Integrated Land Management Institute (ILMI)
Land, Livelihoods and Housing Programme
The Integrated Land Management Institute is a centre of the Faculty of Natural Resources and
Spatial Sciences (FNRSS) at the Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST) committed
to develop reputable and multidisciplinary research and public outreach activities in the field of
land, administration, property, architecture and spatial planning.
The Land, Livelihoods and Housing Programme aims at deepening and expanding the focus
on these three key issues in Namibia. The programme was developed to guide ILMIs activities by
organising it in four aspects: institutional, environmental, fiscal and spatial processes.
New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future:
Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
Enquiries:
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Summary
This Document Note documents the activities during the workshop held with Prof. James Ferguson in August 12-15, 2019 at NUST.
The workshop took place in the context of the Urban Forum programme 2019-2020. The Urban Forum is a platform for multi-stakeholder
engagement on issues of urbanisation in Namibia, Southern Africa and beyond.
This document describes the rationale for the programme of the workshop, and then briefly summarizes the highlights of each of the sessions,
and concludes with the key questions that emerged from the workshop. These themes provide the basis for a research agenda on questions of
livelihoods for Namibias urban future.
___
This document was compiled by Guillermo Delgado, Land, livelihoods and housing Programme Coordinator, ILMI.
+264 61 207 2483
+264 61 207 9483
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Document No. 3/2019
Date: October 2019
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 1
Acknowledgments
Firstly, our appreciation goes to Prof. James Ferguson, who kindly accepted to join us for a week in Namibia and who
was very accommodating to the organisers propositions and generous in sharing his insights and experience with
participants to the workshop and those attending his public lecture.
The organisers of the event were Guillermo Delgado, Urban Forum and ILMI Coordinator at the Namibia University of
Science and Technology (NUST); Phillip Lühl, Lecturer at the Department of Architecture and Spatial Planning, NUST;
Ellison Tjirera, Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Namibia (UNAM); and Sigrid Nyambe, intern at the Urban Forum
programme and Land Administration student at NUST.
We would like to thank the participants, as well as the guests that kindly agreed to join the moderated panel on local
economic development initiatives: Veripi Kandenge, from the Namibia Informal Sector Organisation (NISO) and Elvis
Kauesa from the African Builders Association; Werner Januarie, from the Namibia Transport and Taxi Union (NTTU);
Panashe Daringo, from the Young Entrepreneurs Group Association (YEGA); and Delphia Suxus, from the Union of
Institutional and Household Employees of Namibia (UIHENI).
The event was funded through the NUST-GIZ Grant agreement and made possible with the kind support of the NUST
Hotel School staff.
This document was prepared by Guillermo Delgado, based on his notes and those of Sigrid Nyambe, Nina Maritz, and
Phillip Lühl.
All images in the document were taken by the organisers unless otherwise noted.
Introduction
This Document Note documents the activities during the workshop held with Prof. James Ferguson in August 12-15,
2019 at NUST.
The workshop took place in the context of the Urban Forum programme 2019-2020. The Urban Forum is a platform for
multi-stakeholder engagement on issues of urbanisation in Namibia, Southern Africa and beyond. The programme
dedicated a module to the question of livelihoods, which so far was one of the least-explored topics within the Land,
livelihoods and housing framework that the Integrated Land Management Institute (ILMI) has been developing since
2015. The module on livelihoods includes this workshop as well as a series of seminars with Dr John Mendelsohn, which
are taking place throughout 20191.
Prof. Ferguson is a renowned anthropologist whose research is anchored in Southern Africa. Namibia is one of the
countries that have served as the basis for the arguments he defends in his book Give a Man a Fish as well as other
seminal publications that speak to the core of the questions of livelihoods2.
In short, Prof. Ferguson proposes to engage decisively with the future of work that characterise Sub-Saharan Africa at
large. In the continent, most employment takes place in the informal sector3. The policy responses to this are
predominantly based on narratives of industrialisation and employment-creation; but also include new forms of social
1See:http://urbanforum.nust.na/
2Thesewerepartofalistofrecommendedreadingscirculatedtoparticipantspriortotheworkshop.Itincluded:Ferguson,J.,&Li,T.M.
(2018).Beyondtheproperjob:Political-economicanalysisafterthecenturyoflabouringman(WorkingPaperNo.51).CapeTown:Institute
forPoverty,LandandAgrarianStudies;Ferguson,J.(2015).Giveamanafish:Reflectionsonthenewpoliticsofdistribution.Durham:Duke
UniversityPress[Chapters1and2];andFerguson,J.(2013).Howtodothingswithland:Adistributiveperspectiveonrurallivelihoodsin
SouthernAfrica.JournalofAgrarianChange,13(1),166174.
3Heintz,J.,&Valodia,I.(2008).InformalityinAfrica:Areview.RetrievedfromWIEGOwebsite:http://www.inclusivecities.org/wp-
content/uploads/2012/07/Heintz_WIEGO_WP3.pdf
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security and welfare. It is these latter issues that interest Prof. Ferguson; in Namibia, examples of these include emerging
universal grans (e.g. old age pension, child and disability grants) and the Basic Income Grant (BIG) pilots in Otjivero in
2008-94.
For us as organisers, these debates were extremely relevant for the question of Namibias urban future. The key premise
for organising this workshop was that if we indeed acknowledge that efforts toward industrialisation and employment-
creation will not be sufficient; then we have to start re-imagining the way we go about urban development to support
the actually-existing activities that provide livelihoods for households in urban areas and nationwide. This is not a
defeatist or pessimistic undertaking, but a commitment to explore the alternative narratives that could potentially have
an impact in the meanwhile.
The workshop was attended by thirty participants who applied through an open call launched a month before the
workshop. Attendants were members of local and central government, professionals in private practice (e.g. architects,
urban planners, economists), businesspeople, members of civil society organisations and community-based
organisations, academics and students (see List of participants). Shortlisting aimed to ensure a diversity of participants
and that their practice demonstrated a relation to the theme of the workshop5. A list of recommended readings was
distributed to participants prior to the workshop6.
This document describes the rationale for the programme of the workshop, and then briefly summarizes the highlights
of each of the sessions, and concludes with the key questions that emerged from the workshop. These themes, will
provide the basis for a research agenda on questions of livelihoods for Namibias urban future.
Finally, it is worth highlighting some of the limitations of the event. Firstly, the proceedings were highly determined by
the diversity of participants. While this was to some degree influenced by the organisers, the biggest factor was the
composition of the initial round of applications; representativity was not a criteria for admission. Another limitation
was raised by participants regarding the lack of an opportunity for them to share their reflections on the recommended
readings. It became clear that a group discussion among participants before engaging with Prof. Ferguson might have
created an enhanced common understanding of his arguments.
The workshop programme
The key objective of the workshop was to co-produce emerging questions regarding the livelihoods question for
Namibias urban future. Each of the blocks in the session aimed at establishing a common understanding through an
activity, and then reflecting on the key ideas emerging after each session (See Programme).
The first activity was an optional excursion to places in Windhoek where participants could experience some of the
various existing livelihood strategies. The itinerary was selected based on the experience of the organisers, which have
engaged professionally in many of the places visited. The places were in the north-western areas of the city, which are
generally the most densely populated ones, and lower-income areas of the city. The excursion did not include places in
the central or eastern parts of the city due to time limitations, not because of the absence of alternative trading activities
within these areas.
The first and second sessions on the first day of the workshop were designed to acquaint participants with the key
themes around livelihoods, which Prof. Ferguson introduced; and with key highlights regarding Namibias historical
urban development; which Guillermo Delgado and Phillip Lühl presented. The third session in the programme was
envisioned as an opportunity for participants to reflect about their own practice in relation to the input of the first two
sessions. For this, participants were invited to gather in five groups and account to each other on what each of them
does for a living; what are the challenges that they face with regards to their work but also in light of the earlier
4Kameeta,Z.,Haarmann,C.,Haarman,D.,&Jauch,H.(2007).PromotingemploymentanddecentworkforallTowardsagoodpracticemodel
inNamibia(BasicIncomeGrant).RetrievedfromLabourResourceandResearchInstitutewebsite:https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B-
h_z2Ab5OhDaTZ3YzE2R0w2TnM/edit?usp=sharing
5Applicantswererequiredtosubmita2-pageCVandashortparagraphindicatingmotivationtoattend.
6See2
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discussions; what enablers their work; and lastly what would be, from their perspective, an ideal scenario. A rapporteur
thereafter presented a synthesis of her groups discussion, which was followed by a general discussion. At this point,
participants were versed in the themes of the workshop and acquainted with each other. The morning session on the
second day invited representatives of organisations that arguably provide examples of potentially new or non-formal
livelihoods in urban Namibia. These were representatives of informal traders, young entrepreneurs, transport, and
domestic workers organisations. They were similarly asked to introduce themselves, outline the challenges they face,
reflect on the aspects that facilitate their work, and to imagine future ideal scenarios.
The last part of the workshop aimed to start envisioning livelihood scenarios for Namibias urban future.
At this point, some new themes appeared to emerge repeatedly throughout the sessions, which the organisers
continuously noted down. These themes were used as the backdrop for the final presentations on the last day.
The emerging themes were synthesised into four, and groups of participants were formed to address each of these. The
groups were tasked to prepare a presentation during the afternoon of the second day, which aimed at synthesising the
discussions, but also to develop action steps. This was done through a structure predetermined by the organisers,
designed to gradually tease out the conclusions of the workshop.
The last day was dedicated to the presentations. These are presented below (see Final presentations and key emerging
themes). A final round of reflections led by the organisers and with inputs by Prof. Ferguson concluded this exercise.
The workshop programme concluded with a public lecture7 by Prof. Ferguson presenting key themes of his work, as well
as some preliminary findings of his upcoming work.
Photograph 1 Public lecture by Prof Ferguson at NUST Mining Auditorium, on Thursday, August 15th, 2019.
7Notdocumentedinthisreport.
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Field visit to places of trade in Windhoek
Map 1 Itinerary of field visit
The first stop was Khomasdal Market, a Municipal market in Khomasdal, a middle-income residential neighbourhood
in the West of Windhoek. A signboard at the entrance displays the rules of the market8. The market is host to eateries,
print shops, and clothing businesses. The place was largely empty, and although this might have been due to the time
of the day, it is generally known that this market is not a popular venue. Some of the participants attributed this to the
low density of the surrounding neighbourhood, which did not provide a critical mass of customers to support businesses
there. Another observation was the lack of connectivity to other potential customers: although very near a university
campus, the market seems to have been located due to the availability of land, rather than strategically positioned in a
place where trade already occurs. Some observed that the market was designed with well-thought architectural
strategies to make provision for some stalls bordering the street to remain open even after the market was closed by
opening towards the street in order to service customers passing by. This was nevertheless evidence of the limits of
spatial interventions where basic fundamentals of adequate location were neglected.
8Thesignreadsthenameofthemarketontop;theactivitiesthatareallowed(inthiscase:foodandbeverages,fruitandvegetables,clothing,
printingservices,etc.);theactivitiesthatarenotallowed(inthiscase,noalcohol,drugs,weapons,gambling,smoking,orbringinganimals);
thebehaviourthatisnotallowed(inthiscase,nofightingorindecentbehaviour,orillegaltrading);andfinallyadisclaimerstatingthatthe
rightofadmissionisreserved(theonlyitemintheboardstatedinbothEnglishandAfrikaans).
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Photograph 2 Khomasdal market with university campus nearby (lower right). (Source: Google Maps)
The second place was the Horseshoe Market, which was developed with public funds and donations in the 1990s, but
did not become part of the Municipality and today is self-managed by traders. This allows them to establish their own
rules in consultation with relevant authorities, specifically allowing them to this is their ability to sell alcoholic drinks.
The market features eateries, tailors, electronic repair shops, among other services; and was quite busy. The horseshoe-
like spatial layout includes a generous open courtyard facing a busy street; the courtyard includes trees providing much-
needed shading as well as seating for customers. Most food and drink outlets surround the courtyard. Stalls are arranged
in a double u-shape creating a corridor situation with various access points, making the market very permeable.
Photograph 3 Horseshoe Market (Source: Google Maps)
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Photograph 4 Horseshoe Market
The third place was Oshetu Market, arguably the most popular Municipal market, known for its kapana (grilled meat)
stands, which attracts many customers various parts of the city as well as tourists. The market is located in a more
densely-populated area, neighbouring the former housing complex for male contract workers during the apartheid
times; hence the colloquial name Single Quarters. The group observed that the vibrancy in the market was not only
due to the market itself, but also due to the interaction surrounding home-based economic activities. As the market is
municipal, it has similar restrictions as in the Khomasdal case9; therefore, neighbouring houses fill this gap by selling
beer and other goods and services not allowed at the market (e.g. electronics, car wash). The participants also observed
the wider networks that sustain this market, specifically with regards to meat trading. One of the key attractions is that
meat is freshly delivered daily, which logistically is made possible through a circulation arrangement procured by stall
owners, which connects farmers to a slaughterhouse near Windhoek (Brakwater), from which fresh carcasses are
brought to the market and processed further there. This is an alternative to the mainstream large scale meat industry
aimed at export which is highly regulated and capital-intensive10. Another key part of the value chain is the timber used
by the kapana businesses, which comes from neighbouring farms in the Ovitoto and Okakarara regions. The market also
includes an open area for selling traditional food supplies coming from the northern areas in the country; which
resembles some of the common market typologies found elsewhere in the world. The market appears to be
economically successful, and its significance in the urban culture of Windhoek is well-established.
9See8
10TheMeatCorporationofNamibia(Meatco)isameatprocessingplantinWindhoek.See:http://www.meatco.com.na/
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Photograph 5 Oshetu Market
Photograph 6 Views of Oshetu Market.
The fourth place was Eveline Street, arguably also one of the most popular places in Windhoek due to its concentration
of bars and businesses in transformed former residential-only private properties. The group observed the wide variety
of trades in the area beyond bars; including churches, office supplies and services, eateries, among many others. The
organisers referred to a study recently undertaken on Eveline Street11 which observed that, while businesses started
indeed predominantly as bars, as time went by, economic activities significantly diversified. This is evidence of the
importance of temporality in urban development and livelihoods. A business that starts off as a bar, can eventually
evolve into other activities once a cash flow has been established, allowing investments in equipment used for
diversification. Here, the importance of home-based businesses and livelihoods becomes evident; and the importance
of land and housing as a platform for economic upliftment.
11SLF.(2017).TransformativeLeisureEconomies.EvelineStreet,Katutura,Windhoek.RetrievedfromSustainableLivelihoodsFoundation
website:http://livelihoods.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Transformative_Leisure_Economies.pdf
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Photograph 7 Eveline Street; closeup (top) and image containing the entire street (bottom).
The fifth stop were recent informal settlements in the nearby area north of Goreangab dam. Here, it was observed that
even in the most recent settlement areas, livelihood strategies began to emerge. These took the form of hair salons,
crèches, and tuck shops; these were not necessarily in any main street (as there were no clear layouts yet), but rather
scattered throughout. However, it was clear that the distance to other economic opportunities was considerable. The
group observed that only the bare minimum service of communal water taps was provided by the Municipality. Some
structures appeared to have electricity connections either from neighbouring formal structures or through solar
panels. Concerns about cost of transport also emerged, as this area was towards the north-western periphery of the
city.
Photograph 8 Informal settlements near Goreangab dam.
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The visit concluded in a small and medium enterprise (SME) incubator near the Hakahana service station in Katutura
central areas, which was established with support of central government12. The place is modelled after an industrial
park, but reduced in scale. The complex is completely walled and has only one entrance to the main road, which is only
in the periphery of residential areas. The complex is clearly designed for the efficiency of car circulation, even if many
of the businesses seem to cater for lower income groups, which are unlikely to own a car. While some businesses appear
to be sites of production (e.g. soap or ginger beer factories) and repairs (e.g. electronics, metalworks), others appear to
be retail (e.g. clothing, eateries), or simply office space (e.g. wedding planners). Participants observed a lack of vibrancy
in the place, and questioned whether this was indeed filling a significant gap in the livelihood landscape.
Photograph 9 SME Incubator, Katutura.
Throughout the excursion, participants discussed what was observed in transit from one place to the next; e.g. the
abundance of businesses beyond the designated areas for trading, as well as the considerable distance from the places
visited to the city centre.
Key themes
This is a summarised transcript of Prof Fergusons intervention at the start of the workshop, followed by a summary of
the ensuing discussions.
We used to think that we knew where the economic development story ended: from rural areas and agriculture, to
modern urban-based industrial society. From being a subsistence farmer, to someone with a proper job: paycheck, a
house, and so on.
But then different things actually happened. Jobs were not available. People could not call themselves peasants, but
they could also not call themselves workers, as they did not have that proper job. How do we categorise them? They
work, but dont have jobs. This impacts not just on the youth, but also older people: the unemployed and informal
workers. They are defined by what they are not: not employed, not formal.
We were satisfied with this terminology for a long time, thinking perhaps this condition was transitional. But now we
see it is not. This category of people is expanding, and perhaps it is even the majority of the working population today.
12ThelineministryinthiscaseistheMinistryofIndustry,TradeandSMEDevelopment(MITSMED).
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The recent Namibia Labour Force Survey indicates that there are 725,000 employed people in Namibia out of the 1.6m
adults13; less than half. Many of those employed, about 57%, are employed in the informal sector14. This shows that a
vast majority of adults in Namibia do not have formal employment.
In the old model, a proper job was not just about economic provision, but also about social incorporation. It meant
access to a house, health care, and other social benefits; at least for the able-bodied man. This works well when nearly
everyone has a proper job. If the vast majority does not, then the whole picture changes.
Informal activities are highly contextual. They are difficult to define and identify. It is not like a paycheck with a specific
amount; or a registered plot (even in rural areas). I can share an example of a Zambian woman who does occasional
trips to Katima Mulilo to buy essential commodities to sell them at a home shop to neighbours. Her income is not easy
to pin down, she may herself not know it; and even if she did, she would not tell. So those who are running economic
development programmes or social services struggle to establish a reliable basis for their work.
The ideal of everyone having a proper job will not be possible. And we cannot get impatient with people if they do not
fit our categories, if our narratives are out of date, or if we cannot get reliable data.
We should not give up on the issue. We can still talk to people to get a broader picture. This requires humility and
recognition that people are experts at managing their own resources. We need to find policies that take advantage of
this understanding and the knowledge that people have, to enable them to act on that knowledge.
Ill give you an example: during the AIDS epidemic in Zambia, there were women that took in orphans. The government
tried to keep track of these women and delivered maize meal monthly to them. Think about if this was changed to a
simpler system giving women the cash of the value of the maize meal, so they can buy maize meal, or other things that
might be necessary at that particular time: access to healthcare, medicines, transport. The value of income support
through cash transfer social programmes is that it embodies flexibility. It opens the possibility for people to choose from
a variety of options, according to their own priorities and needs.
This is what the Basic Income Grant did in Namibia15, by giving cash as a kind of social programme.
Discussion
The following issues were raised and reflected upon:
- The relevance of methodology: how often research seems to imply the collection of hard data (i.e.
numbers), while what may be needed are narratives about what actually takes place regarding the issues we
investigate.
- The stark contrast between state control through overregulation and the complexity of life situations of those
that it intends to regulate.
- Resources spent on policing regulation rather than impacting real lives.
- The mismatch between state social security and traditional welfare practices (e.g. child rearing, elder care).
- The danger of overregulation leading to increased informality and non-compliance.
- That that which is not known is conveniently put into the category of informal. This is like sweeping
important issues under the rug. Are people and practices being informalised through discourse?
- The importance of differentiating within the informal. Analytically, shebeens that might raise revenues in
large amounts cannot be placed in the same category as a small trader selling oranges on the side of the
road.
- The need for formal interventions to learn from informal ones. An example was given about how transport
routes are often born out of the needs that people identify, even when the Local Authority might try to force
designated routes and/or stops.
13NSA.(2016).TheNamibiaLabourForceSurvey2016Report.RetrievedfromNamibiaStatisticsAgencywebsite:
https://cms.my.na/assets/documents/Labour_Force_Survey_-_20161.pdf
14Idem.
15See4
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- An example of a failed economic development intervention in Helao Nafidi. The town is emerging, and with
public support, it was allocated funds to construct an industrial park and trading area. Excitement built up,
the place was built and officially opened. However, existing traders refused to move; as they were not
consulted. This led to a situation of forced removal, after which the situation remained unresolved, the venue
remains underused, and the intervention is generally regarded as unsuccessful.
- Some practices are not fully within the formal or the informal, but in-between. It was acknowledged that a
range of formal-informal linkages exist.
- The need to think beyond dualities; thinking about urban-rural, communal and commercial, and formal and
informal.
- It was observed that in communal areas we do not tend to talk about informality as much as in commercial
or urban areas.
- Our current urban development model seems to produce large amounts of domestic workers and security
guards at the service of those with jobs.
- Some argued for the need to look at how new technologies can support informal trade and how innovation is
born in the informal.
- A participant reflected on how the label of informal is something that is imposed on local economies;
traders see themselves as traders or businesspeople, it is planners that categorise them in this way.
- A local government employee said that the municipality is already subsidising transport, and that they receive
complaints from formal businesses how informal traders are negatively impacting their business.
- A participant stressed how notions of development may be Eurocentric, while what was really necessary
was to enhance self-confidence in local practices to allow the emergence of new forms of development.
- Another participant noted how the formal needed to explore ways to support the informal; not ignore it or
punish it. He reminded of the public responsibility in authorities regarding the provision of services and
improving lives of inhabitants.
- Is the rural way of life being brought to urban areas?
- Local economic development infrastructure is based on full cost-recovery. Why is this not considered a public
good, such as road infrastructure?
- The role of public space needs to be re-thought to enable economic activities.
---
Prof Ferguson concluded noting how governments are complex entities, and that one unexplored viewpoint is how
government itself sometimes depends on informal arrangements to perform its functions. He put the example of how
in some countries, prisoners in jails are fed by friends and relatives; not by the prison services.
Photograph 10 Workshop session
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Summary of Namibias historical urban development
The following section summarises a presentation on Namibias historical urban development from the livelihoods point
of view by Guillermo Delgado and Phillip Lühl. It is followed by a summary of the discussions afterwards.
The first point was the on-going and long-standing separation of urban functions that has been taking place since the
Industrial Revolution. The logic of compartmentalisation and specialisation has been a trend that well suited mechanic
reproduction; this was necessary in organising factories, workers, and circulation of goods for this purpose. This logic
has, however, permeated various other aspects of life; including the way we think about cities. This is exemplified in the
layout of Tony Garniers Industrial City (1901-1904), which outlines clearly the thinking of an urban area in terms of
compartments or sectors residential areas on one hand, industrial areas on the other, and infrastructure separating
the various spaces (see Figure 1).
Figure 1 Industrial City (1901-1904), Tony Garnier16
This thinking came to Southern Africa through colonialism,
which tried to re-organise life in the image of the modern
European project. In the case of Namibia, the entire territory
was restructured through the contract labour system to
support the colonial industry. Similar to the Industrial
Revolution, migration from rural to urban areas (in many
cases, newly-created ones) took place but in a strictly
controlled manner. This is illustrated in John Muafangejos
Men are working in town print, where the divisions
between workplace, home, urban and rural areas, appears
emphasised by clear lines (see Figure 2).
Figure 2 Men are working in town (1981), John Muafangejo. 17
Namibias territory was re-structured at the national scale through the
establishment of homelands for each cultural group, through displacement
and land dispossession. This is the backdrop to the uneven national territorial
structure that Namibia retains to this day18. Urban areas became the sites of
restructuring through displacement. When the movement of people was still
under strict control, black workers were housed in labour compounds or
confined to townships separated from the white areas. Cities in Namibia
display clear compartmentalisation of functions (e.g. central business district,
residential areas, industrial areas); with an added layer of segregation along
racial and income lines (see Figure 3). This is the structure that most of
Namibian urban areas bear still today; even if they were not planned during the
apartheid times.
16BerlageInstitute.(2008).SocialIn-HabitatCaracas.AUnitary-RelationalProjectofUrbanSpace(TheBerlageInstituteResearchReportNo.
17).Rotterdam:BerlageInstitute.
17Gilmour,P.,Levinson,O.,&Tutu,D.(1992).IwasLoneliness:TheCompleteGraphicWorksofJohnMuafangejo:aCatalogueRaisonné1968-
1987.StruikWinchester.
18About70%ofthefreeholdcommercialfarmlandinNamibiaisownedbypreviouslyadvantaged(i.e.whites).See:NSA.(2018).Namibia
LandStatistics.RetrievedfromNamibiaStatisticsAgencywebsite:
http://dna.nust.na/landconference/submissions_2018/NamibiaLandStatistics2018.pdf
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Figure 3 Maps of Windhoek in 1970 and 201019.
It is crucial to stress that this compartmentalised thinking about cities is still premised on full employment and, in the
case of Namibian cities, on authoritarian control of movement of people. This translates into the promotion of new
business parks, industrial areas, and SME incubators; while on the other hand, discouraging street or home-based
economies. However, the reality has changed, and today most of those living in an urban area live in informal
settlements20, and most of those considered employed work in the informal21. This, however, has not changed the
thinking at the policy level; which can be exemplified in how national documents (see Figure 4) still promote
industrialisation and employment creation as the main strategy for public intervention, while neglecting almost fully
informal livelihoods that arguably sustain most households today.
19Lühl,P.(2013).Theproductionofinequality:FromcolonialplanningtoneoliberalurbanisationinWindhoek.DigestofNamibian
Architecture,2630.
20Muller,A.(2018).Informalsettlements(No.6/2018).RetrievedfromIntegratedLandManagementInstitutewebsite:
http://ilmi.nust.na/sites/default/files/FACT-SHEET-6-2018-Informal-settlements.pdf
21See13
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Figure 4 Key national documents concerned with livelihoods22
This impacts the way we think about urban livelihoods and how Local Authorities deal with informal trade in urban
areas. While informal trade happens in places that provide opportunities for traders, the formal thinking about how
business should be conducted remains influenced by imaginaries of formal shopping centres (see Figure 5). However,
these two models occupy the two extremes of a spectrum. A further problem arises when the formal displaces the
informal, causing damage and disruption in the livelihoods of those who do not have viable alternatives. This happens
when ill-informed public interventions attempt to formalise trade that happens without much regulation, which is a
tendency that can be observed in the various local authorities where new markets have been developed for informal
traders (e.g. Oshakati, Gobabis, Tsumeb). This shows that there is still no appreciation of actual emerging livelihood
strategies, and that the segregated, compartmentalised thinking about the urban livelihoods continues to this day.
Figure 5 Wood workers informal market in Windhoek (Photo: Francis Shilongo); and images of the neighbouring Grove Mall (Source:
DuckDuckGo images).
22RepublicofNamibia.(2017).NationalPlans|NDP5NationalPlanningCommissionofNamibia.RetrievedfromOfficeofthePresident,
NationalPlanningCommissionwebsite:http://www.npc.gov.na/?page_id=948;MPESW.(2018).DraftSocialProtectionPolicy.Retrieved
fromMinistryofPovertyEradicationandSocialWelfarewebsite:
http://www.mpesw.gov.na/documents/227474/356397/Draft+Social+Protection+Policy/ebffdb18-771c-445c-a0e0-5c60a2064a68;MTI.
(n.d.).GrowthatHome.NamibiasExecutionStrategyforIndustrialisation.RetrievedfromMinistryofTradeandIndustrywebsite:
http://www.mti.gov.na/downloads/GrowthinNamibia.pdf
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 15
The concrete invitation to participants was to start imagining public interventions in urban areas in a new light,
considering the historical legacies that continue to segregate functions and people. During the field visit to an SME Park
in Windhoek, it was observed that the intensity of economic activity was much higher outside the park than inside; and
even within the park, vendors would be found (see Figure 6). The concluding message was the urgency of re-thinking
strategies to support actually existing livelihoods in urban areas.
Figure 6 SME Park in Windhoek, and a food vendor passing through seeking clients.
Discussion
The role of regulations as a factor in reproducing compartmentalised/segregated urban development was highlighted.
The case of Opuwo was highlighted, as recent research shows another attempt to displace an existing market due to a
formal development purportedly bringing economic opportunities23.
The complexity of cities was said to be underestimated; it is still believed that a top-down intervention will solve urban
challenges.
The need for neighbourhood organisations to have a voice in urban development was highlighted.
A participant outlined several proposals made from the informal traders to government that were turned down and
reported that traders experience a general sense of rejection from authorities.
It was argued that existing frameworks do not necessarily need to be fully abolished, as they can become more flexible.
Appropriating planning schemes to become more flexible and accommodating for street trading was suggested.
23Namupala,M.,Ganes,S.,&Uarije,U.(forthcoming).UpgradingtheEpupaMarketandEmpoweringStreetEconomiesinCentralOpuwo(ILMI
ResearchReportNo.2/2019).Windhoek:IntegratedLandManagementInstitute.
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 16
Interactive/projective session on implications of new modes of livelihoods for
Namibias urban future
For this session, participants were acquainted with the questions and groups were formed in an aleatory manner. This
section presents a summary of the results.
What do you do?
Participants outlined their discipline or practice (see List of participants).
What are the challenges faced?
Over-regulation and conflict in regulatory systems.
Silo effect (e.g. in large municipalities, lack of cooperation)
Opposition to change and risk aversion.
Paternalism, lack of supporting independent judgement.
Lack of information about the informal sector, many decisions are based on assumptions.
Bureaucratisation of solutions that are in principle simple; the example of the Flexible Land Tenure was raised.
One-size-fits-all policies.
Lack of communication between those with information (e.g. academics, government) and the grassroots.
Training institutions preparing graduates for jobs that does not exist.
What are the enablers?
Interaction and networking, cooperation between agencies.
Independent activities from institutional and corporate bureaucracy.
Research on relevant issues.
Workshops like the one documented here.
Cultural practices that blur the line between categories.
What would be the ideal situation?
Dialogue in modalities that are more horizontal, where all parties can listen to each other.
A scenario where there would be abundance of data and experimental projects.
Public Institutions should be enabling rather than prohibitive or punitive.
Place-based development: case-based learning and development based on this. Develop what there is instead
of displacing it.
Governance should not be definitive, but authorities should adopt a learning attitude.
Friendly encounters between parties that do not ordinarily meet.
There should be more respect for self-regulation; increased trust.
Integrated planning between institutions, between disciplines, and between geographies (urban and rural).
There needs to be courage to experiment, and also to follow-up on what has taken place.
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 17
Discussion
The importance of data was put in perspective; although it is important to gather information, it is also important to
think strategically about how to mobilise this information.
Place-based development as a way to start at strategic places and then re-look at development and policies based on
experience.
The need to think about open-ended processes, instead of aiming at having pre-determined outcomes was raised.
The language of regulation was highlighted; how authorities must articulate less what must be and more with may
be.
The need for adequate regulation was raised; e.g. how a deficiency in health regulations in meat trade would also
damage informal trade itself.
The question of the need to perceive a space as public was raised, as how this would become an enabler for locally-
based livelihoods. However, it was also noted that in some local languages the words public space as such does not
exist.
---
Prof. Ferguson concluded with a reminder that what is desirable or undesirable is conflicted due to the views that
different parties have. A universal desirability cannot be assumed.
Moderated panel with local economic development initiatives.
The panel was moderated by Ellison Tjirera, and it consisted of representatives from the Namibia Informal Sector Organisation (NISO),
the Namibia Transport and Taxi Union (NTTU), the Young Entrepreneurs Group Association (YEGA), and the Union of Institutional and
Household Employees of Namibia (UIHENI). Their contributions are listed below. These are followed by discussion.
What do you do?
NISO - Formed in 2009, Okatumbatumba Hawkers Association and Shebeen Association were under Namibia Small
Traders Association; then with consultation with Ministry of Trade and Industry24, the Namibia Chamber of Commerce
and Industry (NCCI), and the Ministry of Urban and Rural Development (MURD), it was decided to form NISO. There
were nevertheless frictions between government and informal sector, then they staged demonstrations in 2006 and
2007. The then-president Pohamba requested dialogue, and in 2007 an inter-ministerial committee was formed to
discuss issues on the informal sector. The outcome was that there needed to be an organization representing the
informal sector. Negotiations continue with MITSMED on working relationships.
YEGA - It represents entrepreneurship. The organisation started in 2014, and recently formalized as a section 21
company. There is a membership free, and there are bout 400 members. They do advocacy and aim to influence policy,
as they regard young people are underrepresented in the process of policymaking. Their goal is to make environment
conducive for entrepreneurship.
UIHENI - The union was founded in 2014. They undertook a survey, and when members were asked what are your
needs?, most said housing. Besides doing trade union work, they also undertake research.
NTTU It was registered in 2006 to advocate for the interest of taxi drivers in Namibia. The industry is not regulated, so
they advocate for regulation of the industry. They would like to see taxi drivers considered as labourers, not slaves.
They dont want to be seen as troublemakers. There is a draft bill on the regulation of the industry currently being
discussed.
24See12
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 18
What are the challenges faced with regards to livelihoods?
UIHENI - Domestic workers were affected by the minimum wage25. This was set by government without taking into
account some of the claims from below. The wage is too small, and even then, some employees use the minimum
wage as a reason to retrench.
NTTU - The industry is un-recognised and un-regulated. Labour laws dont apply; and as an organisation, there are no
membership fees to deduct. The industry is worth almost N$2bn26. NTTU looks at the interest of taxi drivers, other
association represents taxi owners. In effect, they are a transport union. Regarding tax, there are the government
brackets for income27; but a levy can be established to support the industry.
NISO While two-thirds of the workforce is in the informal economy28, there is no national policy for the informal sector.
There is, however, an SME policy. Informality often leads to harassment by authorities. Market stalls are not enough;
the CoW develops some, but they are in townships, not in the places where there are better economic opportunities.
There are election promises to informal traders being made, instead of continuous engagement. There is also a bad
reputation of informal sector, a stigma. They have been criticized for protecting foreigners, as there is a perception
that job opportunities should go to Namibians. The Africa Builders Association said that builders could help with the
construction of houses in the informal settlements, which would have been a more successful approach than mass
housing.
YEGA There is a cultural challenge where entrepreneurship is not regarded as a career. Parents and government push
younger generations for a proper job. If one starts a new business, profit would be received in months or years; while
in a job, one gets money after 30 days. There is also a lack of unity of purpose, we dont buy from each other. The
norm requires one to have a job. Entrepreneurship is regarded as something one does on the side, not a main
activity. There is a mechanism called infant protection from MITSMED in order for new companies to benefit at the
start29, but the procedure to access this is cumbersome.
What are the enablers? What would be the ideal situation?
UIHENI - Their strong membership base, and the skills that members have; some do businesses on the side of their
employment.
YEGA There are success stories, as there have been policy changes that are favourable to young people. They see a
potential solution in the new public-private partnership (PPP) Act30. They see new forms of entrepreneurial
opportunities emerging in transport, agriculture, energy, and water supply.
NISO - There could be seed funding for small traders to start or grow their business. They see an opportunity to grow
fresh produce in the city, as the distribution issue becomes less.
NTTU [Mr Januarie had to leave early during the session.]
25TheminimumwagefordomesticworkersstandsatN$1,502permonth.See:TheNamibian.(2017,September8).Newminimumwageof
N$1502fordomesticworkers.TheNamibian.Retrievedfromhttps://www.namibian.com.na/index.php?page=archive-read&id=169068
26Itwasunspecifiedwhetherthisisayearlyestimate.
27InNamibia,incometaxisonlyduetothefiscuswhenyearlyearningsareaboveN$50,000.See:PWC.(2018).HistoricalIncomeTaxRates
Namibia.RetrievedfromPWCNamibiawebsite:https://www.pwc.com/na/en/assets/pdf/historical-namibian-income-tax-rates.pdf
28See13
29See:MTI.(n.d.).NamibiasIndustrialPolicy.RetrievedfromMinistryofTradeandIndustrywebsite:
http://www.mti.gov.na/downloads/namibian%20industrial%20policy.pdf
30Act4or2017
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 19
Discussion
The distinction between regulation and recognition appeared to be blurred. The desire to be regarded by the state as a
legitimate stakeholder seems to be articulated as a claim for regulation.
The language of NISO speaks of the informal, while the state appears to favour the term SME. This appears to raise
the discrepancy between the small mindset (i.e. small traders) and the potential for scalability (i.e. and SME turning
into a medium or large enterprise).
From the point of view of traders, the challenge is not the lack of opportunities, but that opportunities are not allowed
to grow. A claim was articulated as grow me through what I am doing. There were claims to see the informal sector as
a poverty-eradication strategy.
The question of scale was raised; i.e. the regulation that large companies necessitate is not the same kind of regulation
that would be appropriate for a small trader.
New terminology for the informal was discussed: e.g. subsistence-based economies, hidden economies.
Photograph 11 Moderated panel discussion
Final presentations and key emerging themes
At this point, the key emerging themes were
(1) around issues of formalisation and regulation/de-regulation,
(2) recognition and dialogue, and
(3) spatial enablers/interventions (e.g. land, housing, public space, transport).
Participants voluntarily grouped in four teams around the theme they felt closer to.
To tease out new ideas and implementable actions, the authors employed a template that each of the groups had to
complete with reference to the theme. The template followed the following structure31:
1. There was a time when we believed that&
2. And this is what was done&
3. However, we now know that&
4. This changes the way we&
5. So what we will do is&
31ThiswasastructurepresentedfordoctoralresearchersattheUniversityofCapeTownspostgraduateworkshopin2017ledbyProf.Peter
Meissner,whichGuillermoDelgadoattended.
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 20
The following is a summary of the presentations.
Economic hierarchy.
There was a time when we believed that economic hierarchies worked.
And this was done by assigning higher value to some jobs rather than others.
However, we know that this is not true as an informal vendor has just as enough value as a lawyer.
This changes the way we see each other in business, economic activities and everyday life.
So we will understand all sectors as a contribution to a holistic economic system.
Policies
There was a time when we believed that umbrella/blankets policies worked.
And this was done by assuming everyone had the same needs by experiencing the same problems.
However, we know that situations and scales differ vastly.
This changes the way government legislates and makes policies which are ineffective or inflexible and not
suited for people.
So we will tailor policies which will recognize sectors as specific and unique by consulting, collaborating and
advocating. As a result, suggesting alternatives which are fit for each specific branch.
Employment
There was a time when we believed formal ways of employment were what we needed.
And this was done by instituting universities, schools, formal education and registration.
However, we know that you do not need this to function economically.
This changes the way we see education and employment.
So we will gear opportunities of growth and opportunities by avoiding stigmatization by culture, allowing
peoples passion and opportunities.
Government
There was a time when we believed top-down governments were the solution to recognition.
And this was done by electing a government.
However, we know that top officials do not fully understand the situation on the ground because they do not
experience it.
This changes the way we see central government.
So we will create bottom-up pressure by using recognition formats and dialogues.
Unions
There was a time when we believed unions are the primary formats to engage with government.
And this was done by forming unions for different sectors.
However, we know that alternatives to dialogue with Government exist, but current modes of dialogues do
not work.
This changes the way we represent different groups and sectors to government.
So we will use pressure generated by effectively combining our recognition devices such as: media, (new)
unions, demonstration, etc.
Data
There was a time when we believed convincing arguments are just made of data.
And this was done by following statistics which lead to drawing conclusions based on numbers and not
experiences or the everyday.
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 21
However, we know that alternative ways of presenting arguments exist which can present evidence and be
more effective.
This changes the way we structure and implement ideas in a representative manner to truly represent what is
happening.
So we will find alternatives to data to change things.
---
Prof. Ferguson concluded with a set of reflections he noted the resilience of regulations. How it seems virtually
impossible to move away from these, which enhanced the dualities between formal and informal. He also reminded
how in the continent; regulations are not necessarily followed strictly.
He also observed how there was an earnest regard of the role of the state, that it should do something.
He also warned how regulations are not always solutions to problems, but in many cases they themselves become
problematic. Regulations often create situations where one party benefits at expense of others. He also reminded that
one needs to identify clearly which interests motivate regulations. He also reminded that overregulation can itself give
way to illegalities.
He also noted that it is important to engage with the actually existing reality. In some cases, it is the laws and regulations
that seem to be in a fantasy world; regulating a world that is not there.
He stressed the need to attend to peoples knowledge and cultivate what emerges from it. It would be impossible for
a state to find the details of the lives of everyone, but there is a possibility of policies enabling peoples knowledge and
mobilising it.
Conclusions: outlining a research agenda on livelihoods for Namibias urban future
In lieu of conclusions, this document outlines the themes that emerged throughout the workshop that could be
considered a research agenda on livelihoods for Namibias urban future.
" The implications of the labour outlook in Namibia.
" Outlining success factors in vibrant economic places in Namibias urban areas.
" Mapping and evaluating local economic development strategies of Namibias local authorities.
" Impact of land use and densities in local livelihoods.
" Mapping of strategic spaces for urban livelihoods.
" Assessing and reviewing the regulatory framework of public markets and trading spaces.
" Investigating and mapping self-managed trading places, with a focus on their governance.
" Nationwide distribution networks enabling local livelihoods in urban areas.
" Mapping change in the evolution of older trading activities.
" Mapping of the rotation and permanence in local and central government trading spaces.
" Calculating revenue in local and central government trading spaces and self-managed ones.
" Spatial typologies enabling trade in urban areas.
" Mapping of actually existing land use in residential areas where local livelihoods are vibrant.
" Mapping of home-based economies where such livelihoods are vibrant.
" Adequate methodological strategies to account for actually-existing livelihoods.
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 22
" Measuring overregulation risk and assessing the likelihood of the regulatory framework of local economic
development.
" Linkages between traditional and statutory welfare practices.
" Diversity within the informal, outlining categories within informal trade.
" Revisiting failed public interventions for economic development, identifying bad practice.
" Documenting hybrid economic practices (in-between formal and informal).
" New technologies and their contribution to actually-existing local (informal) economies.
" Emerging development categories: informing new development concepts based in local practice.
" Interrogating how the regulatory framework enhances segregation in urban areas.
" Mapping the presence of neighbourhood organisations and their impact in urban areas.
" Calculating the fiscal contribution of small traders.
" The role of land tenure and land use in enabling/discouraging informal livelihoods.
© 2019 ILMI Integrated Land Management Institute
ILMI is a research centre at the Faculty of Natural Resources and Spatial Sciences (FNRSS) at the
Namibia University of Science and Technology (NUST).
Views expressed by the authors are not to be attributed to any of these institutions.
Please visit our website for details on ILMIs publications policy: http://ilmi.nust.na
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 23
Annexures
List of participants
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 24
URBAN FORUM 2019 New Livelihoods for Namibias Urban Future: Workshop with Prof James Ferguson
ILMI Document No. 3/2019 Page 25
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