lable 4). This was clearly arrived at by dividing a global budget equally

into thirteen, presumably on the assumption that each council would face the same start-up

costs in view of having basically the same functions and staff complements. No satisfactory

explanation could be obtained as to why these allocations were not related in any way to

population per region (especially bearing in mind that preliminary 1991 census data were

available at that stage) or the physical size of each region and thus the differing costs of travel

and subsistence required to perform the same tasks. The 1994/5 allocations, however, do

show some variation, seemingly in an effort to take account of these factors as well as of inputs

from the councils regarding their respective requirements. Hence, for example, the large but

sparsely populated regions of Kunene, Hardap and Karas were allocated relatively larger grants

than could be explained on the basis of popuiation. Conversely, Omusati, Oshana,

Ohangwena, Oshikoto and Khomas, all geographically small but containing the largest

populations, received the largest allocations.

These allocations do not, however, appear {0 take into account the levels of, and variations in,

revenue accruing to regional councils from the only direct or 'own source of income, namely the

five per cent local authority rate levy. Provisional figures for the latter, where available, are

given in table 4. As already pointed out, five regional councils comprising communal lands in

the former bantustans currently have no possibility of any such income, since there are not yet

any freehold properties there, within the newly proclaimed towns, on which rates can be levied

by the respective local authorities. These regional councils (Omusati, Changwena, Oshana,

Ckavango and Caprivi) will therefore remain entirely dependent on MRLGH funding for the

foreseeable future. Although the others do gain some revenue from the rates levy, the only

ones where this is significant are Khomas (from Windhoek), Erongo (from Walvis Bay,

Swakopmund, Usakos and Karibib), Oshikoto {from Tsumeb), Otjozondjupa (from Ofjiwarongo,

Ckahandja and several smaller centres), Omaheke (from Gobabis) and Karas (from

Keetmanshoop).

On this basis, it is only really Khomas, and arguably also Erongo, which can expect to derive

some financial autonomy from the MRLGH under present ammangements. Given that regional

councils are directly elected, represent geographically defined constituencies, form a distinct

second tier of government and have wide powers to shape development, promote seftiement

areas and assist local authorities, it seems vitally important that they have both a level of

resourcing commensurate with their responsibilities and a high degree of autonomy. So long as

I .

some oveme~t d grading ore i ping it i nal uncil ponsibiliti s. o
te. ffi r ts ve en vered y t RLGH s art f it f i g t uncils.

i ancial esources: his r arch s n t l k f equate f i g t e f t

o ri ci al nstraints i nal uncils. It s r atly tri t d eir bilit e

t bli ed, t rf r n r otely ff cti ely d t ny ut t bstantial r e f

ers d cti s orded i egional ouncils ct. he ount i iti ll

llo t d y LGH ver rent enditure ri g 93/4 as ot nly l ut l o
i ntical r ch i n t l ) . his as l arly rri d t y i i i g l bal dget ually

t i n, ably ption t ch uncil ould e e t rt p

sts i i f vi g sically e cti s d t f plements . o ti f t ry

pl nati n uld t i ed s t hy t se ll ti s ere ot r l t d i y ay t

pulati n er i n pecially ari g i ind t r li i ary 91 nsus ta ere

vail ble t t t e) r ysical i f ch i n d s i ri sts f el
d bsi t ce r uir d t rf r t e t ks. e 94/5 ll ti ns, ever, o

e ri ti n, ingly i ff rt e count f se t rs s ell f i uts

ro uncils rdi g eir ective i ents. ence, r ple, l e ut

arsely pulated i s f unene, ardap d aras ere l o t d l ti ly er r nts

n uld pl i ed sis f pulation. onversely, musati , shana,

hangwena, shikoto d omas , ll ographically all ut ntaini g l st

pulations, i d l st ll ti ns.

ese l ti s o ot, ever, pear to e t count ls f, d ri ti s ,

ue crui g i nal uncils r nly i ct r 'o n' urce f in e, ely

r er nt l al thority t l y. r visi nal ig s r l tt r, here ail ble, r

i n i le . s l dy i t d ut, i i nal uncils prising munal la s i

er nt stans rently ve o sibility f y ch in e, i e re r ot t

y re old r perti s re, it in e wly l ed ns , hich t s n i d

y t r ective l al thorities. ese r i nal uncils ( usati, Ohangwena, shana,

Okavango d aprivi) ill r fore ain ntir ly endent LGH i g r

able t re . l gh t ers o in e ue ro t s l y, nly

es here i i i ifi nt r as ro indhoek) , r go ro alvis ay,

akopmund, sakos d aribib), shikoto ( ro eb), tj dj pa ro tj r ngo,

Okahandja d veral aller ntres), aheke ro obabis) d aras ro

et ansh op).

n i sis, nly a l omas, d r uably l r ngo, hich n pect ri e

e in cial t y ro LGH der r sent rr ents . i en t i nal

uncils r i ctly l t d, r sent ographically fi d nstit ncies, i ti ct

nd i r f r ent d ve i e ers pe vel pment, ote t le ent

r as d ssist al thoriti s, s it l portant t y ve th el f

urci g mensurate it eir pons biliti s d i h gree f t y. o g

12

I ·

' .
the MRLGH ' or any other ministry provides a subsidy to cover most or all of their budgets ,

regional councils will not feel free to act independently, and will be vulnerable to pressure or

directives to implement MRLGH policy. At present, regional council staff are, in effect at least,

employees of the MRLGH rather than of a distinct regional council. Equally importantly, it will be

very difficult for regional councils to convince the public that they are sensitive to local needs

and aspirations or are able to respond to them directly. In short, they need to be able to

demonstrate that they have clout and are more than symbolic debating and advisory bodies.

This brings the discussion round to the question of functions and effective power.

The first point to be emphasised in this connection is that the substantial sums listed under

'regional development expenditure' in table 4 do not pass through or even relate directly to

regional councils. These data reflect allocated expenditure on ongoing programmes and one-

off projects by the various line ministries in accordance with their respective investment and

budgetary processes within overall national development priorities. The regional councils may

have influenced expenditure to some extent through· their inputs into budget setting and advice

to ministries, but, especially in 1993/4, this impact is likely to have been negligible as they were

not fully operational in time. Nevertheless, it is salutary to compare the levels of such

'development' expenditures by national ministries with the paltry resources available to regional

councils , which are charged with important regional development functions . Let us now explore

their track record in more detail.

Functions and Po~rs : Despite their very similar problems, individual regional councils have
shown different levels of initiative and activity from the outset. This is clear both from the suNey

results and from public and MRLGH perceptions. While no council was yet fulfilling all seven of

its main functions, as listed in section 2 of this paper, all claimed to be active to some extent in

development planning, designating and seeking proclamation of settlement areas, making

recommendations for inclusion in the line ministries' budgets, and responding to any

approaches from the President, ministers or local authorities. For example, most councils had

commenced consultations with communities and had identified potential settlement areas.

Some had long since made formal requests to the MRLGH for these to be proclaimed, although

no new proclamations have yet materialised. Long delays in this process were remarked on as

a source of some concern by some regional officers. All the fiVe settlement areas in existence

at the end of 1995 were originally established as village councils in 1992 under the Local

Authorities Act but de-proclaimed in 1993 as a result of perceived non-viability as separate local

authorities 15. The same is currently happening to five more village councils . However, it is

anticipated that nineteen new settlement areas will be proclaimed before the end of 199616 .

Of course, it is only the smaller local authorities, especially newly established town councils in

the communal areas and some village councils, that are likely to seek advice or assistance in

this way; existing municipalities and other long-standing local authorities possess their own

professional staff and are in a position to offer advice and assistance to the regional councils

rather than the other way round. For reasons mentioned above, regional councils are not able

13

I .

to undertake eveh their current functions unaided; reliance on professionals in the MRLGH,

NPC and, where appropriate, other line ministries is heavy for anything requiring specialised

inputs beyond the competence of the particular regional officer. This situation again

undermines council autonomy, raises concerns about possible conflicts of interest facing

ministry staff providing such assistance, and may incur delays through such staff not necessarily

being available as and when required by a regional council.

Nevertheless, how might the observed differences among regional councils be explained? The

more dynamic regional officers and governors have perhaps been better c;tble and more willing

to use their initiative in getting started, establishing relationships with local authorities and

regional representatives of ministries, and raising awareness among the public and business

community. Regional councillors also vary in their levels of activity and responsiveness. Given
the skeleton staffs of officials, councillors themselves are very much in the front-line of contact

with communities and individuals; much therefore depends on their accessibility, energy and

diligence in following up representations made to them. ·Their status is, however, also greatly

affected by their inability to offer direct action to meet grievances or requests, something

frequently complained about in interview and also in the National Council (see below).

Undoubtedly, too, councils based in large urban centres like Windhoek (Khomas Region) and

Swakopmund (Erongo Region), and covering areas with relatively good and extensive

infrastructure, have been at a great advantage relative to those based in smaller, more

peripheral centres and in regions with poor infrastructural provision . Not only is the pool of skills

and expertise upon which they have been able to draw for ideas or inputs greater, but they are

readily able to reach senior officials in the respective ministries. Some regional centres still have

few if any line ministry staff at a level authorised to provide liaison and take decisions. Those

regional councils with significant rates revenue will also be better able to purchase professional

services from the private sector to help, for example, with the surveying of settlement area
boundaries.

Achievements

On the positive side, many councils have begun to establish a definite presence, raising

awareness and promoting some sense of regional identities. Consultation and liaison within the

regions form an extremely important part of the workload. These interactions provide

information to people on their rights as citizens of Namibia as well as of the particular region,

allow laws and directives to be explained to ordinary people on the ground, and enable in situ

inspection of needs and encouragement of current projects. Common themes ran through the

principal concerns addressed, such as drought relief and borehole drilling in 1993/4; more

generally perceived actual or potential water shortages as consumption is outstripping surface

supplies and subterranean recharge rates in most areas; widespread poverty and some of its

social consequences such as alcohol abuse; requests for the construction of primary health

14

care clinics ; 1the erection or improvement of local schools; measures to combat rising crime

levels in urban areas; and problematic relations between squatters and farmers in peri-urban

areas.

Of course, as already emphasised, regional councils lack the authority, power and resources to

address these issues directly; rather, their role to date has been restricted to lobbying and

making representations to the appropriate body or ministry17. This situation not only creates a

potential credibility problem for councillors - something of which they quickly became acutely
aware in the course of their work - but also renders it extremely difficult to evaluate the

'development' achievements of regional councils in specific terms . since this would require a

clear and direct relationship to exist between council decisions and representations, and any

subsequent concrete actions by line ministries.

There is clearly some confusion on this score in the mind of many members of the public, some

regional councillors and even journalists and other obseNers. So, for example, while it is both

valid and important to ascertain people' perceptions of trends in their regions since 1992
regarding infrastructure and seNice provision and quality, as reported in the 1994 National

Planning Commission study18 , such findings do not actually reflect the effectiveness or

otherwise of the respective regional councils over their first eighteen months of existence. They

relate much more directly to the performance of central government. Similarly, under the

present arrangements, the views collected on future development priorities and problems

should inform the work of the regional councils but they relate to inteNentions which will have to

be taken by the respective ministries.

Several councils regarded the promotion of co-operation across party political lines among

councillors and their constituents, and the availability of staff and councillors as a conduit for

opinions, feedback and liaison as their major achievements. In some cases, proper committees

have been established for consultations with communities. These are commendable in

themselves but implicitly reflect the councils' lack of executive or implementing authority and

resources. This was underlined further by the fact that several councils had identified and

prepared briefs for one or more specific priority projects but lacked the capital to proceed with

implementation.

Otjzondjupa, widely regarded as one of the most proactive councils, launched its Do Initiative in

1994 in an effort simultaneously to raise awareness of the role of the council, to promote

community level discussion of local priorities and to engender a sense of active involvement in

development efforts through fund-raising and project participation. This has received the

blessing of the Minister of Regional and Local Government and Housing, who held it up as a

model for other councils to emulate. Even so, however, the council claims to have been

hamstrung through a lack of resources to facilitate and kick-start the initiative.

15

' Progress towards the identification of settlement areas was also felt to be important by all
councils , although the delays in having them proclaimed were proving frustrating. A few

councils reported having undertaken research on local conditions, with at least one producing a

regional plan as a specific output. Some councils which have both commercial and communal

lands within their boundaries have, together with the relevant agricultural associations, sought to

promote interaction and co-operation between the respective groups of farmers . This is

potentially very important in bridging historical and institutional gulfs , as well as legacies of

mutual suspicion . However, problems of land tenure and access , and the role of traditional

leaders and authorities within communal areas remain severe. Some of these authorities have

sought to buttress themselves against state institutions which might threaten their power and

control over land. This is another area in which the regional councils have been unable to

intervene; national legislation and action were keenly awaited , e.g. in having the long-heralded

laws on traditional leaders and on land reform promulgated. Those councils containing more

than one previous bantustan, e.g. Kunene Region in respect of Damaraland and Kaokoveld , felt

that important progress had been made in forging a new sense of regional identity that cut

across the divisive politics of the past. However, the attitudes of commercial (almost exclusively

white) farmers in the respective regions was not always seen so positively, especially regarding

labour relations, for example.

Finally, a recent but potentially significant development deserves mention. In order better to

promote their mutual interests, to raise the profile of regional councils and to facilitate

communication among them. the regional councils rapidly felt the need to form an association .

Following discussions and formal approval from each council of a declaration of intent issued in

Windhoek on 15 July 1994, the Association of Regional Councils in Namibia was formally

launched at a special congress in Tsumeb exactly one year later. In his opening address,

President Nujoma welcomed this development, suggesting that it should go hand in hand with

the work of regional councils . Although the Association must operate as a watchdog over the

conduct of central government, the relationship between them should not necessarily become

confrontational, as "The central government and the regional councils are in the business of

promoting democracy". If well managed, the Association would become a positive and

productive force but, significantly, he did warn that, if mismanaged, it could become a platform

for the interests of a small minority19. This was a veiled reference to the calls from certain

influential quarters within the SWAPO-Party for the National Council and regional councils to be

scrapped as ineffectual.

The Role and Profile of Councillors

The principal roles of regional councillors are to participate in the working of the council through

attending monthly meetings and related activities, to serve their constituents, and act as go-

betweens on personal and community problems and needs. Regional councillors have the

great advantage of being the only political representatives elected by, and to represent, a

16

specific geographical constituency. Their role is thus not purely parochial but has wider

importance. Representations have been made by individual councillors (and officers) to

ministries on behalf of members of the public with specific problems or communities expressing

particular 'development needs'. \\1\\Jllere appropriate, such matters are debated at a monthly

council meeting , with decision-making by consensus where possible or by a formal vote in the

event of divided opinions and/or polit ically contentious issues. The precise format and tenor of

meetings varies among regions , not least as a reflection on the personality of the governor.

Observation, discussion with regional officers and MRLGH staff all suggest that there is often

wide diversity on any one council in terms of the energy and application of individual councillors .

Some are extremely conscientious , and have been able to bring their influence to bear

successfully; others seem rather aloof and preoccupied, spending little time liaising within their

r:onst ituencies. A few individuals, usually members of opposition parties who also form a

minority on the particular council, have acquired reputations among their colleagues and officers

of being obstructionist and/or pursuing narrow party political interests at all costs. Relations

between officers and councillors were generally reported to be cordial and supportive.

One important contributor to differential performance is clearly the background and experience

of councillors . Some have high levels of formal education and professional experience; others

were previously workers and trade union officials, while still others lack significant formal

education and/or experienced exile and direct involvement in the liberation struggle from beyond

Namibia's borders. A few training days and workshops were organised for regional councillors

and staff during 1993 and 1994 by the MRLGH, the Director of Elections and relevant University

of Namibia staff with financial support from the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in particular. However,

feedback to the organisers20 and in the research reported here suggests that, while relevant and

useful, these were rather general and thus neither wholly adequate in themselves nor specific

enough for the various roles and functions which the councillors and officers would have to fulfil.

The workshops were most appreciated for the opportunity to discuss and clarify ideas about the

new institutions and structures of the state, where and how regional councils frtted into the

system and what roles councillors would be expected to pla/1.

The two councillors from each region who constitute the National Council clearly have greater

commitments and responsibilities in combining these two roles , especially as National Council

sittings take place in Windhoek. On the other hand, they have used the national forum

increasingly well to articulate the concerns and issues of their respective regions , and also the

problems and frustrations confronting regional councils in general. This has been most clearly

and consistently expressed in the summary annual reports which the representatives from each

region table in the National Council and then discuss in committee prior to their submission to

the Cabinet. Almost without exception the first crop of these reports complained directly about

the lack of staff and resources, the need for specific powers and functions to be decentralised to

the regions, and the need for line ministries to take fuller account of regional priorities and

aspirations through a process of consuttation and negotiation. Ministry staff were alleged to be

17

. I

I

" high-handed and to regard approaches from regional councillors as unwarranted interference
beyond the councillors' powers22 . These frustrations are shared across political party lines, to

the extent that Mr. Hishikushitja, a SWAPO-Party member representing Ohangwena Region,
received unanimous support for his motion

That this Council -

requests the different Ministries to decentralise some of their essential services to

regions in order to adhere to the government's theme, "bringing government closer

to the people" on which the Regional Election of 1992 campaign was based to be
realised through the regional governments23

Councillors from distant regions incur substantial travel expenses and time costs. Some

complain that the MRLGH has been unwilling to reimburse these or to provide a vehicle for their

use, thus in effect reducing the regularity with which they·are able to travel between the two in

order to carry out their duties in both. On the other hand, there has been some press criticism

of councillors spending much of their time in Windhoek and claiming allowances from the

regional council. At least one of these people has reportedly taken up full-time residence in

Windhoek and rarely participates in regional council meetings or visits constituents. This issue

has been linked to wider concerns about the extent of public accountability and the culture of

transparency in Namibia24 .

Views from the Regions Versus the View from Windhoek

This subsection addresses relations between regional councils and the MRLGH and local

authorities, and their respective perceptions of one another.

Regional Council Perspectives: The regional councils which responded to this survey

generally felt that relations with the MRLGH were good or average. The following comment was

typical: "Our relationship with the MRLGH is good and they are rendering all the services on our

behalf on our agency agreement", although the one council which reported poor relations was

controlled by the DTA. This may be significant, although a second DTA-dominated region was

happy with its relations, while the third failed to respond to the survey.

All councils expressed grave concern regarding the lack of effective powers and resources

allocated to the councils. Action to remedy this situation was urgently sought. Specific

suggestions to provide regional council revenue were a tax on water and livestock auctions

(Otjozondjupa), while Erongo mooted levies on forest products and on road traffic tolls, as well

as business turnover and payroll taxes. As mentioned under 'achievements' above, problems

with respect to traditional leaders and access to and use of communal land persisted and

required action by the central state, through legislation and its subsequent enforcement. The

18

I .

urgency of s'uch inteNentions was stressed by those regional councils where communal lands
are important.

Relations with local authorities were generally reported to be good and, if anything, better than

with the MRLGH overall. Particularty pleasing aspects referred to were regular consultations

and meetings; the ability of some regional councils to advise smaller local authorities on

budgetary allocations and the rendering of seNices to them, especially those newly proclaimed

in the communal areas. Local authorities were submitting copies of their monthly council

meeting agendas and minutes as required; where appropriate, matters arising are then
discussed.

These perspectives correspond to the view of regional councils expressed by most local

authorities, except that many of the latter apparently did not receive specific assistance from

their regional councils ; indeed, some of the larger ones provided advice and assistance to the

regional council. Local authorities also felt that regional councils needed to become more

effective and have greater clout. Significantly, those local authorities which felt relations with

their regional council to be only adequate or poor were almost invariably controlled by a political

party other than that which held power in the regional council25 . It was impossible to check

whether such perceptions were reciprocated, since the survey questions concerned related to

relations with local authorities in general, not individually named ones; none of the responses

mentioned any particular local authority by name.

The Chair of the National Council, Mr. Kandy Nehova, who represents Oshana Region, has

emerged as an energetic and vocal campaigner for greater regional empowerment and also for

due status and recognition to be accorded to the National Council as the fully fledged second

chamber of parliament. Wrth some evident justification, he argues that the many National

Assembly members see the National Council as a poor relation, and have frequently sought to

circumscribe its influence through minimising the time available to the National Council for

scrutiny of new bills, and by uniting across party lines to reject most amendments proposed by

the National Council. He is also keenly aware of the tensions surrounding the decentralisation

of powers to regional councils. Although the intention is good, the regional council system is not

yet working well, because of the lack of devolution of power. In his view, regional councils

cannot succeed under the present arrangements: 'We need to do the thing wholeheartedly, not
half-heartedly, if we are to have democracy". He sees education, health and water, in particular,

as essentially regional issues, and want to see regional councils having a co-ordinating role

across the activities of line ministries in each region26 .

The Ministry's View: Perhaps unsurprisingly, the view from the top of the MRLGH has been

more critical. There is a sense of disappointment verging on frustration at what is seen to be

hesitancy and under-achievement on the part of most, if not all, regional councils . The Minister,

the Hon. Dr. Libertine Amathila, has frequently chided them publicly and expressed similar

sentiments in relation to this project. Her view is that the functions allocated to them are

19

'
appropriate -and rntentionally mod.est to start with . Their resources are also broadly adequate

for their present functions. although the situation will improve once property rates start to flow

from new towns being proclaimed in the communal areas; completion of this process was an

urgent priority. In mid-1994 she was concerned at the low levels of activity in most regional

councils , which ''we are still baby-sitting", and contrasted them unfavourably with the new town

councils in communal areas which were already seen to be doing far more. She was aware of

criticisms about the Ministry by the reg ional councils but dismissed these as misplaced until the

councils had some achievements to show. Moreover, the Ministry was ready to assist with

planning and other specialist tasks upon request but none had been received as of then27.

In common with many regional officers and councillors , the Deputy Director: Reg ional

Government felt that the Regional Councils Act lay at the heart of some of the problems. In

particular, Section 28 specifies regional council powers in broad terms while Section 29 gives

the President discretionary power to delegate powers held by the President, Prime Minister or

another Minister to a regional council ''with a view to the effective administration of any law in a
region or promoting the moral and social welfare of the residents of a region' o28 . This amounted

to rather less than a statutory decentralisation of powers. In addition , Article 108 of the

Constitution accords regional councils revenue raising powers and the right to share revenues

with central government - something to which no real effect had been given. This was clearly

problematic in his view. Nevertheless, regional councils were "just sitting , waiting for central

government to delegate functions". In his view, their major role should be advisory rather than

executive29 .

He also expressed concern that some regional councillors quickly began to seek high profile

prominence, wanting "a direct line to central government" and even creating tensions at times

by trying to bypass their regional officer. Some regional governors actually considered

themselves to be representatives of central government rather than of local people. This , he

felt, was partly attributable to the legacy of the interim system of appointed regional

commissioners established by the President shortly after independence to act as a channel of

liaison and communication between central government and communities in different parts of

the country until the regional councils were inaugurated. Since they were centrally appointed ,

many of the commissioners had apparently felt themselves to be superior to local civil servants .

He reported divergent views within the country on the extent to which reg ional governors now

had constitutionally derived executive power or were merely the representative of their councils

as chairs of their respective management committees. The Attorney-General was expected to

give an advisory opinion on such matters in due course30 .

The Deputy Director receives unconfirmed minutes of all regional council meetings; he and his

small staff try to give feedback within seven days, while also channelling requests to the

relevant ministries. In other words, he regards his role as essentially advisory and to act as a

pivot of contact between regional councils and central government. Performance and reliability

of submission of documentation differed significantly among the councils . Kunene and Caprivi

20

thd feast promising thus far, having met irregularly, communicated poorly and, in the

case of Caprivi having failed to transcend local ethnic politics. By February 1995 he still felt that

regional councils had been very slow off the mark overail, and were not always meeting their

formal reporting requirements fully or punciually. Such perceptions in the country at large were

giving rise to a vocal lobby arguing that regional councils should be abolished". This point will

be returned to in the following section.

21

I .

appeared ~ l st ising s r. vi g et irr ularly, municated orly d. i

se f aprivi vi g f il t tra nd l al t nic oliti s. y bruary 95 till f lt t t

r i nal uncils d en ry l ff t ark verall. d ere ot l ays eting t eir

f r al r orti g r ir ents f ll r nctually. uch r epti ns i t untry t l r ere

i i ri t cal lo y r ui g t at r i nal uncils ould oli d31 . his int ill

r t r d t i t f llo i g cti n .

EVALUATION AND COMPARISONS WITH RECENT INTERNATIONAL
EXPERIENCE

In weighing the available evidence and divergent views expressed, it has to be borne in mind

that we are considering only the first two to three years' experience of entirely new institutions

and the record of often inexperienced actors against a background of the apartheid legacy and

Namibia as a newly independent state and an emergent non-racial democracy. Nevertheless,

several clear conclusions emerge. These will be discussed in tum.

Democratic Centralism Versus Decentralised Democracy

The first and most general conclusion is that clear tensions between central government and

regional councils are evident. To some extent, these have been played out in terms of

personalities and specific behavioural criticisms. However, these are merely the more

superficial manifestations of a profound struggle over executive power and resources. Such

struggles are far from unique. They have characterised virtually all post-colonial states,

irrespective of official ideological posture or actual development trajectory. At the heart of such

struggles has been the very nature of the state, namely the extent to which effective power and

the resources which the state controls are to be centralised in the hands of the executive and

the headquarters of the line ministries, or decentralised to sub-national structures. Since three-

tiered government structures are the norm, such sub-national structures generally comprise

provinces, regions, districts or equivalent at the second tier level and local authorities (e.g.

municipalities, urban councils, rural councils, communes) at the third tier level.

In most newly-independent countries of the South since World War II, small elites have

succeeded in exercising a virtual monopoly over political power and the resources of the state

through highly centralised institutions in a unitary state. Even where formal sub-national bodies

have existed with nominally important functions, they have generally faced usurpation of some

or all of those powers and have seldom been resourced adequately to perform their given

functions. This is true of both second and third tier authorities32. Such centralisation has

generally been justified on grounds of the need for strong government in the face of both

internal and external threats to the integrity of the new states, the paucity of resources which

can be most effectively controlled and disbursed from the centre in order to maximise national

benefits, and claims that regional or local governments are themselves expensive luxuries in

terms of skilled personnel and operating costs which poor countries cannot afford. Democratic

centralism has therefore been espoused by a wide variety of regimes, with the emphasis

generally far more on centralism than on substantive democracy. Very importantly, too,

centralisation appeared a necessary and desirable strategy for those countries modelling

themselves on the Soviet or Chinese prototypes for a supposed socialist transition. Despite the

radical rhetoric, their record in addressing regional inequality was - with the exception of a

22

svertly Marxist-Leninst regimes in Cuba and North Vietnam, for example - generally

ttle better than in non-socialist countries in the South"

Although Namibia gained independence after the end of the Cold War and as the Soviet Union

was disintegrating and socialist state forms were being abandoned across the South, many

prominent Namibians, especially exiled SWAPQ leaders, had enjoyed long and close

associations with these ideologies and other liberation movements embracing them.

Authortarianism, secrecy and need to know' politics came io characterise the conduct of

SWAPO affairs in exile, through a combination of ideological commitment, personal ambition,

and necessity in the face of concerted South African efforts to infiltrate and subvert the guemila

war and political resistance to its occupation of Namibia". Officially, state or other socialism has

not been part of SWAPQ-Party's agenda since 1989, when it was conspicuously omitted from

the election manifesto. There has certainly been little evidence of socialist inclinations in the

govemment's record since independence. However, there are undoubiedly still strong

centralising tendencies among the leadership, including some powerful cabinet ministers.

The establishment of the regional councils in their present form and with their functions and

resourcing as set oul in the Regional Councils Act represented a political compromise both

between SWAPQ and opposition demands during the drafting of the constitution, and also

between the different tendencies within SWAPO on devolution and the effective empowerment

of local communities. The centralists remain ultimately unwilling to cede greater power or

resources fo sub-national structures. importantly, however, many of the most vocal critics of this

position, both in central government and in the regional councils, are themselves prominent and

loyal SWAPQ-Party members. This indicates the inadequacy of any analysis based purely on

party poitical affiliation: the conflict runs far deeper.

Regional Councii Performance

The introduction of regional political for a comprising directly elected representatives within

specific geographical constituencies has been a very positive development in itself, providing

more accessible and accountable channels for communication and development promotion.

However, notwithstanding a significant degree of variation in the performance of individual

regional councils, there is universal disappointment in their early achievements. Councillors and

officers are undoubtedly still on a leaming curve, and some have ceriainly not always acted with

mature judgement, but it would not seem realistic at this stage to anticipate radical increases in

their activities and achievements if the status quo persists.

As councillors represent constiiuencies, they are far more directly accountable to their

electorates than National Assembly members and are only too well aware of the precariousness

of their positions if they consistently fail to deliver tangible results. They feel vulnerable on

account of having no direct access to the sources of intervention or resources with which to act

' .
handful of o~ ly arxist- eninst r i es i uba d orth i t , f r pl - neralty
littl tter th i n-socialist untri s i t ut 33 .

lt gh amibia i ed ind dence ft r t d f t old ar d s t oviet ni n

as i i t rati g d cialist t te f r s ere i g ndoned r s t outh, any

inent amibians, pecially xil d APO ers. d j ed g d l e

sociati ns it se id l gies d t er lib ti n ovements bracing .

ut oritari ni , cr cy d 'need ow' oliti s e t aracterise duct f

APO ff irs i xil , t r h bination f id l gical mitment, r onal bition ,

d ce sity i e f certed outh fri n ff rts i filtr t d bvert errilla

ar d oliti al i ce i cupation f amibia34 . fficially, t t r t er ci li s

t en art f APO-Party's nda i e 89, hen it as spicuously i t d ro

l cti n anifesto. here s rtainly en li l i ce f cialist i li ti s i

rnment's rd i e in ndence. owever, re r doubtedly till t g

ntrali i g encies ong le ership, i l i g e werful binet inisters.

e t lis ent f i nal uncils i eir r sent d it eir cti s d

urci g s t ut i egional ouncils ct r nted oliti al promise th

t een APO d positi n ands ri g r fti g f nstituti n, d l o

t een i nt encies it in APO voluti n d f cti e powerment

f l al munities. e ntralists ain l i ately willi g de r ater er r

rces t b-national t t res. I portantly, ever, any f ost cal rit f i

siti n, th i ntral r ent d i i nal uncils, r selves inent d

l al APO-Party embers. his i i t s in uacy f y alysis sed rely

rty litical ffili i : nflict s r eper.

egional ouncil erf ance

e in ro cti n f i nal oliti al r prising i ctty l t d r sentati es it i

ecific ographical sti ncies s en ry siti l ent i i lf, r vi i g

ore ce sible d ountable nels r munication d el ent otion.

owever, t it t ding i ifi nt gree f ri ti i r nce f i i i al

i nal uncils, re i i ersal i oi t ent i eir rty i ents. ouncillors d

ffi rs r doubtedly till le rning rve, d e ve rt inly ot l ys t d it

ature ju ent, ut it ould ot alistic t i t e ti i te ical in es i

t eir cti iti s d i ents if t e t t s o rsists.

s uncill rs r sent nstit ncies, y r r ore i ctly ountable eir

l t r t s n ati nal ssembty embers d r nly ell are f ri e s

f eir siti s y nsistentty il li er gible ults. ey l l rable

count f vi g o i ct ce s urces f in nti n r rces it hich t

23

. I

" in response to requests and more generalised demands from constituents. In most cases, they
can but make representations to central government. Hence their political fate ultimately rests

rather more in the hands of ministers, National Assembly members and civil servants in the line

ministries than in their own performance as such.

VVhile some criticisms of regional councils and councillors are valid, many of the most scathing

are actually somewhat misplaced, reflecting the hamstrung position of these bodies. The broad

powers accorded to them with respect to development promotion by the constitution and

Regional Councils Act have created expectations which they are currently not equipped to fulfil.

In essence, they have not been given the personnel or other resources commensurate with

these powers, while the authority to perform specific functions within these powers has not been

ceded by the executive or line ministries. I therefore conclude that they are not really capable of

becoming much more than rather toothless advisory bodies under current circumstances, no

matter how much the performance and efficiency of individuals might still improve. They should

not be abolished on grounds of ineffectiveness but given· the means to play a more proactive

role . Of course, powerful interests in central government regard the most appropriate role of

regional councils as essentially advisory - and it is only in this very narrow sense that the

Minister of Regional and Local Government and Housing's claim that their resourcing is

appropriate to their present functions may have some validity.

Recent international experience reveals clearly that a mismatch between functions and

resourcing is one of the principal reasons for the failure of regional or decentralised institutions

and government structures. It is certainly also true that new decentralised authorities have

failed through the immediate allocation of excessively broad and demanding functions without

adequate resourcing or allowing time for the system to bed down35 . In this respect, there is a

defensible case for gradually ceding additional responsibilities and resources over a specified

time period.

However, to date there is no tangible sign in Namibia of any actual or intended transfer of

effective powers, additional sources of funds or the establishing of even a vague timetable for

such actions. Nevertheless, one important recent development is that the problems have at

least been officially recognised. In mid-1995, a working party of the National Assembly and

National Council undertook international study tours and presented a report to parliament on

measures to consolidate parliamentary democracy. In respect of regional development, the

report states that:

" The existing regional structure is too weak and under-resourced to provide a meaningful

layer of government ... there has been no devolution of powers to Regional Councils

although some ministries have decentralised their activities and appointed regional

officers. These regional officers are directly responsible to their line ministries in

Windhoek and have no accountability to the Regional Governors.

24

" The crecltion, in any country, of a regional level of government with true executive

autonomy inevitably creates tensions .... Such devolution can achieve greater sensitivity

to local needs but result[s] in some inconsistency across the nation. The priority

afforded to national unity and the limited resources available, particularly the resource of

suitably qualified staff, suggests that it will be some time before Namibia can devolve

significant executive powers, with revenue raising autonomy, to its Regional Councils.

" However, if these Councils appear to the public to have no realistic function they will

rapidly lose credibility and risk disenchantment with the democratic process. It is thus

important that a role for the Regional Councils is defined36 .

The role then advocated is purely consultative:

" ministries and the Cabinet on the needs and priorities of the individual regions. The

Regional Council Officers should have the right to obtain information from ministries and

should have the power to convene meetings of the ministries' regional officers. These

meetings would not have executive authority to modify programmes, but would share

information between ministries and the region37.

The possibility of future devolution of service provision and revenue ra1s1ng power "in the

fullness of time" is raised, together wtth the allocation of token regional development funds of up

to N$100,000 per region as an interim concession.

Although the explicit identification and discussion of the current problems and the suggestion

that regional councils have a definite and clear consultative role are welcome and represent a

considerable advance in the debate, this report has no statutory authority and it is by no means

clear that the recommendations will be partially or fully implemented. Moreover, as explained

below, these proposals do not go far enough. Regional councils can be given stronger teeth

with very small additional net resource implications for the public purse.

Recommended Changes

It is clear that, in order for regional councils to become more effective and to perform any

meaningful development role for their regions as a whole, to take responsibility for settlement

areas or to provide practical assistance to local authorities as envisaged by the Regional

Councils Act, specific delegation of powers currently vested in central government will be

necessary, together with a commensurate increase in appropriate staff and other resources.

Otherwise, decentralisation and regional democratisation will exist in name only and

communities remote from the centre of power will become progressively more indifferent and

disillusioned.

25

'r

" Many other African governments are having to institute multi-party political systems, to hold
regular elections and to accord some greater powers to decentralised assemblies and other

institutions as a result of concerted external donor pressure - through so-called political

conditionalities imposed in structural adjustment and economic recovery programmes - as well

as domestic political demands. Such measures are often incomplete, flawed, of very limited

substance and open to circumvention38 . However, Namibia is fortunate in having a model

constitution with appropriate formal decentralised structures and supporting legislation , a fund of

international goodwill by virtue of its tortured past and recent independence, and a re latively

healthy economy. The opportunity to meet popular aspirations and achieve more locally
appropriate development through the purpose-designed regional councils should not be missed.

The rationale behind the particular regional delimitations and establishment of regional councils

in Namibia is that they should be appropriate for the promotion of territorial (or area based)

regional development planning. This means that it should be performed on an integrated ,

locally appropriate basis that starts from the articulated priorities and needs of local communities

and applies and co-ordinates the resources of the different ministries and other institutions to

meet them. This is very different from the more common functional regional development

planning approach, in which priorities are set centrally and separately within each sectoral (line)

ministry for the entire country and its constituent regions. This latter approach - which

characterises Namibia at present - has been shown to lack inter-sectoral co-ordination and

frequently does not yield results which accord with local priorities or maximise local impacts. It is

also not necessarily more efficient in overall resource or personnel terms, as frequently claimed

by its supporters39.

The first and in some ways most important development role that regional councils should

perform has minimal resource implications and would require few additional skilled staff. This is

the empowerment of each regional council to establish a regional development committee ,

which 'Nou:d 2ct as the principal forum for exchanges of ;ceas and co-ordination between the

regional council and different ministries, parastatal corporations and other institutions at the

regional level. The committee would also have responsibility for drawing up strategic regional

development plans on the basis of wide ranging public consultations and inputs. Importantly, for

this system to work effectively, the committee would need to be chaired by the regional officer or

regional governor. In addition, the regional representatives of each body should discuss how

best to use their respective resources (in the context of overall ministerial or institutional budgets

and investment programmes) to help meet regional development priorities and plans. The chair

therefore would require some effective sanction to prevent the committee simply serving as a

venue for each ministry to report on its programme over the next budget cycle once all key

decisions have already been made in its head office40 . This last- but vitally important- provision

distinguishes the proposal from that advocated by the Namibian parliamentary working party.

Several parallel changes to the status quo would also be required for full effectiveness:

26

( 1) The 1 most basic change is that ministries would have to increase their levels of

information exchange and co-operation with regional councils. Hitherto, some have
singularly failed to provide any information and regional councillors or officers seeking

information or to make a case have been rebuffed for interfering beyond their remits. A

cabinet decision in late 1994 did actually require ministries to co-operate with regional

councils in an attempt to overcome these problems. Communications channels must

also be opened and made as direct as possible: current formal procedures appear
convoluted and highly inefficient41 .

(2) The task of regional development planning - from the perspectives of the National

Planning Commission, the ministries and regional councils - would be greatly enhanced

if all ministries adopted the thirteen official regions as the basis for their activities around

the country. Currently almost every ministry utilises a different set of regions. These

vary greatly in number, size and boundaries. The origin of this patently unsatisfactory
situation lies in the necessity for ministries to organise their activities on a sub-national

basis immediately after independence. They could not or did not wish to await the

report of the First Delimitation Commission. Some created their own new regions on the

basis of perceived appropriateness while others continued using pre-independence

regions. Wrth the exception of Trade and Industry and the MRLGH, they have been

reluctant to change their practice to accord with the thirteen new regions. This reflects

inertia and, in some cases, concern that their existing regionalisation is more appropriate

to their operations. It is understandable that different functions might optimally be

provided through different regional patterns, but this really precludes effective inter-

ministerial co-ordination and the formulation of regional development plans through the

regional councils . It is therefore important that all ministries adopt the new regions ; if

fewer and larger regions are required then groupings of the thirteen official regions

should be used in order to retain a basis of comparability.

(3) It would also be highly desirable for each ministry and parastatal to have at least a

representative or small office based in each region, responsible for liaison with the

regional council and other ministries. For the system to work well, these personnel

would need to have appropriate decision-making authority to resolve most issues locally

and not have to refer even the most basic questions to head office. Under these

circumstances, continuity of contact and collaboration between officials of the various

ministries, parastatals and regional councils should contribute to a different ethos based

upon mutual respect, interchange of information and joint problem resolution.

Beyond these straightforward measures which have modest resource and staffing implications,

but will greatly enhance the public status and practical role of regional councils, there is scope

for debate and the gradual enhancement of their functions and resources to enable them to fulfil

their potential and powers as meaningfully as possible. One likely constraint is the countrywide

shortage of skilled technical and professional staff. such as planners of all specialisations. It

27

I
_l

I

" may therefore not be realistic for each regional council to employ a full complement of its own
staff. but one helpful way forward would be for two or three regional councils, or perhaps a
regional council and some of the local authorities within its borders to pool resources on a pro

rata basis to employ such staff. Other pooling and agency arrangements might also be

appropriate to maximise the efficient use of such personnel.

Senses of Regional Identity

Finally, it is worth reflecting that it is probably still too early for the new regions and regional

councils to have contributed to new senses of regional identity. Many Namibians have strong

ethnic and other affiliations which can be harnessed positively - as has been the case with

efforts to forge a new Namibian national identity since independence - or exploited divisively.

One example of the latter has been the ongoing feuding between Mafwe and Masubia tribal

groups in the Caprivi Region. New identities or components of an identity cannot be
'manufactured' synthetically overnight; they must develop organically through acceptance and a

sense of wanting to belong. It is therefore encouraging that news media and the public at large

are now increasingly using the regions to describe where particular events occur, even when

these have nothing specifically to do with regional councils. Similarly, professional and youth

groups are forming regional associations on the basis of the new regional boundaries and

names42 .

By and large, the regional boundaries have been accepted; a few specific concerns, such as

the inclusion of Mukwe constituency (which lies west of the Okavango River) in Caprivi whereas

it had previously formed part of the Kavango bantustan, can still be discussed and if deemed

appropriate, altered through a future boundary delimitation.

The election of constituency representatives to regional councils has certainly proved important

in initiating this process of regional identification among the population. However, if the regional

councils remain in their present limbo, the initial electoral enthusiasm and associated

expectations will soon give way to disillusionment and indifference. Measures along the lines

recommended above will go far to remedying the situation and providing tangible reasons for -

and benefrts from - promoting regional coherence in a non-sectarian and inclusive rather than

exclusive manner. Returning to the cartographic analogy in the Introduction, these would put

Namibian regions on the map and give them substantive meaning rather than merely seNing as

lines delimiting boundaries. As Richard Crook's analysis of a comparable decentralisation

programme in Ghana shows all too clearly, the price of not addressing the problems identified

here will be high for Namibia:

" Democratisation of district government in Ghana between 1989 and 1992 did therefore

achieve some success in political terms - as might have been predicted given the vigour

of Ghanaian civil society. But the very success of this democratisation process

28

' .
produced deep frustrations at the institutional level, frustrations which were reflected in

the only marginal improvements in development performance. As the government of

Ghana was fully aware, lack of tangible development outputs in tum undermined the

other mission of the assemblies, which was to create a more legitimate and responsive

form of government at the local level. A common explanation of these difficulties, in

Ghana as elsewhere, was to invoke the 'lack of resources' . While it is true that the

assemblies did lack both the personnel and the financial resources to fulfil adequately

all of their very broad functions, this was by no means the whole story. The 3ssemblies

themselves failed to maximise the revenue sources available to them, and their actual

expenditure frequently demonstrated a poor and erratic commitment to development

and services. The main cause of the budgetary control difficulties lay in the weakness

of the accountability structures43 .

29

(
I

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I

NOTES

The research reported here comprised part of a project on 'The restructuring of the

post-colonial state in Namibia: regional councils and local authorities' funded by the

British Academy and Nuffield Foundation. Professor Chris Tapscott, then director of

the Social Sciences Division, Multidisciplinary Research Centre, University of

Namibia. kindly provided an academic base for me as a Visiting Research Fellow

during August-September 1994, while Ma~orie van Wyk acted as an enthusiastic

and able research assistant. A second spell of fieldwork was conducted in February

1995. The co-operation of the Honourable Dr. Libertine Amathila, Minister of

Regional and Local Government and Housing, and her staff is gratefully

acknowledged, as is the interest and responsiveness of regional council officers and

councillors around the country. The paper also benefrts from my experience as

advisor. funded by the British government's Overseas Development Administration ,

to the Namibian government's First Delimitation Commission during 1990-1 .

1. For most non-technical staff, this was the Ministry of Local Government and Housing (later
renamed the Ministry of Regional and Local Government and Housing (MRLGH)).

2. They were Judge Johan Strydom (Chair), Professor Gerhard Totemeyer (University of
Namibia) and Martin Shipanga (prominent businessman and former inspector of schools) .
They were able to draw extensively on civil servants in relevant ministries and were served
by a professional secretary and two expatriate expert advisors. including the present author.

3. See, for example, Walter B. Stohr and Derek R. F. Taylor (eds), Development from Above
or Below? The Dialectics of Regional Planning in Developing Countries (Chichester, Wiley,
1981); J. L. Coraggio, "Social spaceness and the concept of region", in F. Moulaert and P.
W. Salinas (eds) Regional Development and the New International Division of Labour
(Boston: Kluwer-Nijhoff, 1983); David Dewar, Alison Todes and Vanessa Watson. Regional
Development and Settlement Policy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1986); D. A. Rondinelli, A.
Dennis, J. S. McCullough and R. W. Johnson, "Analysing decentralization policies in
developing countries: a political economy framework", Development and Change, 20,1
(1989): 57-87; David Slater, ''Territorial power and the peripheral state: the issue of
decentralization", Development and Change, 20, 3 (1989): 501-531; David Simon, ''The
question of regions", in David Simon (ed) Third World Regional Development: a reappraisal
(London: Paul Chapman, 1990).

4. Republic of Namibia, Report by the First Delimitation Commission of Namibia on the
Determination of Regions, Constituencies and Local Authorities (Windhoek, 1991 ); Gerhard
Totemeyer, The Reconstruction of the Namibian National, Regional and Local State
(Windhoek: Research Report 7, Namibian Institute for Social and Economic Research,
University of Namibia); James D. Sidaway and David Simon, "Geopolitical transition and
state formation: the changing political geographies of Angola, Mozambique and Namibia",

30

Journal of Southern African Studies. 19,1 (1993): 6-28; D. Simon, "Namibia's new
geopolitics: lessons for South Africa," Indicator South Africa, 10,4 (1993): 73-6.

5. Liambezi. the northeastemmost region, was changed to Caprivi; Mopani and Marula, the
two northernmost regions. became Omusati and Ohangwena respectively, while Waterberg
in the east became Otjozondjupa.

6. Republic of Namibia, Government Gazette 368 (Windhoek, 3 March).

7. It is noteworthy that the process subsequently followed in South Africa during the multi-party
negotiating conference which drew up the interim constitution on which the first non-racial
elections were fought, was very different. Various regionaVprovincial boundary proposals
were submitted by the participating parties alongside their campaigns for a unitary or federal
state structure. This was therefore highly politicized and contested in a way not seen in
Namibia, where the political system is still in its infancy and the social scale is far smaller.
However, in the end, South Africa's formal boundary demarcation process was conducted
far too rapidly to enable the in-depth investigations carried out in Namibia. See Richard
Humphries, Thabo Rapoo and Steven Friedman, 'The shape of the country: negotiating
regional government", in Steven Friedman and Doreen Atkinson (eds), South African
Review 7: the Small Miracle; South Africa's negotiated settlement (Johannesburg: Ravan.
1994); Richard Humphries and Thabo Rapoo (eds), Governing the Provinces
(Johannesburg: Centre for Policy Studies in association with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung,
1994); Yvonne G. Muthien and Meshack M. Khosa, " 'The kingdom, the volkstaat and the
new South Africa: drawing South Africa's new regional boundaries", Journal of Southern
African Studies, 21, 2, (1995): 303-322; Roddy Fox, "Regional proposals: their constitutional
and geographical significance", in Anthony Lemon (ed) The Geography of Change in South
Africa (Chichester: Wiley, 1995).

8. Republic of Namibia, "Regional Councils Act", Government Gazette 469 (Windhoek, 31
August 1992); "Local Authorities Act", Government Gazette 470 (Windhoek, 31 August
1992).

9. David Simon, "Non-racial local authorities in independent Namibia: an evaluation of the first
two years; summary report" (Egham, Surrey: unpublished report circulated to local
authorities, the Ministry of Regional and Local Government and Housing, and other
interested parties, October 1995); David Simon, "Restructuring the state in post apartheid
cities: Namibian experience and lessons for South Africa", African Affairs, 95, 378 (January
1996): 51-84.

10. Republic of Namibia,"Regional Councils Act", pp. 36-7.

11. Bruce Frayne, Andrew du Plessis, Rodney Hopson, Martin Scharbler, David Simon and
Chris Tapscott, Regional Development Strategy for Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena and
Oshikoto (Northern Namibia) (Windhoek: Social Sciences Division, Multi-disciplinary
Research Centre, University of Namibia, Research Report 13, 1993); Gerhard Totemeyer,
Andre du Pisani and Victor Tonchi, Namibia Regional Resources Manual (Windhoek:
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 1994); National Planning Commission, National Development

31

Planning and the Regions of Namibia (Windhoek: National Planning Commission and Social
Sciences Division , Multi-disciplinary Research Centre, University of Namibia, 1994).

12. Gerhard Totemeyer, "Government by the People; Regional Councils in Namibia - an
Appraisal" (address delivered at the Lauching Congress of the Association of Regional
Councils in Namibia,Tsumeb, 15 July, 1995).

13. David Simon, "Strategic territory and territorial strategy: the geopolitics of Walvis Bay's
reintegration into Namibia", Political Geography, 15, 2 (1996): 193-219.

14. Reinhard Kassler, Towards greater participation and equality? Some findings in the 1992
regional and local elections in Namibia (Windhoek: Working Paper 27, Namibian Economic
Policy Research Unit, 1993); Wade C. Pendleton et al. , A study of voting behaviour in the
1992 Namibian regional and local government elections, plus election statistics (Windhoek:
University of Namibia, 1993).

15. This refers to Aris and Kappsfann (both Khomas Region), Omitara and Summerdown (both
Omaheke) and Wlotzkasbaken (Erongo) (Republic of Namibia, Government Gazette
718, 8 September 1993; David Simon, "Non-racial local authorities in independent Namibia";
David Simon, "Restructuring the local state in post-apartheid cities") .

16. These are Noordoewer, Wannbad, Ariamsvlei and Gri.inau (Karas Region), and Kalkfeld
(Otjozondjupa) (Gerhard Totemeyer. Director of Elections. personal comment, 3 November
1995; 14 March 1996).

17. SuNey results; see also The Namibian 18 March, 1994 (Windhoek); New Era 4-10 and 11 -
17 August 1994 (Windhoek); unpublished annual reports of regional councils; the somewhat
different annual reports of regional councils tabled in the National Council - see Republic of
Namibia, Debates of the National Council 1993 Seventh Session, First Parliament, 12
October- 30 November 1993, Volume 4 (Windhoek).

18. National Planning Commission, National Development Planning and the Regions of
Namibia .

19. New Era , 20-26 July 1995 (Windhoek). See also Gerhard Totemeyer, "Government by the
People"; The Namibian 18 July 1994 (Windhoek); "Declaration of Intent to Fonn an
Association for Regional Councils in the Republic of Namibia" (Windhoek: press release by
regional councils, 15 July 1994).

20. Gerhard Totemeyer, Andre du Pisani and Victor Tonchi, "Regional councils workshop,
September 1993- February 1994: Report" (Windhoek: unpublished report to Friedrich Ebert
Stiftung and MRLGH).

21. Interestingly, very similar feedback was obtained from general training programmes
provided to office bearers of township civic associations and advice offices in South Africa to
assist them adapt from a culture of resistance to apartheid to one of more conventional
development activism in the rapidly changing political situation there in the early 1990s
(Jeremy Seekings, Khehla Shubane and David Simon, "An Evaluation of the European

32

Community/Kagiso Trust Civic and Advice Centre Programme". Final Report,
Pretoria/Johannesburg, March 1993).

22. Republic of Namibia, Debates of the National Council1993. Interestingly, at the same time ,
most National Council members strongly criticised the Caprivi Region report as being too
negative and for concentrating on the divisive ethnic feuding there, while omitting any
reference to positive developments like government infrastructural projects in the region.

23. Republic of Namibia, Debates of the National Council1993, pp.86, 128-131 .

24. See, for example, The Namibian, 21 October 1994 (Windhoek); Gerhard Totemeyer,
"Government by the People", p. 9. The latter argues that this situation clearly violates the
Regional Councils Act and the offender's resignation should be sought and required by law.

25. David Simon, "Non-racial local authorities in independent Namibia"; David Simon,
"Restructuring the local state in post-apartheid cities".

26. Interview with Mr. Kandy Nehova, Windhoek, 21 February 1995.

27. Interview with the Han. Dr. Libertine Amathila, Windhoek, 28 July 1994.

28. Republic of Namibia. Regional Councils Act, p. 39.

29. Interview with Mr. Titus Mbaeva, Windhoek, 28 July 1994.

30. ibid.

31 . Interview with Mr. Titus Mbaeva, Windhoek, 16 February 1995.

32. William Tordoff (ed) Administration in Zambia (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
1980); Jean-Franc;ois Bayart, The State in Africa; the Politics of the Belly (Harlow: Longman,
1993); Philip Mawhood (ed) Local Government in the Third World; experience of
decentralization in tropical Africa, (second edn) (Pretoria: Africa Institute of South Africa,
1993); Peter Gibbon (ed) The New Local Level Politics in East Africa (Uppsala:
Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Research Report 95, 1994).

33. James Sidaway and David Simon, "Spatial policies and uneven development in the 'Marxist-
Leninist' states of the Third World", in David Simon (ed) Third World Regional Development;
James Sidaway and David Simon, "Geopolitical transition and state formation: the changing
political geographies of Angola, Mozambique and Namibia"; David Simon, ''The demise of
'socialist' state forms in Africa: an overview", Journal of International Development, 7, 5
(1995): 707-739.

34. See Colin Leys and John S. Saul (eds) Namibia's Liberation Struggle: the Two-Edged
Sword (London: James Currey, and Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1995).

35. S. Cheema and Denis Rondinelli (eds) Decentralization and Development: Policy
Implementation in Developing Countries ( Beverly Hills: Sage, 1983); David Simon, Third

33

\\

World Regional Development, Peter Gibbon, The New Local Level Politics in East Africa;
Philip Mawhood, Local Government in the Third World; William Tordoff and Ralph Young,
"Decentralization and public sector reform in Zambia, Journal of Southern African Studies,
20, 2 (1994): 285-299; Richard C. Crook, "Four Years of the Ghana District Assemblies in
operation: decentralization. democratization and administrative performance", Public
Administration and Development, 14, 4 (1994): 339-364; Joseph R.A. Ayee, ''The
measurement of decentralization: the Ghanaian experience, 1988-92", African Affairs, 95,
378 (1996): 31-50.

36 . Republic of Namibia, Agenda for Change: Consolidating Parliamentary Democracy in
Namibia. A report to parliament by a working group of the National Assembly and the

37. ibid, p. 16.

38. See for example, Peter Gibbon, The New Local Level Politics in East Africa; Samir Amin,
''The issue of democracy in the contemporary Third World", in Ulf Himmelstrand, Kabiru
Kinyanjui and t:.dward 1\\ilburugu (eds) African Perspectives on Development (Nairobi:
E.A.E.P; Dares Salaam: Mkuki na Nyota; Harare: Baobab; Kampala: Fountain; New York:
St. Martin's Press; London: James Currey, 1994); John Mukum Mbaku and Mwangi S.
Kimenyi, "Democratization in Africa: the continuing struggle", Coexistence 32, 2
(1995): 119-136; David Simon, "Debt, democracy and development: sub-Saharan Africa in
the 1990s", in David Simon, Wim van Spengen, Chris Dixon and Anders Narman (eds)
Structurally Adjusted Africa; poverty, debt and basic needs (London: Pluto, 1995).

39. David Dewar, Alison Todes and Vanessa Watson, Regional Development and Settlement
Policy, David Simon, ''The question of regions"; John Friedmann. Empowerment; the Politics
of Basic Needs (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992).

40. Compare for example Marcel M. E. M. Rutten, ''The district focus policy for rural
development in Kenya: the decentralization of planning and implementation, 1983-9"; Ruud
H. F. Jansen and Paul J. M. van Hoof. "Regional development planning for rural
development in Botswana"; and Allert van den Ham and Ton van Naerssen, "System,
structure and participatory development planning in Indonesia", all in David Simon (ed) Third
World Regional Development.

41 . Many regional officers told me that in order to liaise officially with a local representative of a
line ministry they had to write to the MRLGH head office, which then contacted the relevant
ministry, which then passed on the request to their local representative. The information
would then flow back in the reverse direction, usually taking weeks if not months, despite the
fact that the regional council and ministry representatives would often have offices in the
same or adjacent buildings. This procedure was also reported in National Planning
Commission, National Development Planning and the Regions of Namibia , pp. 14-15,
although the MRLGH denied the existence of such bureaucratic procedures and claimed
that direct communication was permitted. Either way, there is clearly unhelpful confusion
which needs remedying .

42. Namib Times 2 August 1994 (Walvis Bay).

34

43. Richard Crook, "Four years of the Ghana district assemblies in operation", p. 36l.

35

(
(

tema mmarmARAT As ALA 2s

MEMBERSHIP TERM OF
OFFICE

5 vears

(Max. 2 terms)

2 elected. In addition not
more than 6 appointed by
President

ortional
resentation: Party

~-
q

2

o
2 3 vears

26 (2 from each region) Elected by each Regional
Council from amongst its
members

Regional Council 10 councillors per
region (maximum 12}

Winner takes all per
constituency

Nimpaiies
Municipalities: 7-12
Villages: 7

First election (1992):
proportional - pa arty ist
system. Thereafter
Winner takes all per
ward

tn
veurs

Determined by Regional Councils Elected or designated by Regional Councils in such a manner 2 prescribed by the Minister of Regional and Local y Governaent and Housing No time Limit determined

T.-\\BLE 1. GO VERNME;-..iTAL STR UCTURE : THE POST CO LO NIAL NAMIBIA N ST.-\\ TE

(

BODY ~IBERSHIP ELECTORAL SYSTEM F
FFICE

P reside n cy 1 P ropo r tio nal (50% plus ) y e a r s
(.Yi ax. t r s )

\\"" J.ti ona l 7 l c ted. ditio n ot Prop rti nal 5 years
.-\\sse mbly ore t an oi nted y Rep entation: Party li st

r s ide nt sy stem

\\"" ational Counc i I '2 c h i n) l t y :J.ch egional 6 years
ouncil :1 ongs t ir
e m be rs

egional ounc il 6- uncill ors e r ' i ne r t es J. ll ' r 6 years
wn :1xi um ) nst it nc y

Loc:J. l autho rities un icipalities : - 12 irst l ti n ( 92 ): 5 ye :.1rs
1 .'v[unic ipa lities . i lages: rti o l - rty I is t
towns. villages) s t . here:J.fter

·w i ner t es ll ' er
ard

Settlement areas e te r ined y egional lec ted r si nated v o ti e li it
ounc ils egional ouncils i c h t ine d

:1 a ner :J.S r scri ed y
t e inis ter of egional

d ocal Governme nt
nd ous ing

TABL£,2. POLITICAL COMPOSITION OF REGIONAL COCNCILS (1992
el-ections)

"
Region No. of Constituencies/ Party Affiliation

Councillors

Kunene 6 SWAPO 3
DTA
UDF 2

Omusati 9 SWA.PO 9

Oshana 9 SWAPO 9

Ohangwena 10 SWAPO 10

Oshikoto 10 SvVAPO 10

Obvango 6 SvVAPO 6

Capri vi 6 SWAPO 2
DTA 4

Erongo 6 SWAPO 4
DTA 1
UDF 1

Otjozondjupa 6 SvVAPO 4
DTA 2

Omaheke 6 SWAPO
DTA 5

Khomas 9 SWAPO 6
DTA 3

Hardap 6 SWAPO ')

DTA 4

Karas 6 SW.~-\\PO 5
DTA 1

TOTAL 95 SWAPO 71
DTA 21
UDF

.,
_)

Source: Republic of Namibia. Government Ga:.:ette 545 (Windhoek. 7 December 1992):
Gerhard Totemeyer. Victor Tonchi and Andre du Pisani . Namibia Regional
Resources Manual (\\Vindhoek: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. l994 l.

TABLE 3. BASIC REGIONAL INTIICA TORS

Area %of Population
(:'c of Average c;;; of

(krn =) National (1991)
National Population Population

Area Population Density Crban

Kunene 144,255 17.5 64.0 17 -1-.5 0.-1-4 1-1-

Omusati 13,638 1.7 189,919 13 .5 13 .93 0

Oshana 5,29 1 0.6 13-1-,884 9.6 25.-1-9 26

Ohang'xena 10,582 1.3 179,634 12.7 16 .98 0

Oshikoto 26 ,607 , 'I ~-- 128 ,745 9.1 -1- .84 13

Okavango 4 3,418 5.3 116.830 8.3 2.69 17

Capri vi 19 ,532 2.4 90,422 6.-1- -1-.63 15

Erongo 63,720 7.7 55 ,-+70 3.9 0.87 63

Otjozondjupa 105,328 12.7 102,536 7.3 0.97 46

Omaheke 84,732 10.3 52.735 3.7 0.62 16

Khomas 36,805 4.5 167,071 11.8 4 .54 :38

Hardap 109 ,888 13.3 66,-1-95 4.7 0.6 1 -14

Karas 161,325 19.6 61,162 4.3 0.38 37

Sources : Totcmeyer et al. ( 1993): National Planning Commission ( 1994): population data from
1991 census

Notes :
1. ·urban ' defined in 1991 census as comprising all municipalities , towns and settlements with some
'basic social facilities'. This includes some, but not all , sizeable settlements in the communal areas
2. data have been rounded to the nearest whole number or decimal place, as appropriate

I

TABLE 4. REGIONAL COUNCIL FINAN

JES AND ATLOCATED RI LONAL DEVELOPMENT EXPENDITURE:

1993/94 1994705

Recunent Allocated Regional Allocaled Estimated Allocated Rey
Region Expenditure : Development Recnrrent Current Development

Nf Expenditure N$, (00 Expenditure N& Income N$ Expenditure NS, G6)

Kunene 316,000 - 1708 535,104 21482
Ons F600 - 59,024 645.002 - 2419
Osha 316,000 - 625,540 ? 31,602
Ohangwenz F600 - 734,596 - 11.267
Oshikoto | 36000 70,000 12.405 675,564 Ta49
Okavango 316,000 - 52.189 465.922
Caprivi 316.000 ° 6,500 513,269
Erongs 600 120, 000(R) 18,735 439,564 '
Otjozondjups 36.000 65,000R) 2,664 430.564 ?
Oumuheke 36.00 40000R) 0,258 445,540 ?
Khia 316,000 A32000 41610 663286 2.600.000) $1683
Hurdip 36000 13464R) 20070 472200 15,00008) 10,921

Karas 36,0 SK, I45(RY 30,000 456,024 y 28,608

ces: Expenditures - National Planning Con un (1994); §

mes - survey yuestionnaires and refuted data

Notes:
1 Curent incoute dara wre provisional and tay be incomplete

2. Regiotal development expenditures are cateulatict fron the respective ministries budget votes
3 = boil authority rates levy

4. Kuncae RC reported it MRLGH compile and andie their budger
5. Ostiikoto RC income eafentated pro rata from setual income of N¥I04 A478 Qaowary 1993 - June 1994)
Khana 199341 come apparenlly compuised the rates oyy plus NSIZ,000 ental fron Jar tnd, By contrast, the estinacs
Drepated catty in E04 comprised N$ T9500 from the rates bevy and N§73,500 interest on jnvesiuents

T ~- I NAL UNCIL I NCE D L CATED E(;IO L ELOPMENT ENI>I'I'llltES

-- --·--~-----~ -~------ ---·

~3N4 ~~~4N5
----- -~

ecurrent Current
ll ted egional li!K t d sti ated ll ted egional

Region Expenditure Income N$ D veh>pmcnt ecurrent u rent evd ent
$ xpenditure $, ()()() xpenditure $ ln u e $ xpenditure $, I)( ()

nene 31 o,mo 1,708 535,104 ') 3,XlQ

musati 31 o,CX)O 59,024 645,9 2 42,419

ana o,OOO 34,544 o ,540 'I ,oo2

hangwena 31 , 00 3,9lJ4 4, 9() I I , o7

shikoto 1 o,mo , 00 , 05 o75,564 'I 7, 49

kavango 6, 00 , 89 o5, 22 2H,25o

apri vi o,OOO ' ) 0, 0 3, o9 ' ) 17,XWi

r ngn 3lo,(X>O 20, (Xl(R) , 35 9,564 ') 10,7X5

tjl >zondj u pa 1 o,OOO o5,<)(X)(R) o,oo4 9, 64 ' ) 51,302

aheke 1 o,<X>o , <Xl(R) 22,258 , 40 ' ) 32,olo

ilo mas o,OOO 2,4 , 0 ,010 ()() ,28o , o 00, 0 ( R ) 5 ,o83

ardap 1 o,OOO ,4fi.:I(R) ,lJ70 ,2 I I X ,O!Xl(R) I O,lJ21

Karas I o ,000 5X , 1 5(R) o, om o,lJ2X 'I x ,ooX
----~ -- -----

Sour s: xpcnditmcs ati!lnal l ning omtnission ~94); Incomes - rvey q esti nnaires d lat d ta

otes:

I. uncnt i !lnle ata ar r i h>nal d may h i w plete
' egional cvclllr ent xpenditures rc lculaled r m lll c p clivc tllinislri cs ' dge! Vl>les
l R = l cal thority t s l y

. nene C r rtcd that LGH rite handle eir dget

. slli otll C inCl 1111e c lcul t d ru r t fr actual income r $1 04, X (.1 anuary ttJlJ3 - e I lJ94)
ll. KIHHllas llJl) ~\\/4 incotne parently tnprised tile tes levy l s $32,1l1Hl rental nHll fann land. Uy contra st, il estitttates

prcr red early i tlJ94 n1prised $1 ,lJ 1l,IHHl mnltllc t s l y d $73, 1)0 i r st in tments

vee : HY

C A ~ Tm eT i EAST CAPRIVI , ome = 2 MOAN na Ln

poem" \\ Ra . , . ne

¢ |
2

ANGOLA \\,
oe = on = mt ot + on_f3 on 3 oe = mm = = m= mm an ann F

\\ a #ngela,
mmo

ZAMBIA

%

Af
{= iCngwediva |

ar a a = en

A OSHAKATI Sri | RUNDUS
oe

3 ONCANGUA jo Adar

i \\ UY A
I 7

JN OWAMBO | Neen | J oo RE
I

4 mmm ANG J KAVANGO | h oe ar nN \\ Jd J :
Uo

- =
i

SN

{ i)
i

7 |
oo

0 =\\ ROOTES NTE BUSHMANL AND; / Kamanjab
\\ es :

\\ Z Kompa E

AN A - f 1

\\ Ym
Cutjo 7) ,

.

N Franstontein g' INS Js J WEST RN .
N = 7 ST

ono

\\ Komas Ne WARGNGD HEREROL. MR EAST !
| | XI N\\ # kakarara 7 c

NON i 3 To , HEREROLAND |

: i ,
S Ni : ji mm | DAMARALAND #4 f ] ~{

{ / i =
Tae i

N ~ \\
y

} OMARUAU ! :
A 3

Cam i

: { aribi
1 §

ZTNgGOBABIS

on pe

|
- !

| EAST |

HEREROLAND
boa i
| (3,

t tne seemeey OD
ATLANTIC : c

i ®) ; |

\\ MARIENTAL | @

OCEAN \\ Mattahthe, | A
} qs i =

/ 3 peort 5 s Ya in n
ky 5 N ~~ i 4

) h) NY
J NAMA LAND

N x AN ! §

/ N \\ ? '

\\ Berseba N b i k
3 | 1) 3 :

\\ Fhe /

No BO ~ s i ,
rm ( a § <EETMANSHOOP i {

LpEAITEE hy ! 5 |

] \\ Nope ae

\\ 7 1
A il

menace § A \\ I i Main Road \\ i :
Railway \\ / i

JX 5
= == Former Bantustan Boundary J \\ Karasburg
[I po / gy Nakop

i Reception Centre rs J |

s { oo
7 et

a 200 km Oranjemund = Arioordoavier Fo .d
N rm

\\ ;

\\ S 0 UTH AFRICA \\ nd

FIGURE 1: THE POLITICAL GEOGRAP
OF PRE-INDEPENDENCE NAMIBIA

I01SET: C:-\\PRIVI STRIP - " ___ .. - ........ _ .. -r- " ,,
_ " _ " - " ; Katima Mulilo ,

A;;jara" ~-. " -l ST PRIVI ,.._ " '),._ ----- ' ,-,; r·-----· _,,-
.._,

...... - '-,- ~, GOLA
BIA ~----

1
I
I
I
I
\\
\\

\\
\\

Opuwo "

\\ KAOKOLAND
\\

\\
\\

\\
\\

\\

' -,- /

' \\ __
r nsfontein " ,

Khorixas" ',

LANTIC

EAN

t
=Mai oad

---Railwa

---- · r er antustan undary

L_. eception entre

0 0 k
--------~

!WINDHOEK
, J_ \\

r
,- - ()

REHOBOTH \\ ~
) ' ,- \\

REHOBO ~ '\\
I ' I
~ ,- Kalkrand
~--- ........ ,--.-~

R! ENTAL

alt hohe"

J

'~ib n~ ~
I I \\
1,NAMA .t'ID11

I ' I erseba" '
' I - /

Belhanien )

e.e~~:=:::~ r"

E ST
LAND

l

"----
1

/
< ...- --- \\

I I

t------.J
I

I

~----,-!
I .-\\ST ! I

ROLAND 1
I 2 I
I I I
I -----'-1

I '

' I
I

I

\\.----

~K;;;;a~ra~s~b~ur~gs;~,!l Nakop

/
I

Orantemund - ,.....Noordoe...;er " _ .1
~,_,.. ____ ;
O H FRICA

'
(

FIGURE 2: NAMIBIA'S NEW REGIONS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES

0

Karas

0
0

0

200 400 km ,,

Oshakati~hangwena

Opuwo Ongwealva Onaangwa 0 ~ · I
0 t . Oshana Oshikoto musa 1

Kunene

Swakopmund

Walvis Bay

N

Regional boundaries

Region

Municipalities

Town Councils

Village Councils

Kaman jab
0

outjo 0

0rsumeb
Otavi O 0Grootfontein

· Otjozondjupa
Otjiwarongo

0

Omaheke

Kalkrando Aranos0
0 .

Stampnet Marientalo

0
MaltahOhe 0

Gibeon

0
Gochas

0Tses Koes
Berseba 0 0

0 OKeetmanshoop
Bethanie

0
Aroab

0
A us

Karas

Grunauo Karasburg

0 o . I .
Warmbad Anamsv e1

0

Founding Members: Hen. Ben Amathila Dr. Kaire Mbuende Prof. Peter Katjavivi

THE NAMIBIAN ECONOMIC POLICY RESEARCH UNIT
Postal: P. 0 . Box 40710, Ausspannplatz, Windhoek, Namibia
Street: 59 Bahnhof, Windhoek, Namibia

Tel.: +264- 61 - 228284 Fax: +264- 61 - 231496

Email: nepru1 @neprv.org.na Web site: www.nepru .org.na

Director: Dr Dirk Hansohm

NEPRU Publications
Updated: 12 September 2000

Publication Title
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BOOKS

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NB3

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National Conference on Land Reform and the Land
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Research papers, addresses and consensus document

· Macroeconomic modelling in Southern Africa: a
comparative perspective -ISBN 99916-38-03-2

Authors

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RESEARCH REPORTS ISSN-1 026-9231 '' I
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NRR4 The European Community and Namibia: a user's guide
to the Lome Convention and the development resources
of the EC annual budget

NRRS Namibian agriculture: policies and prospects

NRR6 Namibia's tax system

cMitN'Ep,[uj~S.o:·:? :~~=>~-· ~ _ ~.
8eni1i.19 Meiber .. Hai>cilang· Fiiiororo, ·:
Bruna'venaitt6: oirk Hansoilm:'~*lt~
Peter, ~.~iini".~ ·~l~u1.:~~~~CI~~;:~~~
~91fgan.g _Yt_e_rne_r;]Jf}q_Q}~SJ:I~~.!!IJ9Si

l·i'e'r11ii'n9Meftie~"'piri<Ranso.fim :~~· : ~:
w_ O_lfgan,g ::w.~rri~fz'?~:\\''.'':::: ";: ;_,~>L . · ~

Kiau's'sctiade; Dirk -Hansohm:~::' :.j:i'i "
Namerie kalili, Arig.eiine Siman."3:' ': ·
Rowlan Simpson·, Wolfgang Wemer

Jan .Esaksen

Peter Oates & Pier5Vigne. ·. · '

Erastus i\\uirio.- t<atiiiciro kahuure,
Enny Namalambo & Pie~ Vigne

Paul Goodison
.,..,-_ ·-··. ; ~~: ·

Walter Efkan, Peter Amuteriya,
Jochbeth Andima, Robin ·
Sherbourne & Eline van dar Linden

Eline van dar Linden

No. of
Pages

122

184

614

136

251

173

211

10

50

49

18

50

130

63

46

87

veai:~:- .. _~{~
Published

_,,if99_2;

·-~~1?f@~
: · :~~~ ~I~9~

1996

1~95

~:_1 ~~?~

. ·~~~ooo'

~g.:rfs$~

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, .... : .. ·""-·-·----

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1992 ·-

. ·:~~I~~~
"" " c1992

1992'

1992

1'993.

Cost

$25.00

$25.00

$60.00

$30.00

$50.00

$45.00

$120.00

$30.00

$25.00

$45.00

$95.00

$14.00

$25.00

$53.00

$29.00

$24.00

$38.00

NRRS

NRR9

NRR10

NRR11

NRR12

NRR13

NRR14

NRR1S

NRR16

NRR17

NRR18

NRR1S

NRR20

WORKING PAPERS

Co . onthe deveicpment ofa statistical system

for Namibia

Export processing zones and their relevance io Namibia

Disability and rehabilitation in Namibia: a national survey

Namibia: National report on women, agriculture and

rural developmentfor the Fourth World Conference on

Women

Financing the Namibian vocational training system

Media training in Namibia

An Assessment of Training Needs in Omaheke

Review of Public Enterprises and Parastatal Bodies in

Namibia

Community financing of rural water supply

Monetary Options for Namibia

Small enterprise support institutions in Namibia

Policy, poverty and inequality in Namibia. The cases of

trade policy and land policy

A survey of subsistence farmers in the Ohangwena

region

Cattle Marketing in Northern Namibia: A Commodity
Chain Apgroach

ISSN-1026-9258

NWP

NWP2

NWP3

NwP4

NWPS

NWP6

NWP?

NWPS

NWP

NWP10

NWP11

NWP12

NWP13

. Review of four UNDP base studies on Namibia

Expenditure Data and Analysis on the Central Revenue

Fund and the Second-Tier Authorities

Review of FNDC projects in the Caprivi area

The integration of wornen into the rural development
process

Comments on papers prepared for the Donor Pledging
Conference, June 1590

Budgets and plans: possible lessons from Botswana

Notes on aid management, agricufture and rural
development

Narnibia's external frade development prospects

Notes on the present status of the rock lobster industry

African Development Bank proposal "Namibia: trade

policy reform study" an evaluation

Some notes on an industrial policy for Namibia

Subsidisation, taxation and viability of the commercial

agricultural farming sector. NEPRU background paper

for the Land Reform Conference, 1981

Walvis Bay: report of a fact-finding mission

Helge Brunborg, Lasse Réberg &
Liv Simpson

Robin Sherbourne

Barbro-isabel Bruhns, Andrew
Murray, Tjiual Kangueehi & Tangeni
Nuukuawo

LoriAnn Girvan

Jutta Franz

Anna Erastus-Sacharia & Julta
Franz

Anne-Marie Brits, Jutta Franz &

Ebson Uanguta

Aisha Abdel Rahim

Cathy Presland, Mary Hansen &
Fred Greiner

Brian Kahn, Danie! Motinga, Anne-
Marie Brits, Moone Mupotola-
Sibengo

Anna Erastus-Sacharia, Dirk
Hansohm, Gerson Kadhikwa

Dirk Hansohm, Danie! Motinga,
Klaus Schade, Wolfgang Werner,

Arne Wiig

Klaus Schade, Namene Kalili,
Rowland Simpson

Laurent Liagre, Anna Erastus-
Sacharia, Hoster Bebi, Wolfgang
Werner, |.

Jochbeth Andima

Nama Goabab

Jan Hoffman

Jochbeth Andima

Jan isaksen

Stephen Lister

Stephen Lister

Paulo Shipoke

Peter Amutenya

Eline van der Linden

Jan Isaksen & Paulo Shipoke

Peter Moll

NEPRU

73

Gy

3

81

109

1992

1993

1985

1995

1995

1395

1996

1998

1997

1398

$40.00

$38.00

$45.00

$14.00

$35.00

$12.00

$19.00

$14.00

$10.00

$13.00

$18.00

$12.00

$10.00

£13.00

$256.00

$16.00

Publication Title Authors No. of Year Cost
10 Pages Published

NRR7 Perspectives 't~e lo ent f"a t ti ti al t elge r nborg, sse oberg 147 92 $59.00
f r a ib1a i i pson

R8 xport r e sing es d t ir r le ce t amibia obin erbourne 27 93 $17.00

R9 isability d r abilit ti n i amibia: ti nal r ey arbro-lsabel r hns. ndrew 170 95 $67.00
urray, ji ai ngu ehi ngeni
uukuawo

R10 amibia: ati nal r ort n en, ri ult re d ri nn ir n 95 $33.00
r ral vel mentfor t e ourth orld onference

omen

R 1 i ncing t amibian cati nal tr i i t tta r nz 95 95 $41 .00

R12 edia tr i i g i amibia nna r st s- acharia tta 152 995 $61.00
r nz

R13 n ssessment f r i i g eeds i aheke nne-Marie rits, tta r nz 135 96 $54.00
bson anguta

R14 evi f ublic nterpri es d arastatal odies i i a bdel ahi 93 96 $40.00
amibia

R15 o munity fin i g f r ral ater pply athy r sl nd, ary ansen 97 6.00
r d reiner

R16 onetary pti ns f r amibia ri n a.hn, aniel otinga, nne- 9 998 5.00
arie rits, oone upotola-
i ongo

R17 all t rprise pport i tit ti s i amibia nna r st s- acharia, irk 80 1999 $43.00
ansohm, erson dhi a

R18 olicy, verty d i quality i amibia. e ses f irk ansohm, aniel otinga, 98 1999 $51.00
tr oli y d l d oli y l us chade, olf ang erner,

rne iig

R19 r ey f bsi t ce f r ers i t hangwena l us chade, ene alili, 68 2000 $37.00
r i owland i pson

R20 attl arketing I ort ern amibia: o modity urent i re, nna rastus- . 134 20_00 $60.00
hain pproach ai:haria ; oster ebi, olf a'ng

rner, ,~ ::~' .:;·;:~.: ~~ · . .. · · .. ; . ;

ORKING ERS IS - 026-9258

P1 evi f f r DP se t i s amibia Jochbetti-An.dima ·c··
, -. ".. - , ... -

19 . .. ''f9'92" 4 . 0

P2 xpenditure ata d nalysis n t entral evenue a oabab 80 1994 5. 0
nd d t cond- Tier uthoriti s

P3 evi f C r j cts i t aprivi r a n off an 13 : 1~92: 2.00

WP4 e i t r ti n f omen i t t r ral l ent hbeth ndi a 32 1i:l92 9 .00
r ce s

PS ments pers r ared f r t onor l gi g n Is en 20 1992 4.00
onference, e 990

P6 udgets d l ns: sible le ns ro t ana t hen i t r 6 1992 0.00

P7 otes i anagement, ri ult re d r ral t hen i t r 16 1992 $13.00
l ent

P8 amibia's t rnal tr e el ent r spects aulo hi oke 29 1992 8.00

.: P9 otes r sent t t s f k l ster i stry eter utenya 12 1992 2.00

P10 fri n evel p ent ank r posal " mibia: tr e li e n er i en 8 1992 $10.00
oli y y": valuati n

P 1 e tes i ustria l oli y f r amibia n Is en aulo hi oke 16 1992 $ 3.00

P12 ubsidisation, t ti n d i bilit f t mercial eter oll 53 1994 . 0
ricultural i g ctor. RU ckground per

r nd ef r onference, 91

P13 alvis ay: ort f t-fi i g ission PRU 24 1992 .

2

NWP15

NWP16

NWP17

NWP18

NWP19

NWP20

NWE21

NWP22

NWPZ3

NWP24

NWP25

NWPZ8

NWP27

NWP28

NWP29

NWP31

NWP32

NWP33

NWP34

NWP35

NWP36

NWPR37

NWP38

NWP39

NWP40

oo setween Namibia and South
Africa )

Notes on the housing situation and housing policy in

Namibia. Prepared for the National Conference

Operation Masakhane for the Homeless,

Johannesburg, 28-30 April 1992

The Consumer Price Index and inflation in Namibia

Women's Role in the Development Process with Special
Reference to Factors of Production

Some Notes on the Namibian economy two years after

independence

Observer's repont on the Angolan elections, 29-30

September 1992

Assessment of popular padicipation in the formulation

and implementation of development policies and

programmes. a case study of Namibia

The monetary indegendence of Namibia

Population distnbution and migration

Namibia's energy sector. a country review

Country report: Namibia's trade and investment climate

Socio-economic survey of the southern communal areas
1992: summary

A fisheries agreement between the European

Community and Namibia: workshop report, Windhoek,

25 March 1993

Towards greater participation and equality? Some

findings on the 1992 regional and iocal elections in
Namibia

The economics of the 1393/94 budget

Swedish assistance to Namibia: an assessment of the

impact of SIDA, 1990-1483

Poverty and income distribution in Namibia. Background

paper for the NPC's macro-economic issues paper

Population issues in Namibia. Background paper for the

NPC's macro-economic issues paper

The role of the informal sector. Background paper for

the NPC's macro-economic issues paper

The Namibia-Angoia border fence and its socio.
economic implications: report of a fact-finding mission,

17-20 June 1982

An evaluation of current methods of collecting trade

statistics in Namibia

Evaluation study of current methods of collecting trade
statistics in Namibia

The social dimensions of monetary, currency and credit

policy in Namibia

The private sector and employment: comments on

aspects of the President's inaugural speech fo the

National Council on 22 February 1993

An analysis of the fishing capacity of the Namibian fleet

in quota-fimited fisheries: a methodological summary

Future agricultural trade and cooperation between new

South Africa and Namibia. Papers presented to the

Agricultural Qutiook Conference, Windhoek, 10 March

1994

John Orford

Ruth Bogosi

Simon Stone

Jochbeth Andima

Tor Selistrdm

Tor Selstrém

Susan Brown

Sophie Chauvin

Peter Amutenya, Jochbeth Andima
& Henning Melber

Eline van der Linden

John Orford, Robin Sherbourne &
Eline van der Linden

Richard Moorsom, Jochbeth

Andima & Saul Kahuika

Richard Moorsom & Paul Goodison
{ads}

Reinhart Koller

NEPRU

Henng Melber, Tor Selistrim &
Chris Tapscott - :

Simone Stone & Mihe Gaomab

Jochbeth Andima, Saul Kahuika &
Henning Melber

Eline van der Linden

Pater Amutenya & Eline van der

Linden

Eline van der Linden & John Orford

Colin Gleichmann

Robin Sherbourne

Richard Moorsom

Richard Moorsom

Bank of Windhoek/ AGRECONA

an a0

92

10

4

48

30

46

24

16

61

78

1982

1993

1993

.1993

1994,

1994

1993

1993

1893

1893

1993

1894

1994

&2

Zs

wl

[so
]

o

$8.00

$18.00

$7.0C

$11.00

$10.60

$18.00

$14.00

$14.00

$22.00

$25.0C

£18.00

$40.00

$24.00

$18.00

$15.00

$13.00

$15.00

518.00

$13.00

$16.00

$13.00

Publication Title Authors No. of Year Cos;
ID Pages Published

NWP14 Bilateral ·economic links bei~Y en amibia d outh hn rf rd 15 1992 $1300
fri a "

P15 oles t using it ti n d using oli y i uth ogosi 5 1992 9.ou
amibia. r pared f r t ati nal onference
peration asakhane f r t omeless,

a nesburg, 9- 0 pril 92

P16 e onsumer ri I x d i fl ti n i amibia i on t ne 34 1993 9.00

P17 omen's ole i t evel ent r ce s it pecial hbeth ndi a 20 1993 $7.0(
ef r nce t actors f r duction

P18 e otes t amibian y t o ars ft r or ell t o 9 1992 .00
in ence

P19 bserver's r ort on t ngolan l cti ns, - 0 or el t o 7 1992 0.00
pt ber 92

P20 ssessment f pular rticipati n i t f r ulati n usan r n 32 1992 8.00
d i l entation f l ent oli i s d

mes: se t dy f amibia

P21 e onetary ind p dence f amibia ophie hauvin 18 92 4.00

P 2 opulati n i tri uti n d igration eter utenya, hbeth di a 18 93 4.00
e ning elber

P23 amibia's ergy ctor: untry r i li e n er lin n 41 1993 2.00

P24 ountry r ort: amibia's tr d in t ent li ate hn rford, obin herbourne 5 1993 $25.0
li e n er lin n

P25 ci - nomic rvey f t ut ern munal r as i ard orsom, chbeth 31 1993 $ 8.00
92: mary ndi a aul ahuika

P26 fis ri s r ent t een t r pean i ard oorso aul oodison 1993 0.00
o munity d amibia: orkshop r ort, indhoek, (e s)
arch 93

P27 ards r ater arti i ti n d ualit ? e einhart r..ler 93 $11.00
fin i s t 2 r i nal d l al l ti s i

amibia

P28 e omics f t 9 194 dget PRU 16 93 $13.00

edish si t ce t amibia: ss ent f t enng elber, or ell trorri 19.9~, 4.00 -
i pact f IOA, 0- 993 hris apscott , ...

P31 overty d in e i tri ti n i amibia. ckground i one t ne i e ao ab 94 8.00
per f r t PC's acro- conomic is s per

P32 opulati n is s i amibia. ckground per r chbeth Andima, Saul Kahufka · 21 93 5.00
PC's acro- conomic is es per e ning elber

P 3 e rol f t i f r al ctor. ckground per f r li e n er i n 17 93 3.00
PC's acro-economic is s per

P34 e amibia- ngola rder f e d it cio- eter utenya li e n er 24 g93 5.00
omic i pli ati ns: r ort f f t-fin i g i sion, i en

- 0 e 92

P35 n al ati n f rrent ethods f ll ti g r e li e n er i n hn rf rd 31 993 $ 8.00
t ti ti s i amibia

P36 valuati n t y f rrent ethods f ll cti g tr olin l i a n 6 93 3 0
t ti ti s i amibia

P37 e cial i ensions f onetary, rr cy d r dit obin erbourne 1993 6. 0
oli y i amibia

P38 e ri te ctor d ployment: ments i ard oors 1993 .
pects f t resident's in gural ech t t

ati nal ouncil 3 bruary 93

P39 n alysis f t fis i pacity f t amibian fl t i ard oorso 994 $29.00
i ota-li it d fish ri s: ethodological mary

P40 t re ri ultural r e d peration t een nk f indhoek/ CONA 8 94 $35.00
outh fri a d amibia. apers r ented t t
gricultural Outl ok onference, indhoek, arch
94

3

' .
Publication Title Authors No. of Year Cost
10 Pages Published

NWP41 Economic analysif of land reform o(Jtions. NEPRU Ray Purcell 44 1994 $23.00
background paper for the Land Reform Conference

NWP42 Urban women and self-help housing in Namibia: A case- Christiaan Keulder 21 1994 $15.00
study of Saamstaan Housing Cooperation

NWP43 Fiscal policy and employment in Namibia Mihe Gaomab 23 1994 $16.00

NWP44 The Concept of Civil Society and the Process of Nation- Reinhart Ko~ler & Henning Melber 13 1994 $12.00
Building in Africa

NWP45 Namibian Development Services Directory Richard Moorsom 138 1994 $56.00

NWP46 Credit Unions in Namibia : The Critical Issues Dirk Hansohm & Christiaan Keulder 27 1995 $17.00

NWP47 Urbanisa tion and Urban Policies in Namibia lnge Tvedten & Moono Mupotola 41 1995 $17.00

NWP48 Urbanisation and Internal Migration: Regional Henning Melber 38 1996 $20.00
Dimensions in Post-Colonial Namibia

NWP49 The State of the Informal Sector in Namibia: Role, Dirk Hansohm 23 1996 $16.00
Characteristics and Prospects

NWP50 Existing and Potential Enterpreneurs in Ondangwa. Gerson Kadhikwa, Tjiuai Kangueehi 45 1996 $23.00
Oshakati, Swakopmund and Walvis Bay & Anna Erastus-Sacharia

NWP51 Consumer Price Index in Namibia: An Evaluation and Mihe Gaoniab 43 1996 $22.00
an Analysis of its Reliability

NWP52 The economic policy framework for the promotion of Dirk Hansohm 14 1996 $12.00
small-and medium scale enterprises in Africa

NWP53 Projects and Opinions on Economic and Business Moono Mupotola-Sibongo 57 1996 $27.00
Prospects in Windhoek

NWP54 Seven Years Independence. Current Developments NEPRU 48 1997 $24.00
and Future Prospects in Namibia - Some Topical
Highlights

NWPSS Renewal in Africa? The Informal Sector and its Dirk Hansohm 28 1997 $17.00
Promotion in Namibia , San Francisco, 23-25 November
1996

NWP56 Workshop Proceedings: The Effects of Liberalisation on Moono Mupotola-Sibongo (ed.) 100 "'.:1§)97; $42.00
the Beef and Maize Sector in Five SADC Countries

NWP57 Country Reports: The Effects of Liberalisation on the NEPRU 166 1997, $65.00
Beef and Maize sector in Five SADC Countries

NWP58 Training Needs Assessment Strategy Programme for Hoster Bebi, Lesley Blaauw & Peter 66 1997 $30.00
Local Authorities in Namibia Nias

NWP59 Livestock Buying and Quarantine Management in Caprivi Christiaan Keulder & Wolfgang 46 1997 $23.10
Werner

NWP60 From Communal Pastures to Enclosures: The Wolfgang Werner 29 1997 $17.00
Development of Land Tenure in Herero Reserves

NWP61 Land Reform in Namibia: The First Seven Years Wolfgang Werner 21 1997 $14.00

NWP62 Namibian Business Climate: A Survey in relation to Ntintin Oranje 32 1998 $12.00
SADC

NWP63 The market for millet and millet products Cathy Presland, Akiser Pomuti 30 1998 $21.00

NWP64 Namibia's Trade with Angola Klaus Schade 22 1998 $17.00

NWP65 Twinning for Development: Cooperation between Public Henning Melber & lnge Tvedten 26 1998 $19.00
& Institutions in Norway and Namibia

NWP66 Construction and Brick-Making in North Central Namibia Dirk Hansohm 24 1998 $18.00

NWP67 Support Institutions for Small Enterprises in Zambia and Dirk Hansohm, Anna Erastus- 24 1998 $18.00
Zimbabwe Sacharia, Gerson Kadhikwa

NWP68 The Role of Donors in Transitional Settings: The Case Henning Melber 30 1998 $21.00
of Namibia (1990-1996)

NWP69 Structural adjustment and poverty alleviation in Dirk Hansohm 24 1999 $18.00
Southern Africa - What suoport can Europe offer? An
economic viewpoint

Publication Title
10

NWP70 Co-operation and networkinr; among SME service
providers tJ Southern Africa ·

NWP71 Banking and less formal forms of finance in Namibia:
The challenges of microfinance

NWP73 Sustainability of Budget Deficits: A Case Study of
Namibia (1991--1999)

NWP74 The Impact of Fiscal Deficits and Public Debt on Real
Interest Rate and Investment in Namibia

NWP75 Determinants of Private domestic Savings in sub-
Saharan Africa: The Case study of Namibia (1980-1998)

.. .

TRAVEL AND MEETING REPORTS ISSN-1 026-924X I
NTMR1 Notes on the National Housing Seminar. Windhoek, 19-

20 April 1990, convened by the Ministry of Local
Government and Housing

NTMR2 Travel report on the NEPRU speaker/consultation tour
of South Africa, 11-22 August 1991

NTMR3 Report on the National Conference on Youth
Employment Strategies. convened by the Ministry of
Youth and Sport, Windhoek, 26-28 February 1992

NTMR4 Report on the Workshop on Gender Research
Methodology, convened by the Development
Cooperation Office of the Swedish Embassy, Windhoek,
9-13 March 1992

NTMR5 Report on the National Workshop on Industrial Policy,
convened by the Ministry of Trade and Industry,
Windhoek, 27-28 April 1992

NTMR6 Population and development: a background report on
the Third African Population Conference at Dakar,
Senegal, 7-12 December 1992, with special reference to
the Namibian situation

NTMR7 Relocation of the veterinary cordon fence: report on
/FAD field mission, October 1992

NJf\\1R8 " · .. :... ·, Ministerial Meeting on Cross-Border Trade, Investment
and Payments in Eastern and Southern Africa and the
Indian Ocean Area, Kampala, Uganda, 27 August 1993

NTMR9 SADC Workshop on the Productive Sector, Mbabane
Swaziland, 1-4 November 1993

NTMR10 Report on Avoiding Marginalisation: Can South and
Southern Africa Become Globally Competitive

NTMR11 Two sub-region workshops on micro and small
enterprises promotion, Gaborone, 2-5 November 1994

NTMR12 Senior policy workshop on stimulating and sustaining
small and medium scale enterprises, Addis Ababa, 14-
18 November 1994

NTMR13 SARIPSISAPES Institutional and Academic Framework
of the Masters in Policy Studies: Planning Meeting,
Harare 8-10 March 1995

NTMR14 Third SEPAC Conference on Small Enterprise
Promotion in Sourthem Africa, Gaborone, 31 October-
1 November 1996

NTMR15 39th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association,
San Francisco, 23-26 November 1996

OCCASIONAL PAPERS ISSN-1 026-9223

NOP1 Strategic Territory and Territorial Strategy: The
Geopolitics of Walvis Bay's Integration into Namibia

Authors No. of Year Cos.l
Pages Published

:.o..."- L .,;,._ _,"

Dirk Hansohm, Lesiey Blaauw,
Anra Erastus:sac~aria ·

33 ~-L ·~~~~- $22.00

c h'arles c: okealialam, · cia le' w.
Adams ·.· '· · · · · · ·

. .
34 ; ::?::: 1~~-~ $15.00

Hoster Bebi 33 2oaa· $15.00

Hoster Bebi 37 2000 $24.00

Ebson Ngurimuje Uanguta 45 ioocY $27.00

Jochbeth Andima 9 -- -f99i $11 .00

Tor Sellstrom 11 1992 $11.00

John Orford & Ruth Bogosi 7 1992 $10.00

John Orford & Ruth. Bogosi 4 '1'992 $9.00

Peter Amutenya, John Orford & 29 19'92 $18.00
Robin Sherbourne

Henning Melber 8 19P~. $10.00

P~ter ~~Litef{y~'T'>~:
;· ~. ·-~..,' ··-·

12 ;~·::;~;:1 ~2.~ $12.00 . : . .- .. ·;· ~:. ,· .

Saui .J<ahui~a ~~-:,:h,::;_~:fEh~~l;~:~:: "'·;;: ~ 10 ~:;::~r~~i1 $11.00

Saul Kahuika 10 i~$.~~ $11.00

Tjiuai Kangueehi & Irene Tlhase 10 f995 $10.00

.. - -
.. ' 199§: $11.00 Dirk Hansohm & Wendley Shiimi 11

Dirk Hansohm & Wendley Shiimi 11 1995 $11.00

Irene Tlhase 11 1995 $11 .00

Dirk Hansohm & Anna Erastus- 12 1996 $11.00
Sacharia

Dirk Hansohm 9 . .1.~~7 $10.00

David Simon 65 1995 $30.00

5

Publication Title Authors No. of Year Cost
10 Pages Published

NOP2 The Collapse of State Socialism in Eastern Europe - Reinhardt Kassler 22 1995 $15.00
Lessons for Soutfl ern Africa?

NOP3 Scopes for Policies towards the Development of Mathias Seiche 88 1995 $38.00
Informal Small Business in Namibia

NOP4 Migrants, Money and the Military: The Social Douglas Webb & David Simon 38 1995 $21.00
Epidemiology of HIVIAIOS in Ovambo, Northern Namibia

NOP5 Namibia's Nominal and Real Multila teral Exchange Rate John Orford 26 1995 $17.00

NOP6 Should the Namibian Dollar be devaluated? Robin Sherbourne 28 1995 $17.00

NOP7 'That weird Folly- Love for Work": On the Coming about Reinhart Ker..ler 12 1996 $12.00
of In Industria l Working Attitudes

NOP8 What's in a map? Regional Projects in Windhoek, David Simon 43 1996 $22.00
Namibia

NOP9 Low-income Housing Projects in Windhoek, Namibia. A Astrid Seckemann 41 1997 $21.00
Contribution to Sustainable Urban Development?

NOP10 Problems with the Establishment of a National Currency Sophie Chauvin 37 1997 $19.00
and an Independent Monetary Policy for a LOG. The
Namibian Case

NOP11 Domestic Workers' Daily Lives in Post-Apartheid Dorte 0streng 102 1997 $43.00
Namibia

NOP12 From Reserve to Homeland: South African "Native" Reinhart Kessler 68 1997 $30.00
Policy in Southern Namibia

NOP13 Namibia Since Independence: Lessons from the East Thomas Hastings 36 1998 $23.00
Asian "Miracle"

NOP14 Meanings of Development Reinhart Kessler 43 1999 $26.00

NOP15 The Role of Remittances in the Namibian Economy Thomas Hastings 60 1999 $34.00

NOP16 Outlook of the Namibian economy: The role and Terhi Karvinen 73 1999 $33.00
funding of small and medium enterprises

NOP17 Production and exchange among the Himba of Michael Boll ig 36 1999 $16.00
Northwestern Namibia

NOP18 Business Training in the Age of Globalisa tion Tobias Elli sser 31 · 2ooo- $38.00
NOP19 Interests and socio-economic development in the w olfgang-Zeller 82 . 200_Q $44.00

Caprivi Region - from a historical perspective

BRIEFING PAPERS

NBP1/92 Monetary independence for Namibia -OUT OF PRINT NEPRU 0 }.9_92. $0.00

NBP2/92 Communal farmers in Namibia -OUT OF PRINT NEPRU 0 1992 $0.00

NBP3/92 Namibia and the Southern African Customs Union - NEPRU 0 ' {992 $0.00
OUT OF PRINT

NBP4/92 Namibia's tax system -OUT OF PRINT NEPRU 0 1992 $0.00

NBP5/92 Economic links between Namibia and South Africa - NEPRU 0 1992 $0.00
OUT OF PRINT

NBP6/92 Gender, research and planning -OU T OF PRINT NEPRU 0 1992 $0.00

NBP9/96 CPI in Namibia : An analysis of its Reliability- OUT OF NEPRU 0 1996 $0.00

"'
PRINT

NBP10 Renewal in Africa? The Informal Sector and its NEPRU 0 1997 $0.00
Promotion in Namibia·- OUT OF PRINT

VIEWPOINTS ISSN-1 027-1805

NVP1 NEPRU Viewpoint on Production & Investment NEPRU 0 1995 $0.00

NVP2 Focus on Pcverty and Go·;ernment Policy NEPRU 0 1996 $0.00

NVP3 Focus on the Annual Budget 1996197 NEPRU 0 1996 $0.00

6

Publication Title
10

NVP4

NVP5

NV.P6

NVP7

NVPB

NVP9

NVP10

NVP11

NVP12

NVP13

NVP14

NVP15

NVP16

Quarter'ly Economic Reviel'ol

' Focus on Urbanisation , Migration and Regional Policy
; Quarterly Economic Review

Quarterly Economic Review- March 1997

Focus on the Annual Budget 1997/98 (March 1996)

Focus on the Effects of Liberalisation on the Beef &
Maize Sectors in Five SADC Countries- June 1997

National Development Plan 1- June1997

Quarterly Economic Review- June 1996

Quarterly Economic Review- September 1997

Quarterly Economic Review- December 1997

Quarterly Economic Review - March 1998

Off-shore Resources in Namibia - An Expo '98
Viewpoint - April 1998

. Quarterly Economic Review- June 1998

NVPfT --·. · ·; Focus on the SADC Free Trade Area (FTA)- August
. . .. . 1998

Quarterly Economic Review- September 1998

NVP19 . Quarterly Economic Review- December 1998

NVP20 Quarterly Economic Review - March 1999

NVP21 Quarterly Economic Review- September 1999

NVP22-26 Can Namibia Do better? Policy options to improve
economic performance

NVP27 Quarterly Economic Review- December 1999

NVP28 Quarterly Economic Review - March 2000

NVP29 Quarte"fy Economic Review- June 2000

NVP30

Authors

NEPRU

NEPRU
" · " ! " ~ "

Hoster Bebi, Aime~Marte Brits, Mary
Hansen,' Ebsori Uanguta, Dirk
Hansohm & Cathy Presland

Dirk Hansohni: Henning ·Melber,
Peter Nia_s_ & Ebso..,.U_ang~l_a .

Moono"fv1lipotoia:sibon9o~ ·.· ~~ -· -
Wolfgang Wemer, .Kiaus Schade, ·
Lesley B_laauo,( · ::: ·

Anna Erastus:Sacilaria~: j()lir1
MotinQa, Peter ·Ni8S""&+Ebsori ···+ ···
Uanguta

Felicien Artgbo, Hosfer Beb.i, Mary
Hansen, Dirk Hansohm, John
Motinga, _CathY Pre~land, Klaus
Schade, Ebson Uanguta &
Wqlfgarig werner __ , · · ·

Felicien' Arigb'o: Hoster Bebi, Dirk
Hansolim, Henning Melber, Klaus
Schade, Ebson Uanguta

Dirk Hansohm ." John Moiinga,
Hoster Bebi, Wolgang Werner,
Lesley Blaauw & Cathy Presland

Lesley Blaauw,' ciirk iiarisotim-: ·~ ' -.;,· · ;
Esau Kaakunga, John· Motinga,
Klaus Schade and Wolfgang Werner

John Motinga-and' Wcifigang Werner

LesleY sTaauW7'ofrk' HanSOilm-...:"f:8':1
Ntintiri Oranje aH9 ~l_au{S5=ha.de_;:~.:
Lesiey sfaauvi.~ f.Jifntin~o"ranje; -~~ ·
Klaus Scha~e: [.)irk ttansohm · . .. .

Dirk Hansolini ". Namenf K'aiin.-Kiaus··
Schade: Rowlan Simpson·.

Ebson uari'9lita: Oirkliansatim, .
Namene Kalili, Klaus Schade, ··
Rowlan Simpson

Dirk Hansotim: Robin.Sherbourne,
Nino Frodema · · · ·/ .. :':'::. ..

Ebson uanguta, 'klau·sschade,
Nino Fredema, Dirk Hansohm, John
Ashipala

Ebson· uan9uia;' Jotiii Ashiiiala;
Panduleni Elago, Erwin . .
Naimhwaka, Hopolang· Ph.ororo,
Klaus Schade, Dirk Hansohm

Ebson Uanguta, John Ashipala,
Rosa Endjala, Klaus Schade,
Calicious Tutalife

Hoster Bebi

. l _____ ...-.~

No. of
Pages

0

0

0

Year · ·
Pllbns119C1

. ::":i}::;.t~:~~
·:~~:.'23]~

0 1996

0 2090.

0 2000

0 ~0cio

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